Antipater the Idumean.

It will be recalled that John Hyrcanus had conquered the Idumeans

and made them, seemingly, Jews. We shall now see the kind of Jews

they were. One of them, Antipater, was the local governor of

this Idumean province. He was a man who lusted for power and had

absolutely no scruples as to the means of gaining his ends. He saw

that if only he could place the weak Hyrcanus on the throne, he

might become a power behind it.

He began by insinuating himself into the favor of the Jewish

nobility, and, ostensibly, as a pleader for justice, emphasized the

evils of Aristobulus' usurpation. Letting that poison work, he came

to the innocent Hyrcanus and played upon his fears with a made-up

story of conspiracy against his life. Most reluctantly was Hyrcanus

persuaded to flee with him from Jerusalem to an Arabian prince,

Aretas. Aretas was induced to lend his aid in the expectation that

Hyrcanus, once in power, would restore the cities Alexander Janneus

had taken from the Arabians.

So unhappy Judah was plunged in war again to gratify the unworthy

ambitions of unworthy men and men not of their own people.

Aristobulus was defeated in battle by Aretas and was besieged in the

Temple Citadel.

Prayer of Onias.

An interesting incident is told at this juncture that recalls the

Bible story of Balaam. (Numbers xxii-xxiv.) In the party of Hyrcanus

there was a man, Onias, who, so said credulous rumor, had brought

rain in times of drought through his fervent prayer. He was now

brought into the camp and asked to invoke God's curse on Aristobulus

and his allies. But such prayer he considered blasphemous, therefore

he voiced his petition to heaven in these words: "O God, King of

the whole world, since those that stand now with me are Thy people

and those that are besieged are also Thy priests, I beseech Thee

that Thou wilt neither hearken to the prayer of those against these,

nor bring about what these pray against those." Alas, the temper of

warfare had not patience or appreciation with this sublime attitude.

The man was stoned. But in a sense his prayer was answered.

Pompey Takes Jerusalem.

For the Aesop fable of the two bears quarrelling over a find, thus

affording opportunity for a third to step in and seize it, was

here to be exemplified. Rome was ever on the watch to bring all

outlying provinces into her net. Pompey, her victorious general,

whose head Julius Caesar was later to demand, was just now making

his triumphant march through Asia. The warring brothers, Hyrcanus

and Aristobolus, appealed to his lieutenant. To leave the decision

with Rome was a dangerous precedent, for the power that could grant

a throne by its decision might also take it away. So, while the

decision was rendered in favor of Aristobulus, it was as vassal

rather than as independent king that he held his throne for some

two years. The real gainer was Rome. It had now the right to

revoke its decision; and it did. The people, disgusted with their

unworthy leaders who cared nothing for the nation, but only for

its honors--appealed to Rome to abolish the monarchy that had

been gradually introduced and restore the old regime of the High

Priesthood.

But the headstrong Aristobulus dared resist even Rome and entrenched

himself against invasion. This was fatal both for him and Judea.

The temple mount was besieged. It was taken with frightful massacre

by lustful Romans. This was in 63. Pompey sacrilegiously entered

the Holy of Holies, in which to his surprise he found no idol;

a spiritual God was an unfamiliar concept to the pagan mind. He

curtailed the Jewish state and made it tributary. Aristobulus must

grace Pompey's triumph at Rome.

So much for the vain conquests of John Hyrcanus and Alexander

Janneus. They evaporated with a word from Pompey. Thus ended the

Judean independence for which the early Maccabees had fought so

nobly. It had endured but seventy-nine years. Over this tributary

State Hyrcanus II. was made High Priest. The kingship created by

the first Aristobulus was short-lived indeed. The scheming Antipater

had won, but graver issues were to be the outcome.

CHAPTER X.

JUDEA UNDER ROMAN SUZERAINTY.

Growth of Rome.

Rome, from the city on the Tiber, had spread over all Italy. Then

gradually it mastered the lands on both sides of the Mediterranean.

Greece and Carthage were absorbed in the same year, 146 B.C.E. Soon

its tide of conquest reached Asia, and nearly all the lands in the

East conquered by Alexander--excepting Persia--were under its sway.

When Greco Syria--which had included Judea until the Maccabean

independence--fell before its arms, it was to be expected that the

never-satisfied Rome would not rest until the land of our fathers

had been added to its possessions. We have seen how an unhappy

series of events played into its hands and hastened this end. In

a sense Rome was becoming the "mistress of the world." Nor was

her sway as transitory as that of earlier world powers--Assyria,

Babylonia, Persia or Macedonia. It was to endure for many centuries

and it has left a lasting impress upon the world's civilization.

Already the Jewish captives that Pompey took to Rome, later freed

and called Libertini, formed together with earlier emigrants the

beginnings of an important Jewish community. Here later still we

find this Jewish colony on the Tiber quietly influencing Roman

affairs.

Judea, with the rest of Palestine, was now placed under the general

supervision of Rome's Syrian governor. Internally its life was

not interfered with, but all temporal--that is political--power

was taken from the High Priest. His authority was confined to

the Temple. Both Aristobulus, who had escaped from Rome, and his

son, Alexander, made foolhardy attempts for the throne, which

only resulted in further curtailing of Judah's power. Yet another

desperate attempt was made for the throne. Alas, it only resulted in

thirty thousand of the defeated malcontents being sold into slavery.

This chafing against Rome's rule only brought its mailed hand more

fiercely against ill-fated Israel.

From First Triumvirate to Empire.

But Rome now entered upon its own period of civil war at home and

men lustful of power drenched this country in blood. In 60 B. C.

E. Julius Caesar, Pompey and Crassus divided the Roman possessions

between them and formed the First Triumvirate (Crassus given Syria,

plundered the Temple treasures). On the death of Crassus, Caesar,

ambitious for supreme power--the fatal weakness of this really great

man--crossed the river Rubicon that was the boundary of his province

of Gaul, made war on Pompey, who was soon slain, and held for a

brief time sole sway. In 44 Caesar was killed by Brutus and Cassius.

These in turn were overthrown by Cæsar's avenger, Marc Antony,

and a new Triumvirate was formed, consisting of Antony, Octavian

(Augustus) and Lepidus. These were as disloyal to each other as the

first group. Antony, seduced from his duty by the witchery of that

fatally beautiful woman, Cleopatra of Egypt, was finally defeated

and overthrown in the battle of Actium, 30. Octavian Augustus now

held the reins alone and the _Roman Empire_ was launched. Augustus,

the first emperor, reigned from 60 B.C.E. to 14 A.C.E.

[Illustration: JULIUS CAESAR]

These few outlines of Roman history will have to be kept in mind

to follow events in Judea, for much was to happen to storm-tossed

Israel between the first Triumvirate and the empire of Augustus.

Every change in government at Rome affected the land of Israel and

its people.

Indeed, in all their subsequent history no great event occurred in

the world without affecting the Jews in some way, and many of these

world events were in turn influenced by them.

When Pompey was killed in 48, that arch-conspirator, Antipater,

who had sided with him while in power, now with Hyrcanus, his

puppet, professed friendship for Caesar and helped him with Jewish

troops for his Egyptian campaign. Caesar extended favors to both.

Hyrcanus, as High Priest, was once more given political authority,

and Antipater was made Procurator of Judea. We have witnessed the

thin entering of the wedge; behold the Idumean now head of Jewish

affairs. Caesar now granted permission to rebuild the walls of

Jerusalem, and concessions and privileges were also conferred on

the Jews of Alexandria and Asia Minor, for Rome's sway reached far.

Caesar's good will made the rulership of Antipater tolerable for

a while and when the news of Caesar's death reached the Jews they

mourned him as a lost friend.

The political power granted to Hyrcanus as High Priest carried with

it the title of Ethnarch, which means governor of a province. But

all power was really exercised by Antipater who, as Procurator of

Judea, made his son Phasael governor of Jerusalem, and his son Herod

governor of Galilee. How this intruding stranger had tightened his

grip on the land of our fathers!

Herod Enters on the Scene.

Herod was to play an important role in Judah's fortunes. Already

as governor of Galilee, a youth of twenty-five, he showed his

masterfulness in the summary execution of a marauder. Summoned to

the Sanhedrin to answer for this action, he dared defy it. Why?

Because Cassius, now master of Syria (including Judea) at Caesar's

death, was put under obligation by the crafty Antipater and his

equally cunning son Herod. Together they succeeded in squeezing

money from Judæa for the maintenance of an army against Antony. Thus

the Jews were embroiled in Rome's conflicts to further the ambitions

of these Idumeans. As a result Herod was now made governor of

Celo-Syria (Palestine) and could snap his fingers at the Sanhedrin.

Judea, in fact, was a prey to anarchy brought about by conspiracies

and usurpations.

In 42 Brutus and Cassius were defeated at Philippi by Antony and

Octavian, and it seemed that an end had come to the fortunes of

Herod. Antipater had been slain, caught in a final act of heartless

duplicity against Hyrcanus. But Herod had the adroit cunning of

his father and knew how to desert a sinking ship and change his

allegiance to the man of rising fortunes. With plausible words Herod

made his peace with Antony. Nor did the complaints against him and

his brother by the Jewish nobility avail. On the contrary Antony

made them both _tetrarchs_--subordinate governors--of Judea at the

expense of the weak and aging Hyrcanus.

The Last Hasmonean Ruler.

Antigonus, a son of Aristobulus, taking advantage of a Parthian

uprising, made one more effort to seize the Jewish throne. He

succeeded. Herod was put to flight and Hyrcanus deposed altogether.

