century, had for several generations been distinguished amongst the
nations of Europe, when another pagan tribe from the same
stock--issuing like them from the Mongolian plains, and turning the
Black Sea by the south, as they had done by the north--crossed the
Bosphorus, overturned the throne of the Cæsars, and established on its
ruins an Asiatic empire, which became the terror of Christendom. The
Majjars, converted to Christianity, encountered on the banks of the
Danube this cognate race, converted to Islamism, and became the first
bulwark of Christian Europe against the Turks. The deserts of Central
Asia, which had sent forth the warlike tribe that threatened Eastern
Europe with subjugation, had also furnished the prowess that was
destined to arrest their progress. The court of Hungary had long been
the resort of men of learning and science; the chivalry of Europe had
flocked to her camps, where military ardour was never disappointed of
a combat, or religious zeal of an opportunity to slaughter infidels.
In 1526, Ludovic, King of Hungary and Bohemia, with the flower of the
Hungarian chivalry, fell fighting with the Turks at the disastrous
battle of Mohacs--the Flodden field of Hungary. The monarchy was then
elective, but when the late king left heirs of his body the election
was but a matter of form. When the monarch died without leaving an
heir of his body, the nation freely exercised its right of election,
and on more than one such occasion had chosen their king from amongst
the members of princely houses in other parts of Europe. In this
manner Charles Robert, of the Neapolitan branch of the house of Anjou
and Ladislas, King of Bohemia, son of Casimir King of Poland, and
father of Ludovic who fell at Mohacs, had been placed upon the throne.
Ludovic died without issue, and he was the last male of his line--it
therefore became necessary to choose a king from some other house.
Ferdinand, brother of the Emperor Charles V., had married his cousin
Anne, daughter of Ladislas, and sister of Ludovic the late King of
Hungary and Bohemia. His personal character, his connexion with the
royal family of Hungary, and the support he might expect from the
emperor in the war against the Turks, prevailed over the national
antipathy to Austria, and he was elected to the vacant throne, though
not without a contest. He was crowned according to the ancient customs
of Hungary, and at his coronation took the oath which had been
administered on similar occasions to his predecessors. He thereby
bound himself to govern according to the laws, and to maintain and
defend the constitution and the territory of Hungary. He was likewise
elected King of Bohemia, after subscribing a document, by which he
renounced every other claim to the crown than that which he derived
from his election. The emperor surrendered to him the crown of
Austria, and these three crowns were thus, for the first time, united
in a prince of the house of Hapsburg. These states were altogether
independent one of another, had their separate laws, institutions, and
customs, and had no other bond of connexion than the accidental union
of the crowns in one person--a union which might at any time, on the
demise of the crown, have been dissolved. It resembled, in this
respect, the union of the crowns of Great Britain and Hanover in the
persons of our own sovereigns, that it left the kingdoms both _de
jure_ and _de facto_ independent of each other. In 1558, Ferdinand was
elected Emperor of Germany; but as emperor he could claim no
jurisdiction in Hungary, which was not then, and never was, included
in the German empire. The monarchy of Hungary continued to be
elective, and the nation continued to give a preference to the heirs
of the late monarch. The princes of the house of Hapsburg, who
succeeded to the throne of Austria, were thus successively elected to
that of Hungary; were separately crowned in that kingdom, according to
its ancient customs; and at their coronation took the same oath that
Ferdinand had taken.
In 1687 the states of Hungary decreed that the throne, which had
hitherto been filled by election, should thenceforward be hereditary
in the male heirs of the house of Hapsburg; and in 1723, the diet, by
agreeing to the Pragmatic sanction of Charles III. of Hungary, (the
Emperor Charles VI. of Germany,) extended the right of succession to
the female descendants of that prince. These two measures were
intended, and calculated, to perpetuate the union of the two crowns in
the same person. The order of succession to the crown of Hungary was
thus definitively settled by statute, and could not legally be
departed from, unless with the concurrence both of the diet and of the
sovereign. So long, therefore, as the crown of Austria was transmitted
in the same order of succession as that in which the crown of Hungary
had been settled, the union would be preserved; but any deviation in
Austria from the order fixed by law in Hungary would lead to a
separation of the crowns, unless the Hungarian diet could be induced
to consent to a new settlement. Thus we have seen the crowns of Great
Britain and Hanover united for four generations, and separated in the
fifth, because one was settled on heirs male or female, the other on
heirs male only.