This last scion of the Hasmonean house held a brief royal sway from

40 to 37. He lacked the greatness of the earlier Maccabeans to hold

the nation; and, antagonized the Sanhedrin instead of attaching it

to him. Herod, after varied shifts, sailed to Rome, making an appeal

at headquarters. Deceiving all by his plausibility, he obtained an

appointment as "King of Judea" from Antony's senate. But for that

throne he must now fight "the man in possession." There followed

a series of engagements in which Jewish blood flowed freely. With

the aid of Rome, Herod was of course successful, ultimately taking

Jerusalem itself. Antigonus was put to death. Thus ended the

Hasmonean rule in Judea so gloriously begun a little over a century

before.

_Theme for Discussion._

Single out great events in history influenced by and influencing the

Jews.

[Illustration: COIN OF ANTIGONUS, 40 B. C. E.]

CHAPTER XI.

HEROD.

What had been the result of the attempt of Alexander Janneus to

force Judaism upon Idumea? It had begun by giving the Idumean

Antipater, from the intimate relations created, the opportunity to

make Hyrcanus his puppet, and ended by placing the Jewish crown upon

the head of Herod, who was absolutely un-Jewish in ancestry and

sympathies, and really a pagan at heart. Herod, in fact, delivered

Judea to Rome that he might be made its vassal king.

He had married Mariamne, the beautiful grand daughter of the weak

Hyrcanus--a stroke of policy, to be allied in marriage to Judah's

royal family.

Herod as Man.

Undoubtedly he was a man of power of a sort, born to command; but

there was no soft spot in his nature. He had all the instincts of a

tyrant, and neither scruple nor pity deterred him from carrying out

his passionate will and his insatiable ambition. He inherited all

his father's cunning, allied with fine judgment and untiring energy.

Though of undoubted bravery, he knew how to fawn before those in

power.

The first dozen years of his reign were marked by storm and conflict

with enemies both without and within. The feelings of the Jews can

be imagined in having this alien thrust upon them by all-powerful

Rome and whose first act was to slay their patriots and confiscate

their property. Rebellion was put down with a merciless hand. Step

by step he carried out his relentless purpose and put to death all

the survivors of the royal line, the flower of the Jewish nobility,

and likewise every member (except Shemaiah and Abtalion) of the

Sanhedrin that had some years before censured one of his misdeeds.

Very unwillingly he appointed his wife's brother as High Priest.

It was a fatal distinction for the young man, for the people too

openly expressed their regard for this scion of the Hasmonean line.

What was the consequence? One day when refreshing himself in the

bath, he was held under the water till life was extinct. It was

called an accident! Alexandra, his mother, a hard woman, appealed

to Rome through Cleopatra to punish this murder. Herod was summoned

to answer for his conduct before Antony, but his plausible manner

aided by bribery won his acquittal. The tyrant marked his return by

the execution of another brother-in-law, to whom he had entrusted

Mariamne in his absence, and whom he jealously imagined disloyal.

That Antony at this time gave part of Palestine proper to Cleopatra,

including even a bit of Judea, and that Herod must bear it without

protest, showed on what slender tenure he held his throne. So

completely was he under Rome's control that Antony, to satisfy the

whim of Cleopatra who disliked Herod, commanded him to undertake a

campaign against the Arabians, while she secretly assisted them.

When Antony fell at Actium in 31 in that contest between continents,

Herod managed adroitly at the right moment to go over to the side

of the victorious Octavian Augustus. Before departing for Rome to

curry favor with the Emperor, he took a precaution, which only his

cruelty deemed necessary. He put to death his own kinsman, the aged

Hyrcanus, to whose weakness he in a measure owed his throne.

He returned in the good graces of Augustus, and received back all

the lands taken from him by Antony for Cleopatra. But before his

departure, he had repeated the order given prior to his previous

visit, that Mariamne should be put to death in case his cause should

take a fatal turn in Rome. Learning of this revolting plan in his

absence, she upbraided him on his return. This gave his envious

relatives opportunity to slander her and defame her honor. The

jealous Herod believed the calumny against his innocent wife--and

think of it--ordered her to be put to death, though, in his savage,

sensual way, he loved her. Remorse came too late, which wild

excesses could not drown. Soon her mother followed her to the block

on the better founded charge of conspiracy. More deeds of needless

bloodshed were perpetrated by his wanton command until every remnant

of the Hasmonean house was destroyed.

Herod as Builder.

Herod was a renowned builder. He wanted to have a splendid

capital with which he might dazzle Roman grandees and foreign

plenipotentiaries. Notice the bent of his mind--his conception of

a monarch--not a father of his people living up to such a maxim,

for example, as _ich dïen_ (I serve) but the possessor of glory and

with the power to play with the life and death of his subjects. He

must needs have grandeur without, though there was misery enough

within. He erected temples, amphitheatres and hippodromes. He built

for himself a palace that was a fortress too, with parks and gardens

around it. New cities were laid out, not for the honor of Israel

but for the honor of Augustus Caesar and named after him. Samaria

was rebuilt and renamed Sebaste. He rebuilt a city on the coast

and called it Caesarea, with a fine haven. One he named Antipatris

after his father, another after his brother, Phasaelis; Agrippaeum,

after Agrippa, and Herodium, a stronghold, after himself. Existing

fortresses were restored and strengthened. Nor did he neglect to

mark the outlying provinces with examples of his building passion.

[Illustration: EMPEROR AUGUSTUS.]

The old Temple, built in the days of Ezra and Nehemiah, now looked

shabby among these fine edifices, and he determined to rebuild it.

This was one of his great achievements. There was no religious

motive whatever in the project, for he had built outside of

Jerusalem many heathen shrines. The purpose was wholly worldly. If

there is to be a Temple, let it be gorgeous to gratify my vanity!

It took many years to build and was not finished till long after

Herod's death. The whole circumference of the Temple, including the

fortress of Antonia connected with it, covered almost a mile. It

must have been magnificent, for a proverb arose, "He who has not

seen Herod's Temple has never seen anything beautiful." Yet, with

all his grandeur, he was but a subject king under the sway of the

Roman emperor. He could not make treaties or war without the consent

of the emperor, to whom he had to supply on demand troops and money.

The introduction of heathen games in theatres and race-courses, in

which the lives of gladiators and runners were lightly sacrificed to

gratify the brutal instincts of the spectators, deeply grieved the

Jews, imbued with the sanctity of human life. It was in such violent

antagonism to the ethics of Judaism. But what could they do? They

were in the power of this pagan tyrant.

He gathered in his capital, too, Greek litterateurs and artists. To

these scholars were given state positions of trust. But this was no

more an indication of love of culture than Temple building was love

of religion. Ostentation was at the root of both.

Yet the Pharisaic party (the great mass of the people) was too

strong for him to carry his paganizing influence as far as he

wished. He ungraciously yielded, out of prudence, now and then to

the religious sensibilities of the people. The building of the

sanctuary proper he entrusted to priests, nor were images placed

on the Jerusalem buildings. But the Roman eagle was later erected

over the Temple gate. For an attempt to remove it, forty-two young

men, zealous for the law, were burnt alive. The Jewish Sanhedrin was

shorn of all power.

He appointed unfit men as High Priests and removed them when they

did not do his bidding. That such appointments should be left in

his unsympathetic hands. Finally, the people were heavily taxed

to support heathen splendor of which they did not approve. So his

reign, so hateful to them, was maintained only by despotism and

force. An attempt was even made to assassinate him. The populace

had to be watched by spies. Yet in the year 25 he brought all his

energies to the fore to save the people from the consequences of

famine. Let us remember this in his favor; also that he used his

power to secure protection for Jews in the Diaspora.

Herod as Father.

By paying lavish court to the emperor and his son-in-law, Agrippa,

his territory was gradually doubled. A splendid kingdom viewed

superficially, but it brought no happiness to this unscrupulous man.

Peace in the home, domestic joy, these are the things that prowess

and power cannot buy. The story of how this barbarian had put to

death his favorite wife, Mariamne, has already been told. Her two

sons were now grown to man's estate. But Herod's sister, the wicked

Salome, who had plotted against their mother, now tried to fill

the king's mind with suspicions against her sons. In this purpose

she was aided by Antipater, son of Herod by another of his wives.

Learning that their mother had been put to death by their father's

mandate, they openly expressed their anger, which so increased the

king's suspicions, that he accused his sons before the emperor. The

mildness of Augustus could only postpone the eventual tragedy--the

execution of the young men by order of their own father.

Antipater--the real conspirator against Herod, though his favorite

son,--was at last detected, and of course executed also. Surely the

latter days of this king were bitter.

* * * * *

These domestic troubles were aggravated by bodily disease and the

knowledge that he was hated by his people. Determined to be mourned

at all costs, he imprisoned some of the most distinguished men of

the nation with orders that they were to be killed at the moment of

his death. Thus would he obtain a mourning at his funeral! Was not

this the climax of savagery! This fiendish purpose was, however,

never carried out; so he died unwept and unmourned.

* * * * *

He is called "Great" to distinguish him from some puny Herods that

followed in the fast dying Jewish State. We can call him "Great"

only in a bad sense--an awful example of the abuse of power in the

hands of an unscrupulous and blood-thirsty man.

NOTES AND REFERENCES.

_Mariamne._

Zirndorf, _Some Jewish Women_. (Jewish Pub. Soc.) Grace Aguilar,

_Women of Israel_.

_Rome._

In Talmudic literature "Edom" is often a disguised term for Rome,

because in the Bible story Esau is the rival of Jacob. When we

remember that Antipater and Herod were Idumeans (Edom) and that they

practically delivered Judea to Rome for the price of a crown, the

rabbinic usage is peculiarly appropriate.

_Herod._

In Stephen Phillip's dramatic poem of this name, the character is

idealized.

_Theme for discussion_:

Did Herod succeed or did he fail?

CHAPTER XII.

HILLEL

Let us now take a glance at the religious life of Judah in this

reign. The picture is brighter. Hillel was made president of

the Sanhedrin in the year 30. A new direction was given to the

development of rabbinic Judaism under his guidance. He was the

greatest Jewish teacher since Ezra. Like Ezra he came from Babylon,

which had remained a Jewish centre since the exile, 600 B. C. E.,

and was to continue to be a Jewish centre for many centuries later.

Pleasing stories are told of the sacrifices made by this poor boy to

gratify his thirst for knowledge. Once he was almost frozen to death

while lying on the skylight to hear the discussion, since he was not

allowed to hear it from within. Ultimately he was placed at the head

of the Sanhedrin where at first he was a beggar at its doors. Great

as he was as an expounder of the Law, he is perhaps best known by

the sweetness of his character. None could put him out of temper, it

is said. This story is given as illustration. A man who ventured a

wager that he would rouse Hillel's wrath called thrice at the most

inopportune time asking the absurdest questions, and each time more

rudely than before. The attempt failed. On hearing the explanation

of this strange behavior, Hillel, unruffled to the last, said,

"Better that you should lose your wager than I my temper." He united

in himself gentleness and firmness.

Hillel as Moralist.

Many interesting instances are given of his evenness of disposition

that disarmed the violent and won many a convert to the fold,

where the brusqueness of his colleague--Shammai--often drove them

away. "Be patient like Hillel, not passionate like Shammai," ran

the saying. Thus Hillel became the peacemaker in those troublous

Herodian days. In this connection he taught, "Be of the disciples of

Aaron--loving and pursuing peace, loving mankind and bringing them

nigh to the Law." His consideration for others went so far that,

a man of standing, becoming suddenly poor, he provided him with a

horse and servant that he might still enjoy some of the comforts of

his earlier life.

He is the author of the famous Golden Rule in its earlier form,

uttered in reply to a heathen who would have him teach the whole

Law while he stood on one foot: "That which is hateful to thee

do not unto thy neighbor; this is the principle, all the rest

is commentary." Another heathen must needs be made a priest if

converted: Hillel gently showed him the prohibition of the Law. But

the instances show that proselytism was encouraged.

In the following maxims many phases of his character are revealed:

"He who craves to raise his name, lowers it."

"A name inflated is a name destroyed."

"My humility is my pride, my pride my humility."

"He who will not learn or teach deserves death."

"He who does not progress, retrogrades."

"Say not, 'when I have leisure I will study,' for you may never

have leisure."

"Study God's word; then both this world and the next will be

thine."

"Trust not thyself till the day of thy death."

"In a place where there is no man, strive to show thyself a man."

"Judge not thy neighbor till thou art in his place."

"If I am not for myself, who will be for me? But if I am for

myself alone, what am I? And if not now, when?"

Do you realize how much is contained in that last maxim? Unravel it

and you will see revealed his philosophy of life.

Hillel as Legislator.

So gentle, he was yet daring. When an old law was abused, he

ventured to modify it. The Law, for example, for release of debts

every seventh year, made particularly for the benefit of the poor

(Deut. xv), hampered the growth of trade in more complex times

and changed a generous purpose into an occasional embarrassment.

There is a gulf of difference between a loan to buy bread and a

loan for business enterprise. In the latter case Hillel allowed the

stipulation to be stated in the contract, called _prosbul_, that the

law of release was to be suspended.

To Hillel is due the important service of devising a logical system

of seven rules of deduction by which new laws to meet new needs

could be developed out of the fewer and more general principles in

the Bible code. It must be confessed that these deductions were

occasionally far-fetched. None the less the custom prevailed among

the rabbis to make laws for all exigencies in that way for many

centuries to come. The practice arose from the reverence paid the

five books of Moses that induced them to seek authority for every

regulation they found needful, in their pages. We might say it was a

virtue carried to the extreme of a fault. Hillel's method earned him

the title "Regenerator of the Law."

Last Days.

"Where goest thou, Master," said Hillel's disciples one day when he

hastened from the house of learning. "I go to meet a guest," Hillel

replied. "Who is this guest of whom thou so often speakest?" The

sweetness of the master's face deepened into earnestness. "My guest

is my soul. Too often in intercourse with the world must its claims

be pushed aside."

But the day came, as indeed it must, when the soul was summoned to a

greater tribunal than his own. The day of Hillel's death was a day

of mourning in Israel. "O, pious, gentle, worthy follower of Ezra,"

cried the sorrowing people. Contrast his death with Herod's.

Such was the love and esteem in which he was held by the scholars

of his own and later ages, that the presidency of the Sanhedrin was

kept in his family for four centuries (like a royal succession), and

in this way his memory reverenced for many generations.

Shammai.

In Hillel and Shammai, the "Pairs" referred to in chapter viii

reached their culmination. A teaching of Shammai ran, "Say little

but do much." These two men were the founders of two distinct

schools of interpretation of Jewish Law. They were as distinct

in their character as in their exposition of Scripture. Hillel

was broad, tolerant and original; Shammai--narrow, strict, and

conservative. (Hillel's opinions were usually accepted by later

generations.) Shammai was a pessimist saying "It were better not to

have been born." Hillel was an optimist, and said, "Being born, make

the most of life."

* * * * *

To the Shammai school we owe the many stringent prohibitions with

regard to the Sabbath and to ecclesiastical purity. They objected

even to teaching the young, visiting the sick, or comforting

mourners on the Sabbath day. We are glad to state that Jewish

practice has taken the opposite view. The rabbis of the Shammai

school were not only severe in their religious decisions, but also

in the interpretation of patriotism and in their views of life

generally. Their gloomy philosophy is shown in Second Esdras: see

chap. v., on the Apocrypha. We might compare them with the first

Puritan settlers in America.

* * * * *

This school, also unlike Hillel's, opposed the admission of

proselytes from the heathen. Yet in those stormy times, these severe

views against the heathen found the larger following. From these

doubtless came the band of Zealots whose fanatic hatred of Rome and

its institutions became almost a religion, and whose deeds, to be

told later, form a lurid chapter in Judah's closing days.

NOTES AND REFERENCES.

_Law and Equity_:

According to ancient Jewish law a city home sold could be redeemed

within a year. "But suppose the owner lock it up and depart." "Break

the lock and lodge the money with the court," said Hillel. He

touched a modern need in showing here that craft must not defeat the

benevolent purpose of the Law.

See Geiger's _History of Judaism_, vol. i, chap. viii.

Golden rule. See Tobit iv, 15.

_Sayings of the Jewish Fathers_, Taylor, pp. 34 to 37.

_Theme for Discussion:_

Is it possible as Hillel said, to evolve the whole law from the

Golden Rule?

CHAPTER XIII.

HEROD'S SUCCESSORS.

The selfish Herod had split up his kingdom among his three

sons--Archelaus, Antipas and Philip. Before Rome had yet confirmed

the succession, and while a procurator was placed in temporary

charge, already the sons were intriguing against each other. Rome

carried out Herod's wishes, only that his sons were made tetrarchs

instead of kings. How steadily Rome moved toward its purposed end!

Archelaus was made tetrarch of Judea, Samaria, and Idumea. The

realm of Antipas was Galilee and Perea, the Jordan dividing the two

districts. To Philip was given the remaining provinces of Batanæa

and Trachonitis in northern Palestine. Look at the map in front of

this book.

A word on each of these principalities in the inverse order of

importance. Philip held a mild sway for thirty-seven years. There is

nothing to record in these outlying provinces, partly because they

were far removed from the Jewish centre of gravity.

Antipas and John the Baptist.

The realm of Antipas, often mentioned in the New Testament, was

a little nearer. His recognition of Judaism was only formal. He

inherited all his father's vices and like his father, too, he was

a great builder. He built Sepphoris in Galilee, and Tiberias on

the Lake of Gennesaret. In his reign and realm flourished John the

Baptist of Perea, and also Jesus of Nazareth in Galilee. As this

term, _Baptist_, was applied to the Essenes, because of their

frequent ablutions (see p. 82), John may have been a leader of that

party.

We know that John preached in the wilderness in the neighborhood of

the Jordan, the centre of the Essenes. His bold words, in which he

denounced the king, led to his imprisonment, on political grounds,

as an agitator. His influence on the people was feared by Rome, for

it was hard then to separate religion and politics. It is sometimes

hard now. It is said he was finally put to death at the wish of a

dancer, Salome, but really to please her mother, Herodias, a wanton

woman, to marry whom Antipas had divorced his wife, the daughter of

an Arabian king. This not only involved him in a disastrous war,

but Herodias caused him eventually the loss of his government and

his freedom. For, aiming at a kingship at her instigation, he was

banished, and his tetrarchy given to Agrippa, of whom we shall hear

later on.

The Last Herodian.

To come now to Judea proper; together with Samaria and Idumea, it

was entrusted to the unfit Archelaus; like his father he, too, had

to secure his throne through bloodshed. Plots and counterplots with

the appearance of pretenders for the thrones of Judea and Galilee,

characterized this unhappy time. The Jews were disgusted with the

rule of Rome and its creatures, and some began open rebellion. The

Syrian governor finally quelled the revolt, but thousands were

slain. Had the Jewish malcontents been organized under trustworthy

leadership, something might have been achieved. As it was, it ended

in their more complete subjection.

There is little else to tell of the reign of Archelaus. Serious

charges were brought against this tyrant; so serious that the

emperor recalled him to Rome and deposed him. He had reigned ten

years, 4 B.C.E. to 6 A.C.E., thus crossing the dividing line of what

is called the Christian Era, from the tradition that it marked the

birth of Jesus of Nazareth; he was actually born four years earlier

than this date.

Herod had brought Judea so completely under Roman control, that

bit by bit all the old vested rights, privileges and local powers

had been taken from its Sanhedrin, its High Priest and its royal

family. Herod had practically sold Judea to Rome for the privilege

of subserving as its king. Its fate was now wholly in Rome's hands.