An attempt has been made, with reference to recent events, to found on
the Pragmatic Sanction pretensions that might derogate from the
absolute independence of Hungary; but the articles of the Hungarian
diet[31] of 1790 appear to be fatal to any such pretensions. By
Article 10 of that year it is declared, that "Hungary is a country
free and independent in her entire system of legislation and of
government; that she is not subject to any other people, or any other
state, but that she shall have her own separate existence, and her own
constitution, and shall consequently be governed by kings crowned
according to her national laws and customs." By Article 12 of the same
diet it was declared, that the power to enact, to interpret, and to
abrogate the laws, was vested conjointly in the king, legitimately
crowned, and the diet; and that no attempt should ever be made to
govern by edicts or arbitrary acts. By Article 13 it was decreed, that
the diet should be called together once every three years at the
least. By Article 19 it was declared, that imposts could not be levied
at the king's pleasure, but must be freely voted by the two tables
(houses) from one diet to another. All these acts received the formal
assent of Leopold II., and thus became statutes of the kingdom.
The successors of Leopold--Francis II., and Ferdinand, who has
recently abdicated--received the crown of Hungary on the conditions
implied in the coronation oath, which was administered to them in the
usual manner, and by which they bound themselves to respect and
maintain the constitution as by law established, and to govern
according to the statutes. The question whether the late emperor
should be addressed Ferdinand I. or Ferdinand V. was a subject of
debate in the diet while Mr Paget was at Presburg, and he gives the
following account of the proceedings:--
"The bill now brought up from the deputies, and to which the
degree of importance attached by all parties appeared
ridiculous to a stranger, had reference to the appellation of
the new king.... The matter, however, was not so unimportant
as it may appear; the fact is, he is Emperor Ferdinand I. of
Austria, and King Ferdinand V. of Hungary; and unless Hungary
had ceased to be an independent country, which the greatest
courtier would not dare to insinuate, there could be no
question as to his proper title. The magnates, however,
thought otherwise: it was understood that the court desired
that the style of Ferdinand I. should be used, and the
magnates were too anxious to please not to desire the same
thing. The deputies had now for the fourth time sent up the
same bill, insisting on the title of Ferdinand V.; and for
the fourth time the magnates were now about to reject it....
At the moment when the magnates were as firm as rocks on the
wrong side, the court took the wise course of showing its
contempt for such supporters, by sending down a proclamation
'We Ferdinand V., by the grace of God, King of Hungary, &c.
&c.'"
It must not be supposed that these articles of 1790 conferred upon the
diet any new powers, or implied any new concessions on the part of the
king. They were declaratory acts, framed for the purpose of exacting
from Leopold II. securities against a renewal of the arbitrary
proceedings to which Joseph had resorted; and they merely reasserted
what the Hungarian constitution had provided long before the election
of Ferdinand I.--what had for several generations been the law of the
land.
The Hungarians were not satisfied with having obtained from Leopold a
formal renunciation of Joseph's illegal pretensions. They felt, and
the cabinet admitted, that the ancient institutions of Hungary--which
had with difficulty been preserved, and which for some generations had
been deteriorating rather than improving under the influence of the
Austrian government--were no longer suited to the altered
circumstances of the country, to the growing intelligence and
advancing civilisation of its inhabitants. But they desired to effect
all necessary ameliorations cautiously and deliberately. They were
neither enamoured of the republican doctrines of France, nor disposed
to engage in destructive reforms for the purpose of framing a new
constitution. They desired to improve, not to destroy, that which they
possessed. They would probably have preferred to effect the necessary
ameliorations in each department successively; but they feared the
direction that might be given by the influence of the crown, to any
gradual modification of the existing institutions that might be
attempted. By the constitution of Hungary, the diet is precluded from
discussing any measures that have not been brought before it in the
royal propositions, or king's speech--unless cases of particular
grievances which may be brought before the diet by individual members.
To engage in a course of successive reforms would have exposed the
diet to the danger of being arrested in its progress, as soon as it
had passed such measures as were acceptable to the cabinet. They
therefore named a commission, including the most enlightened and the
ablest men in the country, to report on the whole legislation of
Hungary in all its branches. This great national commission was formed
of seven committees, or sub-commissions, each of which undertook to
report on one department. The committees were--1st, That on the
Urbarial code, or the condition of the peasants, and their relations
to the proprietors: 2d, On the army, and all that related to it: 3d,
On public policy, including the powers and jurisdiction of the diet,
and of its different component parts: 4th, On matters ecclesiastical
and literary, including education: 5th, On commerce: 6th, On the civil
and criminal codes: and 7th, On contributions, including the whole
system of taxation, and everything connected with the public revenue.
The reports of this national commission, which are known as the
"Operata systematica commissionis regnicolaris," recommended
comprehensive ameliorations of the laws, and were creditable to the
intelligence, science, statesmanship, and good sense of the
commissions. The reports upon the commercial and the criminal codes,
more especially, attracted the attention and the admiration of some of
the ablest men in Germany.