Judea Part of a Roman Province.

Leaving the outlying provinces under the rule of tetrarchs,

Rome now decided to govern Judea absolutely as a part of the

province of Syria. It sent out governors or, as they were called,

_Procurators_, to administer its affairs under the more immediate

direction of Syria. The Jews were now to be ruled by strangers who

had no understanding of their religion and no sympathy with their

traditions or social needs; by men possessed in fact, for the most

part, of an ill-concealed antagonism to the rites and obligations

that entered into the lives of conscientious Jews.

At its best Judea had been a Theocracy, i.e., a kingdom in which

religion, represented by the priesthood and the Sanhedrin, directed

the affairs of the nation. Roman rule, therefore, would be

revolutionary, even had the procurators been good men and had sought

to administer the province in kindness and equity. As a matter of

fact, they were nearly all tyrants, lustful for gain at any price

and absolutely indifferent to the welfare of the people under their

charge; even as we shall see, in many instances wantonly wounding

Judea's sensibilities to gratify their cruel pleasure. No wonder the

Jews were eventually goaded into a war of desperation.

As to the Jews in other lands under Roman sway, we find Augustus

Caesar well disposed to them. He placed the harbors of the Nile

under Judean Alabarchs (same as Arabarch). His kindness to the

Alexandrian Jews was in marked contrast with his severity toward

the Alexandrian Greeks. In the city of Rome he allowed the Jewish

settlers--Libertini--to observe their religion undisturbed, and to

build synagogues.

So in the deepening shadows there was a glimmer of light too.

NOTES AND REFERENCES.

For the relation of Baptism to the Essenes, read articles on those

topics in vols. ii and v, respectively, of the _Jewish Encyclopedia_.

_Tetrarch_:

Literally, governor of a fourth part of a province.

BOOK III.

JUDEA UNDER ROME.

=ROMAN EMPERORS AND= | =JEWRY.=

=PROCURATORS.= |

C.E. | C.E.

=Augustus.= |

Coponius 6 | Archelaus, tetrarch of Judea,

Marcus Ambibulus 9 | deposed *

Annius Rufus 12 |

|

=Tiberius.= | Philo, philosopher, born 16

Valerius Gratus 5 15 |

Pontius Pilatus 26 |

|

=Caligula.= |

Marcellus 36 | Death of Jesus of Nazareth 28

|

=Claudius.= |

Marullus 37-41 | Josephus, historian born 38

Agrippa, King 41-44

CHAPTER XIV.

PILATE THE PROCURATOR.

Procurators in general.

The Procurators fall into two groups, with a Jewish king

intervening. The table above is the first group of these

administrators of Judea. Their seat of government was Caesarea,

a city that had become Jerusalem's rival. The Jews had a certain

freedom under this regime. "The oath of allegiance to the Roman

emperor was more an oath of confederates than of subjects." The

Sanhedrin was still supposed to be the governing body for home

affairs with the High Priest as its president. But the arbitrary

appointment and removal of High Priests by the procurator, placed

these powers at the mercy of his caprice, and ultimately the Jews

were robbed of these prerogatives altogether. The procurator then

could always interfere with the carrying out of Jewish law. It is

important that these facts should be borne in mind in the events

of the next chapter. Even in religious offenses where the High

Priest with the Sanhedrin could pronounce the death sentence, the

confirmation of the procurator was required for the execution.

So heavily were the people taxed that the tax-gatherers (called

_publicans_) were looked upon with opprobrium. Doubtless many of

them dishonestly abused their power.

Still Judea was the only province in which the worship of the

emperor was not compulsory. The reason is obvious. To pagan

communities it was a command which they could obey complacently;

to the monotheistic Jews recognizing one sole spirit God, it was

simply impossible. It was attempted by the Emperor Caligula,

but failed. Even the local coinage bore no figure, nor were the

standards bearing the likenesses of the emperor tolerated, as such

was regarded as an offense by the strict interpreters of the second

commandment. One tyrant tried and failed to force these banners

on Judea. They violently opposed a census in the year 7 both on

religious and on political grounds, as they regarded it as an

infringement of their sacred rights and the precursor of slavery.

But Joezer, the High Priest, quieted them and induced them to submit.

Still, from such incidents the stern determination of the Jews

may be inferred. Judas of Gamala, a Galilean, and a religious

enthusiast, went about preaching the duty of rebellion and the sin

of submission. Gradually these malcontents formed themselves into a

new party of extremists--the _Zealots_, who believed in using the

sword against the heathen to hasten the Messianic realization. They

already began nursing the smouldering embers of rebellion.

Pilate in Particular.

Such was the status under the procurators in general. We will

treat in detail the regime of only one--Pontius Pilate. It is

characteristic of all, but especially eventful in many ways.

The Jewish historian, Josephus, and the Jewish philosopher, Philo,

have much to tell of his doings. From the trustworthy Philo we are

told that he was of "an unbending and recklessly hard character."

"He has been charged with corruptibility, violence, robberies,

ill-treatment of the people, continued executions without even the

form of trial, endless and intolerable cruelties."

On his first entry into Jerusalem he determined to outrage the

religious sensibilities of the people he was sent to protect, by

bidding his Roman soldiers hoist a flag with the Emperor's likeness.

They petitioned for its removal. He refused. For five days they

stood outside the palace urging their request. When the soldiers

with drawn swords stood ready to slay at his signal, the people

bared their necks, preferring death to toleration of this idolatrous

emblem. Such was the intensity of the Jews of these last years of

their national life, such was the stuff of which they were made.

Even tyrants reach limits beyond which they dare not pass. The

emblem was sullenly withdrawn.

At another time he appropriated the Temple treasures, sacredly

set aside for religious purposes, for the building of an aqueduct

to Jerusalem. This time he resorted to violence to quell the

opposition, many lives being sacrificed.

With the purpose only of annoying the people, he put up votive

shields inscribed with the emperor's name. But they appealed to

Tiberius who not only ordered them removed, but rebuked Pilate for

raising them.

On another occasion the Samaritans, to whom Gerizim had all the

sanctity that Sinai had for Israel, because the Mosaic Blessings

were announced from its heights (see Deut, xi, 29, Joshua, viii,

33), gathered there on a rumor that sacred vessels were hidden in

its soil. Pilate sent soldiers wantonly to slaughter them. This led

to his recall by Tiberius.

Proselytes.

The Emperor Tiberius decided that it was kinder to the Jews to

appoint procurators for long terms than to make frequent changes.

It meant the greed of a smaller number to be satisfied. But, on the

whole, his attitude was less friendly than that of his predecessor,

Augustus. This may have been due to the fact that many Romans of

high birth had, unsolicited, accepted the Jewish faith, and had

sent gifts to the Temple at Jerusalem. Among these converts was

Fulvia, wife of a Roman senator. This led to the banishment from

Rome of many thousands of Jews to a dangerous climate. Here was the

beginning of a religious persecution.

The incident, however, shows that the worthier Romans were becoming

more and more distrustful of pagan cults and were looking for

something better. We shall see later how zealous Jews from Judea,

and more particularly from Alexandria, began making converts to

Judaism all through Asia Minor. The influence of these converts on

future events was farther reaching than their sponsors ever dreamed.

NOTES AND REFERENCES.

Read "A Procurator of Judea" in _Mother of Pearl_, by Anatole

France. Trans., N. Y., John Lane, 1908.

_Theme for discussion_:

(a) Does official Judaism discourage conversion?

(b) Why did the Jews oppose a census on religions grounds? See II.

Sam. xxiv, and article Census in _Jewish Encyclopedia_, vol. iii.

CHAPTER XV.

JESUS OF NAZARETH.

So far the rule of Pontius Pilate as it concerned Judea. But his

rule has become of wide import because of his relation to Jesus of

Nazareth, who was put to death during his administration, though

born in the province of Galilee governed by Herod Antipas. To

explain how a great religion sprang up around this Galilean Jew,

which came afterwards to regard him as its father, can be explained

only by a complete grasp of the political and religious aspirations

of the time.

The Messianic Hope.

The ominous mood in which the Jews realized their gradual

deprivation of country and independence indicated the stirring of

deep forces in their nature. Judea was to them a Holy Land, for

"from Zion had gone forth the Law." Love of country had become

part of their religion. Every political function had its religious

aspect. The Sanhedrin was at once a civil and a religious body, and

this dual characteristic pervaded all the civil institutions. So

the longing for the restoration of the royal line of Judah, i.e.,

the coming of the Messiah, expressed the religious as well as the

political hopes of the nation. Not that the word Messiah had any

peculiarly religious significance. It is the Hebrew word _M'sheach_,

meaning "Anointed (king)," and was applied in the Bible to Saul,

David, and even to Cyrus, the Persian, Isaiah xlv--1. In post-exilic

times the coming of the Messiah implied the re-establishment of the

throne in the Davidic line.

Many of the pious felt further that with a king once more on

an independent throne, the glorious pictures of the coming day

foretold by the Prophets and not attained in the first monarchy,

would be realized in the second. Such as "The Lord's house will

be established on the top of the mountains; all nations will

flock to it, saying, Come let us go up to the house of the Lord,

to the house of the God of Jacob. He will teach us His ways, we

will walk in His paths." (Isaiah and Micah.) Again, "The earth

will be full of knowledge of God as the waters cover the sea." The

conviction expressed by Jeremiah (chap. xxxi, 33-34) would then be

fulfilled, that all would "know the Lord from the least of them to

the greatest." One of the latest of the Prophets--Zechariah--had

foretold a day when "ten men would take hold of the garments of him

who was a Jew and would say, We will go with you, for we believe

that God is with you." So we might quote nearly every prophet from

Amos to Malachi, the last prophet, who said that the day of Judgment

would be heralded by the undying Elijah. A Jewish poet in Alexandria

voiced the same hope; heathendom would disappear and the kingdom of

God would be established.

Alas, the outlook for either the spiritual or the temporal

realization seemed farther removed than ever. Every now and then,

more particularly under the disturbing rule of the procurators,

a deluded enthusiast would appear upon the scene and claim that

he was a Messiah. Theudas was one who made this claim in the year

45. So desperate were the times that these agitators always found

followers. They were always ruthlessly put to death by Rome for the

claim of Messiahship, i.e., "King of the Jews," was treason against

Rome. Was not Judea a Roman province now?

Jesus the Man.

In chapter vii the Essenes have been mentioned. This sect, that

lived as a brotherhood in the vicinity of the Dead Sea, shared all

goods in common, condemned wealth and passed simple lives away from

the great world. They, too, looked for the coming of the Messiah.

But it was the religious climax of the prophets just quoted that

would follow the Messiah's advent--the ushering in triumph of an

independent nationality, that most appealed to them. This lofty view

was also shared by the more saintly among the Israelites in general;

nor was it ever entirely absent even from the popular view.

We have already heard of John the Baptist (Essene), who so stirred

the people by preaching that "the kingdom of God" was at hand;

this was the Messianic hope. He evidently inspired one youth, who

was in close sympathy with the Essene brotherhood, Joshua (Greek

Jesus) from Nazareth, in Galilee. Galilee, like the other provinces

in northern Palestine, was away from the learning and culture of

Jerusalem. It was the home of simple folk who spoke a corrupt

dialect, and who credulously accepted popular superstitions; such

as, every disease comes from an indwelling spirit or demon.

Of the life of the man Jesus who came from these surroundings

_little is really known_, but from a few bare facts very much has

been deduced and still more imagined. Apart from the fact that

he was the son of a carpenter, Joseph, we only hear of him about

two years before his death, and that occurred at the early age

of thirty-two. We find him preaching and expounding the Law and

sympathizing with the unfortunate classes.

Though by no means a profound scholar in the Law, he exhibited

fine moral perception and lived up to the pure ideals of the

strict, peace-loving Essene brotherhood. In his teachings or rather

preachings, he followed the models of the great prophets, laying

stress upon the spirit of religion and minimizing the value of

ceremonial. For there were formalists in those days as there were in

the days before the Exile. Indeed, every age reveals the experience

that the multitude is often more impressed by the ceremony than

the idea it is intended to convey--and gives more attention to the

outward, tangible form than to its inward, spiritual purpose, the

exaltation of life. Nor is that tendency confined to the ignorant

either. Religion so easily sinks into a mechanical routine unless

we keep vigilant watch. This lesson is preached by the moralists of

every age. It was preached by Jesus of Nazareth with rare power. He

had soon a large following, perhaps, too, for the reason that he was

now regarded as John the Baptist's successor.

Jesus the Messiah.

But it was not so much his ethical teaching, lofty though it was,

that brought him into prominence and caused the crowds to gather

about him, though a modern school of Christian apologetics lays

stress upon that now. It was partly because he was regarded as a

"healer," a power claimed by the Essenes; but chiefly because he was

regarded as the long-looked for _Messiah_ who would deliver Israel

from the thraldom of Rome and gratify their wildest expectations.

Whether he first of his own accord laid claim to this mysterious

title, or whether he was persuaded into it by his admirers, we

cannot gather from the few records that tell the events of his life.

For even the earliest of these records, the so-called Gospel of

Mark, was not written till nearly fifty years after his death, at a

time when startling opinions had already been formed about him; and

they do not agree even as to his parentage and birthplace. In fact,

once regarded as the Messiah, his biography was _recast_ to fit the

Messianic prophecies in the Scriptures! This made the Jesus of the

Gospels largely a mythical character.

Jesus could quite honestly have believed himself to be a Messiah

in some religious sense, though he was rather evasive when bluntly

questioned. For many sincere enthusiasts both before and since his

time have believed themselves specially chosen messengers of God

to bring redemption to their people. It will be seen at the end

of this volume that Mohammed, who flourished several centuries

later, believed himself to be sent by God to bring salvation to the

Arabians. In a sense he was; to call him an impostor, an earlier

practise of the Church, is uncharitable and untrue. In Israel's

history, since the days of the procurators not a century has passed

but some one has come forward claiming to be the Messiah. Some were

honest, though mistaken; some were mere adventurers.

Jesus probably accepted the Essene idea of the Messiah, that is,

he was less concerned with ushering in an earthly than a heavenly

kingdom.

This distinction was not clearly realized by the simple masses

of the people, groaning under a hated yoke; certainly it was not

realized by the Romans, who saw in every Messianic claim treason

against Rome, a plot to win independence for Judea again. On the

other hand, Jesus applying to himself on one occasion the term "son

of God"--that may mean so little or so much--awakened the alarm

and antagonism of the priesthood and lost for him many supporters.

So Jesus, who was probably innocent of any blasphemous assumptions

against Judaism and guiltless of any conspiracy against Rome to

seize the throne and be made "King of the Jews," was nevertheless

condemned to death like the Messiahs before him and was executed by

the Roman method of capital punishment, crucifixion. But unlike the

Messiahs before him--all mediocre men--his name has been treasured

ever since as one of the great religious teachers of the world.

Christianity.

For although he died without bringing the redemption which would

have proven his Messiahship, his followers did not lose faith in

him. His turning kindly to the poor and despised folk, even to the

sinful and degraded with his message of comfort, had won all hearts.

As they believed he had performed miracles in his life-time, so now

they tried to persuade themselves that a greater miracle had been

fulfilled in his death--that he had not really died, but had been

translated to heaven like Elijah or Enoch and that he would return

some day and complete his unfinished work. In those unlettered days

belief in the supernatural was very common. Among certain folk it is

not so uncommon to-day.

So these believers that Jesus was the Messiah became a new sect

called _Christians_. What does "Christian" mean? Christ (Christos)

is the Greek for Messiah. So the name Christians meant Messians, and

the name Jesus Christ means Jesus the Messiah. Though Jesus himself

did not speak Greek, but Aramaic, the Christian Scriptures were

written in Greek.

The Jewish Christians continued to live much as the Essenes before

them, like them assuming voluntary poverty and faithful as of old

to the Jewish Law. But in later years when many pagans joined this

sect, they introduced into it many idolatrous notions, borrowed

from the cults of Greece, Rome and Egypt. The man Jesus was exalted

into a divinity and worshipped as such. The shedding of his blood

at his execution was regarded as a sacrifice intended by God to

atone for the sins of mankind, based on the ancient idea that the

priest shed the blood of an animal in atoning for the sins of the

people; but the Hebrew prophets and some of the psalmists had all

condemned animal sacrifice as a means of atonement. This belief was

a stage of religion beyond which the Jews were advancing. It died

out altogether before the century was over--just when it was being

revived in this way by Christians.

* * * * *

The next step which separated the Jews from the Christians was the

depreciation and ultimately the abrogation of the Jewish Law. This

was brought about by a later teacher, Paul, at first opposed to

Christians, but later their most eloquent advocate. This abandonment

of the Law, ultimately conceded by the early Messians, who had so

far still clung to it, severed their relationship with the parent

faith. Thus Paul made Christianity a new religion for the heathen

world.

The process by which this Jewish sect became a new religion, most of

whose adherents came from the heathen world, was slow and gradual.

We shall refer to the different steps in the development of this

Faith as they occur, and we shall see how this sect, born in

Judaism, became its antagonist and persecutor in later days.

NOTES AND REFERENCES.

_Biography of Jesus_:

In recasting his life from the meagre data at hand his biographers

ascribed to him all of the miracles told of Elijah and Elisha--feeding

the multitude with a few loaves, curing the sick, reviving the dead

and being transported to heaven.

_Teachings of Jesus_:

He taught nothing heretical or startlingly new; he preferred to

emphasize the old. The phrases of "the Lord's Prayer" are biblical;

the Beatitudes (a group of Blessings in the New Testament) are

rabbinic; his communistic views, those of the Essene school.

The chief source of his teachings was the _Didache_, i.e., a summary

of the Faith used by the Synagogue for proselytes. It contained the

_Shema_ followed by "Thou shalt love the Lord God, etc.;" love thy

neighbor as thyself--Hillel's Golden Rule; the Ten Commandments; a

disquisition on "the two ways"--right and wrong.

He followed the rabbis in teaching largely by _Mashal_--parable.

Even the form "Ye have heard, etc., but I will go further yet,

etc.," is rabbinic.

_The Crucifixion_:

The reasons why the death of Jesus should not be attributed to the

Jews, may be summarized as follows. (See _Jewish Encyclopedia_, vol.

iv.)

Crucifixion was not a Jewish, but a Roman method of capital

punishment. Prior to the open rebellion against Rome, 30-66 C. E.,

many Jews were crucified as rebels, and on very meagre evidence. A

Messiah in its eyes was a rebel; the inscription placed on the cross

was "King of the Jews."

"The mode and manner of Jesus' death undoubtedly point to Roman

custom and law as the directive power," though Jews may have

administered a soothing cup to lessen the suffering.

None of the well established measures of precaution were taken that

always preceded a Jewish execution. It is very doubtful whether

Jewish law would tolerate a three-fold execution at one time.

A Jewish execution on Friday is almost impossible. If Jesus died

on Nissan 14, the execution on the eve of a festival would be

irregular. If on Nissan 15 (Passover), the execution could not

be held. There is no corroboration of the custom to liberate a

condemned person on account of a holiday.

Read _As Others Saw Him_, Joseph Jacobs; Macmillan.

_Jesus of Nazareth_, Schlesinger. Albany.

_Cradle of the Christ_, Frothingham.

_The Religious Teaching of Jesus_, C. G. Montefiore, Macmillan,

1910.