From this time forward, each succeeding diet endeavoured to get the
recommendations of the commission introduced into the royal
propositions. The cabinet never refused--often promised to comply with
this demand, but always deferred the discussion. Probably it was not
averse to some of the measures proposed, or at least not unwilling to
adopt them in part. The projected reform of the Urbarial code would
have tended to increase the revenue, and to facilitate its collection;
but it would at the same time have imposed upon the nobles new
burdens, and required of them considerable sacrifices--and, before
submitting to these, they were desirous to secure a more efficient
control over the national expenditure, and ameliorations of the
Austrian commercial system, which, by heavy duties, had depreciated
the value of the agricultural produce that furnished their incomes.
The diet, therefore, desired to get the _operata systematica_
considered as a whole; the cabinet, and the party in Hungary which
supported it, sought to restrict the diet to the discussion of such
changes only as were calculated to benefit Austria.
When Francis II., who had for some years been Palatine of Hungary,
ascended the thrones of that kingdom and of Austria in 1792, there was
no question as to the independence of Hungary, which had been so fully
recognised by his father. The usual oath was administered to him at
his coronation, which was conducted in the usual manner; and in his
reply to the address of the Hungarian diet, on his accession, he
showed no disposition to invade the constitutional rights of the
Hungarians. "I affirm," he said, "with sincerity, that I will not
allow myself to be surpassed in the affection we owe to each other.
Tell your citizens that, faithful to my character, I shall be the
guardian of the constitution: my will shall be no other than that of
the law, and my efforts shall have no other guides than honour, good
faith, and unalterable confidence in the magnanimous Hungarian
nation." To these sentiments the diet responded by voting all the
supplies, and the troops, demanded of them by the king.
In 1796, the diet was again called together, to be informed that,
"attacked by the impious and iniquitous French nation, the king felt
the necessity of consulting his faithful states of Hungary,
remembering that, under Maria Theresa, Hungary had saved the
monarchy." The diet voted a contingent of 50,000 men, and undertook to
provision the Austrian army, amounting to 340,000 soldiers. It urged
the government to propose the consideration of the _operata
systematica_; but the cabinet replied that it must consult and
reflect; and, in the mean time, the diet was dissolved after only
nineteen sittings. These proceedings produced a general feeling of
discontent in Hungary, which threatened to become embarrassing; but
the success of the French armies aroused the military spirit and
loyalty of the Hungarians, and the appointment, at the same time, of
the amicable and enlightened Archduke Joseph to the dignity of
Palatine of Hungary, in which he retained for fifty years the respect
and affection of all parties, tended to preserve their attachment,
though it did not silence their complaints.
When the diet met in 1802, the peace of Amiens had been concluded.
"Until now," (said the king in his answer to the address,)
"circumstances have not permitted my government to attend to
anything but the war, which has afforded you an occasion to
show your zeal and your fidelity. With commendable
generosity, you have voted the contingents and the subsidies
which the situation of the empire demanded; and the
remembrance of your devotion shall never be extinguished in
my heart, or in the hearts of my family. But, now that peace
is concluded, I desire to extend my solicitude to the kingdom
of Hungary--to the country which has most effectually aided
me in the wars I have had to sustain--which, by its extent,
its population, its fertility, the noble character and the
valour of its inhabitants, is the chief bulwark of the
monarchy. My desire is to arrange with the states of Hungary
the means of increasing her prosperity, and to merit the
thanks of the nation."
But the peace of Amiens proved to be a hollow truce, and this
flattering communication became the prelude to renewed demands for men
and money. To hasten the votes on the supplies, the diet was informed
that it would be dissolved in two months. In the debate which ensued,
one of the members uttered the sentiments of the nation, when he
said--"It is plain that the king calls us together only when he wants
soldiers and supplies. He knows that, after all, we have too much
honour to allow the majesty of the King of Hungary to be insulted by
his enemies." The impost was increased, and the contingent raised to
64,000 men; but the consideration of the measures recommended by the
great national commission, though promised, was deferred by the king.
The diet of 1805 resembled that of 1802--the same promises ending in
similar disappointment.
The diet of 1807 was more remarkable. To the usual demands was added
the royal proposition, that the "insurrection," or _levée en masse_,
should be organised, and ready to march at the first signal. The
patience of the nation was exhausted. The diet represented to the
king, in firm but respectful addresses, the disorder in the finances
produced by the amount of paper-money issued in disregard of their
remonstrances, and called upon the government to repair the evil. They
said that, during many years, the country had done enough to prove its
fidelity to the sovereign, whose royal promises had not been
fulfilled; and that henceforth the Hungarians could not expend their
lives and fortunes in the defence of his hereditary states, unless he
seriously took in hand the interests of their native country. They
demanded the revision of the commercial system, and liberty freely to
export the produce of the country, and freely to import the
productions of other countries. They complained of a new depreciation
of the currency, demanded a reduction of the duty on salt, (the
produce of their own mines,) which had recently been augmented, and
denounced "the injustice of paralysing the industry of a people, while
requiring of them great sacrifices."