Matthew, Mark and Luke are called Synoptic Gospels as distinct from

the Gospel of John, a later and more doctrinal work.

_Theme for discussion_:

Why cannot Jesus be accepted by the Synagogue to-day?

CHAPTER XVI.

THE ALEXANDRIAN SCHOOL.

Jew and Greek.

Before resuming the story of Judea under the procurators, let

us take another survey of Jews and Judaism in lands outside of

Palestine. The voluntary dispersion still went on. The Jews were

now scattered over all the Roman Empire, which included Asiatic and

European lands from Syria to Spain. We also find our ancestors,

at the beginning of the Christian era, in Arabia and in Parthia,

an Asiatic kingdom south of the Caspian Sea. But, however widely

scattered, religion was the bond of union and Jerusalem the

spiritual centre. From distant lands many would from time to time

make pilgrimages to the Temple.

The attitude of the heathen world was on the whole not unfriendly

to the Jews. They were disliked for their rejection of the heathen

gods, for their aloofness, their stern morality, their sobriety, and

their material success; while their exclusiveness--partly but not

wholly justifiable--led to the erroneous supposition that they were

hostile to mankind. But the Jews of the Diaspora were less exclusive

and more tolerant than those of Judea. This was particularly true

of Alexandria, capital of Egypt, now part of the Roman Empire.

There had existed here--apart from occasional outbursts of racial

antagonism among the populace, a cordial interchange of ideas in

which the Jews met the Greeks more than half way. (chaps. ii and vi.)

The Jews admired the culture of the educated Greeks and felt drawn

toward the lofty philosophy of Plato, the nearest Greek approach to

the monotheism and morality of the Hebrews. The broadening effect

of this infusion of Greek thought, gave to Judaism in Alexandria a

distinct character, and it came to be known as Hellenistic Judaism,

and its espousers, Hellenistic Jews. We have used the term Hellenist

in an earlier chapter, in a bad sense as descriptive of Jews who

yielded to those Greek influences that were pagan, to the detriment

of Judaism. Here we apply the term in a good sense to those who were

open to Greek influences that were intellectual, to the advantage of

Judaism. We have already marked the effect of Greek thought in some

of the Apocryphal writings, particularly in the "Wisdom of Solomon."

Appreciating the metaphysics of the Greek philosophers, the Jewish

Hellenists were anxious to bring home to the Greeks and to others

the spiritual and moral truths of Judaism.

Jewish Missionaries.

But how to present the revelation of the Law and of the Prophets

in a manner that would most appeal to the Greeks? In their fervor

to make proselytes to the Law of Moses, they resorted to a strange

expedient. There existed among the Greeks women-seers called Sibyls,

who were supposed to foretell in mysterious oracles the destinies

of nations. So some Jewish writers cast the Bible teachings of God

and morality in the literary form of Sibylline oracles. Like the

Bible prophets, these Jewish Sibylline writers, warned those who

followed false views and bad lives, and promised salvation to those

who accepted the law of the God of Israel. They popularized the

teachings of the Mosaic law and so generalized it as to present

it as a religion for mankind. These writings exerted a salutary

influence on many followers of Greek thought.

The Hellenists went so far as to try to prove from Jewish Scriptures

many of the loftier ideas of Greek philosophy. In this way Judaism

was represented as anticipating the highest knowledge of the time.

In their enthusiasm, this reconciliation of Judaism and Greek

philosophy was occasionally carried further than conditions quite

warranted. The attempt was also made to explain every biblical law

allegorically, as though it was intended to convey ideas other than

those that appeared on the surface. Thus they read Greek philosophy

into the Bible. The habit of reading the science of the day into

the old Bible books still prevails. This poetic explaining away of

many injunctions of Scripture led in some instances to their actual

neglect. This was the dangerous extreme.

The assumption that Jews discourage proselytes has been refuted in

chaps. xii and xiv. It is certainly not true of the Alexandrian

Jews who were most zealous in their missionary efforts. They not

only felt that it was the mission of the Jew to carry his message

to the world; they did it. The translation of their Scriptures

into Greek, the presentation of the message of their faith in the

form of Sibylline oracles, and the allegorizing away of many of

their ceremonials were all employed for the bringing of Judaism to

the Gentile. So successful were their efforts, that just when the

Jewish state was dying, many heathens were seeking this Faith of

their own accord, attracted by its ethics and repelled by heathen

uncleanliness. Philo says that the adoption of Judaism by many

heathens immediately resulted in a marked moral improvement in their

lives. The number of female proselytes in Damascus, Asia Minor,

Egypt and Rome steadily grew. Pagan writers remark it. Josephus

writes:--"There is not any city of the Greeks or of the barbarians

... to which our custom of resting on the seventh day has not been

introduced and where our fasts and dietary laws are not observed."

He adds further how enthusiastically these converts fulfilled all

Jewish rites. A zealous Jewish missionary converted Helen, the queen

of Adiabene, a province on the Tigris, and all her family. She made

a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, sent valuable gifts to the Temple, and

helped the people in the time of famine.

So, although Judaism was a religion that imposed on its followers

severe restraints and, although the Jews were a very small people,

whom some heathens despised, still, many knocked at its doors to be

admitted into the fold, even for fifty years after its Temple was

destroyed and its nationality overthrown--tragedies which we shall

presently have to tell. Yes, many of the very people that overthrew

it--the Romans--accepted the Jewish faith. The Emperor Domitian made

severe laws against proselytes to Judaism, in order to discourage

the practice. Indeed, a cousin of the emperor, who was also a

senator and consul, together with his wife, accepted Judaism.

But ultimately the stream of converts was diverted to the new creed,

born of Judaism, Christianity--more particularly as in its second

stage it sent its missionaries to the heathen world proclaiming

that acceptance of Jesus as savior and divinity would bring

them salvation without conforming to the burdensome Jewish Law.

Furthermore it became a doctrine of the new religion that the death

of Jesus abrogated the Law. Thus, salvation made easy, brought

thousands to the fold. The Jewish missionaries had really simplified

the task for the Christian missionaries who followed later. They

prepared the soil.

This is looking a little further ahead to events yet to be related.

By that time the followers of the two religions had become people

of two different races: Judaism followed almost exclusively by Jews

who were Semites; Christianity by Aryans, Greeks, Romans and other

Europeans. This racial distinction became the final barrier which

completely separated them.

NOTE.

_Aryans and Semites_:

Not all Semites are Jews, for example the Arabians; nor are all

Aryans Christians p. e. the Persians. Religious and racial lines are

no longer identical.

_Theme for discussion_:

Why did most heathen converts to Judaism ultimately become

Christian?

CHAPTER XVII.

PHILO-JUDEUS.

We are now ready to consider one to whom frequent reference has

been made--the greatest of the Alexandrian Jewish missionary

philosophers, styled the "noblest Judean of his age"--Philo-Judeus.

He was born in Alexandria of good family, about 15 B. C., just when

Herod was ruling and Hillel was teaching in Jerusalem. His brother,

Alexander, was given the influential post of farmer of taxes. Both

received the best education the times afforded in literature,

music, mathematics and natural science. Philo early showed a taste

for literature in general, and philosophy in particular. His

circumstances enabled him to devote himself to a literary life, for

which he was peculiarly gifted. He showed his warm interest in the

cause of his people in his journey to Rome as one of the ambassadors

to plead before the mad Emperor Caligula (to be told in the next

chapter). Of this whole incident he himself gives a graphic account

in his chronicles of the Jewish events of his time.

His Bible Commentary.

A many-sided genius, he was the best exponent of that Hellenistic

school that sought to harmonize the revealed religion of the Torah

with the conclusions of Greek philosophy. He was thoroughly versed

in both. His works, as those of all this school, were written in

Greek. While the form may be that of Plato, the spirit is that

of the prophets. In his commentary on Scripture, following the

allegorical method already referred to, he treats all the incidents

in Genesis, for example, as symbolic of human development and moral

truths underlying the historic facts on the surface. He did not,

however, go to the extreme of neglecting Jewish observance on the

strength of metaphoric interpretation. Indeed, he even rebuked those

who did. He writes "just as we must be careful of the body as the

house of the soul, so must we give heed to the letter of the written

laws. For only when these are faithfully observed, will the inner

meaning of which they are the symbols become more clearly realized."

But he warningly adds "If a man practice ablutions and

purifications, but defiles his mind while he cleanses his body ...

let him none the more be called religious."

In his interpretation of the Mosaic Law in the Pentateuch, he has

the education of the heathen chiefly in mind. He reveals the harmony

of its precepts with the laws of nature. He groups all duties under

the Ten Commandments. He points out with enthusiasm the humanity

of the Law, and completely refutes slanders against Judaism by

citing examples of its purity, breadth and philanthropy, such as

the Sabbatic year and the jubilee to eliminate poverty, the freeing

of slaves, the boon of the Sabbath for the servant, the social

equality in the festival rules, the restraints of the dietary laws,

the tenderness and consideration for all human needs in the code of

Deuteronomy. His contrasts are the severest condemnation of Greek

and Roman morals.

His Philosophy.

In his philosophy he again applies the allegorical method to the

Pentateuch. In this field of _Midrash_ (homiletic exposition) he

may have influenced the later rabbis of the Talmud, even though

rejected by them. He attempts to show that the lofty ideas found in

the Platonic, Stoic and Neo-pythagorean philosophies were already

taught in the Jewish Scripture. From Moses, the greatest teacher of

mankind, the Greek philosophers derived their wisdom. From Mosaic

Law comes the highest and truest religious revelation. Thus he

endeavored to win Jews to an appreciation of Greek literature, and

Greeks to an appreciation of Jewish Scripture.

Philo is the first Jew to present a complete system of philosophy,

yet he weaves it out of the Bible. Just a word about it. It is hard

to treat the philosophy of any one writer separately, for it is

usually linked with a whole chain of theories of earlier schools.

A deep believer in the spiritual God of his fathers, it was one

of the aims of his life to attain fuller knowledge of Him. While

in his treatment of the divine idea he shows the influence of the

Greek philosopher Plato, yet as Jew he brings to the philosophic

abstraction the religious warmth of a believer in the living God.

God alone is perfect, unchangeable, devoid of all qualities and

indefinable. Absolutely perfect, He cannot come in contact with

matter, which is defiling. How does Philo bridge the gap from

the spiritual God to the material world? God acts on the world

indirectly through intermediary causes or powers, which He first

created.

The Logos.

These intervening powers he at times calls angels and at times

ideas. He uses a Greek word _logos_ meaning Reason. Whence comes

this _logos_ which we are to think of partly as a spirit and again

as a thought? It is a product; or as he expresses it in a Greek

idiom, a _child_ of divine intelligence. By means of this _logos_,

the perfect spiritual divinity creates the world.

This sounds unfamiliar, but the eighth chapter of Proverbs and some

of the books of the Apocrypha speak of Wisdom as though it were a

kind of being and that with it God laid the world's foundation. Of

course, this is only figurative. But later the fathers of the Church

put a new and startling construction upon Philo's Logos and read

into it a literalness he never intended. They changed the _logos_

into an actual human being. Unlike Philo they did not call it a

child of divine intelligence in the Greek idiomatic sense, but a

"son of God" in an actual and physical sense. It was then but a

step for the Church to declare that Jesus, its Messiah, was the

_Logos_! He was therefore a species of divinity too. It was not

till Christianity's second stage that Jesus of Nazareth was in this

way raised from a real man into an imaginary divinity. Thus the

link with Judaism was broken in the rejection of its fundamental

principle of monotheism--the belief in one indivisible God.

Philo is, of course, only unconsciously the cause of this doctrinal

change, for he did not come in contact with the new sect of

Christians and never mentions it, and this idea developed after his

day. In fact, the divinity of Jesus had already been adopted, and

Philo's writings were later construed to fit it.

His Ethics.

A word on his ethics. Evil is a necessary consequence of our free

will. Without it there could not be the contrast of good. Evil is

associated with the body which he depicts as the opponent of the

soul. The soul emanates from God like the _logos_, but attracted by

sensuous matter it descends into mortal bodies. This earthly body

then is the cause of evil. But Philo was too wise to infer from that

the duty of asceticism. He did not teach that man must suppress

his desires and passions and earthly longings, but that he should

suppress them. For this, man needs the help of God. The wise and

virtuous are uplifted out of themselves to a closer knowledge of

God, and God's spirit dwells in them. This is highest happiness.

While we cannot quite accept his theories, his conclusions ring true

with all the inspiring elements of lofty religion.

NOTES AND REFERENCES.

_The Logos_:

The Greek _logos_ also means Word. Just as Proverbs personifies

wisdom, so the Targum (Aramaic translation of the Bible) identifies

the "word of God" with the divine presence. Here again the Christian

mystic goes a step further and changes a metaphor into a fact. "The

Word of God became flesh; Jesus is that Word!" (Gospel of St John.)

In his popular but exhaustive work on _Philo-Judaeus_, (J. P. S. A.

1910) Norman Bentwich writes:

"It is idle to try and formulate a single definite notion of

Philo's Logos. For it is the expression of God in His multiple

and manifold activity, the instrument of creation, the seat of

ideas, the world of thought, which God first established as the

model of the visible universe, the guiding providence, the sower

of virtue, the fount of wisdom, described sometimes in religious

ecstacy, sometimes in philosophical metaphysics sometimes in the

spirit of the mystical poet."

_Philo_:

Philo represents an important type, then new--a Jew loyal to his

faith when living in a non-Jewish atmosphere. Not all so nobly

withstood these surrounding allurements. His own brother drifted

from the fold. Philo wrote for indifferent Jews as well as for pagan

Greeks.

According to Montefiore, the Greek, according to Bentwich, the

Hebrew note in Philo, is the more pronounced.

_Greek Law and Jewish_:

Philo brings out the following contrast. The Greeks were bidden not

to refuse fire and water to those who needed it, but Judaism bids

its followers to give to the poor and weak all that life requires.

For examples of Philo's teaching read "Florilegium Philonis," by

Montefiore, _Jewish Quarterly Review_, Vol. vii; in the same volume,

"Philo Concerning the Contemplative Life," Conybeare; and in Vol. v,

"Latest Researches on Philo," Cohn.

_Theme for discussion_:

Why did rabbinic Judaism neglect Philo?

CHAPTER XVIII.

A JEWISH KING ONCE MORE.

In taking up again the thread of Judea's story, let its relation to

the Roman State be clearly understood. It was under the immediate

supervision of the procurator. He in turn was subject to the higher

power of the governor of Syria. Both were answerable to the supreme

authority--the emperor at Rome. Though the Syrian governors came

little in contract with Judea, at times their intervention was

important. We may instance Vitellius, who deserves passing mention

in Jewish history. In contrast with the behavior of Pilate the

procurator, was his consideration shown for Jewish sensibilities

by this Syrian governor. "He was the noblest Roman of them all."

He exhibited an uncommon forbearance by remitting some burdensome

taxes; he sympathetically inquired into the needs of the people and

removed from the High Priesthood the unworthy Caiaphas in whose time

Jesus of Nazareth was executed. He also ordered Pilate to Rome to

answer for his misgovernment.

The Mad Emperor Caligula.

As to the emperors: Some of these gave no thought to the Jews apart

from appointing their procurators. With others the Jews came in

clashing contact. Such was the case with Caligula who donned the

purple in 37. This demented man believed himself to be a divinity,

so that obeisance to his image was not merely an act of allegiance,

but of worship. The consequences of this sacrilegious command to

worship him was the first felt by the Jews of Alexandria; for the

Ptolemaic and the Seleucid empires were both Roman now. An actual

persecution here took place in which the Jews were besieged in their

own quarter, the Delta. Their refusal to obey the emperor's childish

demand gave excuse to their tormentors to attack them under the

guise of patriotism. Patriotism may be the mantle for so many sins.

Synagogues were defiled and many persons were slain. Philo, now

advanced in years, led a deputation to Rome, to intercede for his

brethren. He made an eloquent plea, assuring the emperor of Jewish

loyalty. "They sacrifice for you daily an offering in the Temple."

"_For_ me," sneered Caligula, "not _to_ me." The deputation suffered

many indignities and returned dispirited.

[Illustration: COIN OF AGRIPPA I. 37-44 C.E.]

To Judea likewise came the same blasphemous demand with the threat

of similar punishment. At last the mad monarch ordered his image

to be set up in the Temple and entrusted the task to the Syrian

governor, Petronius, a man of the stamp of Vitellius. He did

his best to delay the wanton edict at the risk of the emperor's

displeasure. At last yielding to the agonized entreaty of the people

he imperilled his life by asking the emperor to revoke the order.

Agrippa, a Jewish favorite of Caligula, succeeded in persuading the

emperor to renounce the abortive project. Soon, however, he repented

and determined on its execution. But relief came to Alexandria and

Judea at one stroke--the emperor was murdered in 41.

The next emperor, Claudius, restored to the Alexandrian Jews all

the privileges that had been taken from them during the rule of his

predecessor, and their rights were more firmly established than

before. Religious freedom was now granted to the Jews throughout

the whole Roman empire. But best of all, he stopped the regime of

the procurators by appointing as king of Judea, one of their own

brethren--Agrippa.

Agrippa's Youth.

Agrippa was the grandson of Herod the Great and Mariamne, thus

having both Idumean and Hasmonean blood in his veins. As a child

he was sent for his education to Rome. The influences of Rome were

not healthy. They made the lad luxurious and extravagant. Loaded

with debts he returned to Judea and was assisted by his uncle and

brother-in-law, Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee. After varied fortunes

he came again to Rome, befriended by Philo's brother Alexander.

Tiberius, emperor at that time, received him favorably and gave him

charge of his grandson. But still his extravagant habits continued,

and an incautious word sent him to prison, where he remained till

the emperor died in 37.

The next emperor, Caligula, who was mad enough to think himself

a divinity, was also sane enough to make Agrippa his friend and

even to be dissuaded by him from putting his statue in the Temple.

Agrippa's fortunes began now to rise. On the death of tetrarch

Philip and on the deposition of tetrarch Antipas, their Palestinian

provinces were bestowed on him (see p. 117). He was honored with the

titles of King and Praetor, and his iron chain was exchanged for

one of gold. So, like Joseph, he was transferred from a prison to

a throne. At Caligula's death he assisted Claudius in obtaining the

imperial crown. In grateful recognition, Judea, Samaria and Idumea

were added to Agrippa's dominions. And thus it happened that Judea

had a king again.

Agrippa the King.

His kingdom, uniting the various tetrarchies of Herod's three sons,

was now even vaster in area than that of his grandfather, Herod.

But he was a very different type of man. In spite of his Roman

associations, he possessed strong Jewish sentiment and decided to

become the father instead of the tyrant of his people.

The wild habits of his youth he laid aside and he hung up in the

Temple the golden chain that replaced his prison fetters, as a

mark of thankfulness and humility. His rule was a golden age for

Judea--all too brief. Though partly of alien blood, the Pharisees

said on one occasion, "Thou art our brother, Agrippa." He was

amiable, benevolent, grateful and showed a forgiving disposition.

His magnanimity changed opponents into friends.