The justice of these representations was admitted, but no satisfactory
answer was returned; and the murmurs at Presburg became loud enough to
cause alarm at Vienna. The advance of Napoleon to the frontiers of
Hungary turned the current of the national feeling. It was now the
sacred soil of Hungary that was threatened with desecration, and the
diet not only voted all the subsidies and 20,000 recruits, but the
whole body of the nobles or freemen spontaneously offered one-sixth of
their incomes, and a _levée en masse_ was decreed for three years.
Napoleon's attempts to detach the Hungarians from the cause of their
king were unavailing, and their devotion to his person was never more
conspicuous than when he had lost the power to reward it.
In 1811 the royal propositions, in addition to the usual demands,
requested the diet to vote an extraordinary supply of twelve millions
of florins, and to guarantee Austrian paper money to the amount of one
hundred millions, (about ten millions sterling.) The diet called for
the account of the previous expenditure, and were told that the
details of the budget were secrets of state. This answer excited the
greatest indignation, and they refused to vote any extraordinary
supply till the accounts were produced. They complained that the
finances of Hungary were administered by Austrians--foreigners, who
were excluded by law from a voice in their affairs--and that the
cabinet of the emperor had illegally mixed up the finances of Hungary
with those of the hereditary states of Austria. Some members of the
diet even threatened to impeach the ministers. In their addresses to
the throne, the financial administration of the imperial government
was roughly handled; and the cabinet, perceiving that the debates at
Presburg had inconveniently directed attention, even in the Hereditary
States, to financial questions, hastily withdrew their propositions.
The peace of 1815 restored to Europe the repose she had long desired,
and to Hungary many of her sons who had long been absent. In the midst
of war, her diet had never ceased to attend to the internal
administration of the country, to the improvement of her resources,
and the advancement of her population in material prosperity and
intelligence. All the comprehensive measures prepared with this view
had been postponed or neglected by the king, acting by the advice of
his Austrian cabinet, and supported by a powerful party of the
magnates of Hungary. But though her hopes had been disappointed,
Hungary had never failed, in any moment of difficulty or danger, to
apply her whole power and resources to the defence of the empire. She
never sought, in the embarrassments, the defeat, and misfortunes of
Austria, an opportunity to extort from her king the justice he had
denied to her prayers. She never for a moment swerved from devoted
allegiance to her constitutional monarch. "After all, she had too much
honour to allow the majesty of the King of Hungary to be insulted by
his enemies." She forgave the frequent delays and refusals, by which
the most salutary measures had been frustrated or rejected, because
she knew that the thoughts and the energies of her sovereign and his
Austrian cabinet had been directed to the defence of the empire, and
the preservation of its independence. But now that these were no
longer threatened, that the good cause for which she had fought with
so much gallantry and devotion had triumphed, she had a right to
expect a grateful return for her services--or at least that the
promises, on the faith of which she had lavished her blood and her
treasure in defence of her king and of his Austrian dominions, would
be fulfilled. But the republican outbreak in France had led to long
years of war and desolation; the triumph of monarchy and order over
anarchy had at length been achieved, and men had not only abjured the
doctrines from which so much evil had sprung, but monarchs had learned
to look with distrust on every form of government that permitted the
expression of public opinion, or acknowledged the right of the people
to be heard. Even the mixed government of England, to which order owed
its triumph, was regarded as a danger and a snare to other countries.
The Holy Alliance was formed, and the Austrian cabinet, which for more
than twenty years had flattered the hopes of Hungary when it wanted
her assistance, now boldly resolved to govern that kingdom without the
aid of its diet. In vain did the county assemblies call for the
convocation of the national parliament, which the king was bound, by
the laws he had sworn to observe, to summon every three years. Their
addresses were not even honoured with an answer. In 1822, an attempt
was made to levy imposts and troops by royal edicts. The comitats
(county assemblies) refused to enforce them. In 1823, bodies of troops
were sent--first to overawe, and then to coerce them. The county
officers concealed their archives and official seals, and dispersed.
Royal commissioners were appointed to perform their functions, and
were almost everywhere resisted. The whole administration of the
country, civil and judicial, was in confusion; and, after an unseemly
and damaging contest, the cabinet found it necessary, in 1825, to give
way, and to summon the diet, after an interval of twelve years. One
personal anecdote will convey a more correct impression of the
feelings with which the Hungarians, who were most attached to the
emperor-king, viewed these proceedings, than any detail we could give.
John Nemet, Director Causarum Regalium of Hungary, at a personal
interview with the king, denounced the proceedings of the cabinet. "Do
you know," said the irritated monarch, "that I am emperor and king;
that you may lose your head?" "I know," replied Nemet, "that my life
is in your majesty's hands; but the liberty of my country, and the
honour of my sovereign, are dearer to me than my life."