He entered with hearty enthusiasm into all the ceremonial of

Judaism. The Mishna, explained in chap. xxxi, speaks of him in high

praise, and tells how he carried the first fruit offering to the

Temple with his own hand. He looked after the interests of Jews

and Judaism at home and abroad. Through his representation, some

statues that had been wantonly put in a Phoenician synagogue were

removed. Still, outside of Judea he permitted the amphitheatre with

gladiatorial combats, and bestowed gifts upon many Grecian cities

and upon some heathen towns of Palestine.

Rabbi Gamaliel.

The Sanhedrin was invested by him with new power and dignity, and

under the wise presidency of Rabbi Gamaliel, _hazaken_ (the elder),

a descendant of Hillel many liberal laws were made. Gamaliel showed

the same consideration to heathen as to Jewish poor. He was so

esteemed that the saying arose, "When Rabbi Gamaliel died, the

glory of the Torah passed away." One of his teachings ran: "Procure

thyself an instructor; avoid the possibility of doubt; and do not

tithe by conjecture."

Agrippa Slain.

Agrippa would fain have furthered the hopes of Israel in making

them more independent of Rome, but he was watched by envious eyes.

A conference of local vassal kings, called by him, was broken up

by the suspicious Syrian governor. He wished to strengthen Judea's

fortifications, but again the Syrian governor induced the emperor

to stop the work. In fact, many jealous Romans feared that a longer

continuance of his kingdom might develop into a menace against

Rome. So the assassin's knife was called into play! Suddenly at a

moment of triumphal glory, he was stricken down at the early age of

forty-five. The kindly disposed emperor would have given the kingdom

to his son, but he was dissuaded by his counselors. The old regime

of the hated procurators was restored once more.

Agrippa II.

It is true this son, called Agrippa II. was given a small dominion,

but with little independent power. He was also entrusted with the

superintendence of the Temple which he did not always exercise

wisely. He was well-disposed to the Jews, and even used his

influence at court to intercede in their favor; but he felt akin

with them far less than had his father. He imported wood for the

Temple use and employed the discharged workmen of the finished

Herodian Temple to pave the city with marble. At first, he did

all he could in his impotent way to prevent hostilities between

Rome and Judea, but his training had been Roman and his spirit was

pagan. He moved on the line of least resistance--that meant his

ultimate drifting toward victorious Rome. His was a weak nature

entirely under the control of his sister Berenice. She became later

a favorite of the Roman emperor Titus, who played so large a part in

Judea's last days.

NOTE.

Agrippa II. continued to hold his petty kingdom for some time after

Judea had fallen, and lived to read Josephus' history about it. He

was the Agrippa before whom Paul appeared, and to whom he indolently

said, "With little wouldst thou win me over to be a Christian."

Paul also appeared before a later procurator, Felix.

_Theme for discussion_:

If Agrippa had lived and reigned as long as Herod--?

[Illustration: COIN OF AGRIPPA II, 60 C. E.]

CHAPTER XIX.

THE LAST PROCURATORS.

=Roman Emperors and Procurators.= | =Jewry.=

|

YEAR. | YEAR.

=Claudius= 41 |

Fadus 44 |

Tiberius Alexander 45 | Theudas the Messiah 45

Ventidius Cumanus 48 |

Felix 52 |

=Nero= 54 | Death of Philo 55

Festus 60 |

Albinus 62 |

Gessius Florus 66 | Josephus Gov. of Galilee 66

Agrippa's death was a signal for general indignities by Greeks and

Romans throughout Palestine against the people who had lost their

defender. Burdensome taxation alone would have been borne; but each

in turn of the second group of procurators placed over them seemed

actuated by the wanton purpose of trampling upon everything the Jews

held sacred, holding their religion up to scorn, and forcing them

into rebellion through the madness of despair.

_Fadus_, the first of the second group, was the most harmless. A

deluded enthusiast named Theudas claiming to be the Messiah and to

be gifted with supernatural powers, was apprehended and put to death

together with many of his followers.

The Zealots.

_Tiberius Alexander_, the next procurator, was a nephew of Philo,

but unlike his uncle, had abandoned Judaism, and therefore was a

very unfit appointee. He found it necessary to put to death two sons

of the Zealot Judas, the Galilean. These Zealots already briefly

referred to were a group of irreconcilables that at times resorted

to desperate remedies. They were the advance guard of a revolution.

Rebellions continued to grow in gravity with each successive rule.

During the administration of Ventidius Cumanus a rebellion broke out

through the wanton indecency of a Roman soldier during the Passover

celebration. In putting down the insurrection Cumanus ordered many

thousands slain. On another occasion the Zealots started to lead

an attack against Samaria to punish the murder of some of their

brethren, for the base Cumanus allowed marauders to rove unmolested

on the payment of sufficient bribe. Against the Zealots, however, he

led an army, for their offenses were political, not moral. Through

the intervention of young Agrippa, Cumanus was banished.

But the worst Procurator was to follow--_Felix_. He goaded the

Jews beyond endurance. All the appointees to the procuratorship

had been bad, but the appointment of this man as Judea's ruler was

an outrage. He was a freedman, i. e., one from the low classes.

His tyranny in public and his lust in private life revealed his

base origin. How natural that Judah should come to hate Rome

when she was represented by such hateful creatures! How natural

that the rebellious element--the Zealots--should grow in number

and determination. These Felix punished with cruel recklessness,

resorting often to treachery to entrap them. By such doing he

fomented the evil. Rebellion was now rife and could no longer be

quelled.

The Sicarii.

For a still more fanatical group now made their appearance--outcome

of these unhappy times. They were called _Sicarii_, from the short

dagger, _sica_, with which they secretly slew their opponents.

These political assassinations made Jerusalem unsafe. Felix was

even unscrupulous enough to make use of these desperate men to

slay the High Priest Jonathan, whose influence had brought about

his own appointment. His only crime against Felix was begging

him to administer his office more worthily, and his only crime

against the Sicarii was not sanctioning their outrages. These wild,

misguided men were religious enthusiasts of a frenzied sort, for

wanton injustice breeds such types. They would gather with crowds

of deluded followers in the wilderness, claiming a divine call to

overthrow Rome; Felix always had his cohorts ready to hew them

down. He knew no remedies other than bloodshed. In one instance an

Egyptian Jew appeared as a would-be deliverer. At once Felix ordered

a massacre. The leader escaped; some of his surviving followers

awaited his return as a Messiah, who would re-establish the throne

of David once more.

Gradually a large part of the nation was imbued with the spirit of

rebellion. The mismanagement of Felix also brought quarrels among

the priests. Conflict arose in Caesarea between Syrians and Jews as

to civic rights and privileges. Felix partially decided in favor

of the Syrians and again increased the disturbance by resorting

to slaughter. In return for large bribes he deprived the Jews of

Caesarea of their civic rights, which they had possessed from

the days when the city was founded. At last, having done all the

mischief he could, this creature was recalled in 60 by Emperor Nero.

His successor _Festus_, meant well, but could do little in this

demoralized state. Things had gone too far to be smoothed over. The

upheaval had to come. The Sicarii continued their assassinations,

regarding all the moderates as their enemies.

At the death of Festus and after an interval of anarchy, Albinus--a

second Felix--was appointed--a public plunderer, a bribe-taker from

all parties. Well-to-do criminals could buy their freedom from him;

only the poor remained in prison. The high-priesthood at this time

was held by a most unscrupulous man, Ananias, who took by violence

the tithes of the priests. At last Albinus secretly joined the

robber bands of Sicarii. When recalled in 62, he maliciously opened

all the prisons and set the malefactors free to fill the country

with lawless men. How the lives and fates and fortunes of these

hapless Judeans were bandied about to gratify the wanton lust of

these tyrants and scoundrels!

The last procurator, _Gessius Florus_, held the post till 66 and

then the storm burst. For the climax of outrageous rule was reached

in him. Josephus says that, compared with him, Albinus whom he

describes as "an arch-robber and tyrant," was a law-abiding citizen

and to be praised as a benefactor! Need we add more? He did not, as

Albinus, even hide his crimes. His plunderings were conducted by

wholesale. He was verily a partner of robbers. Surely the time for

Judah to strike a blow for freedom had come.

_Theme for discussion_:

Compare zealots of antiquity with to-day's Russian revolutionists,

the Sicarii with the Anarchists, the local governors with the

procurators.

CHAPTER XX.

JUDEA'S WAR WITH ROME.

Revolution.

When Florus, after robbing the people, began openly to rob the

Temple, the last thread of endurance snapped. Called in bitter irony

a beggar, for whom forsooth alms must be collected, Florus took

a bloody revenge. A second wanton attack upon the long suffering

people by his arriving cohorts, compelled them to rise against the

Roman soldiers in self defense. They gained possession of the Temple

Mount and Florus at last, seeing the mischief he had effected,

fled to Caesarea. Agrippa tried hard to dissuade the people from a

hopeless struggle against Rome, but he was a man without influence.

The Temple offerings for the Roman emperor were stopped--that was,

so to speak, the official renunciation of their allegiance. The more

temperate could not restrain the masses from this determination.

A Peace Party.

These moderates, who represented the judicious, formed a "Peace

Party." Conflict arose between them and the advocates of war, in

which Agrippa who aided the former with his troops, had his palace

burned and his soldiers put to flight. Soon the fortress towers

held by the Roman soldiers had to yield and the garrison was slain.

The revolution extended to all the outlying towns in which Jews

and Gentiles fought against each other, and spread even as far as

Alexandria.

The governor of Syria, Cestius Gallus, thoroughly alarmed, came to

Jerusalem with a picked army, but after a partial success he was

forced to retreat. So vigorously was he pursued by these dauntless

men, that only by leaving most of his baggage behind him--of great

value to the revolutionists--could he escape at all, and then with

but a remnant of his army. This unlooked for success left the Peace

Party in a hopeless minority. Roman allies could do naught but leave

the capital. The Jews now began to organize their forces and some of

the highest men in the city led in the defense.

Josephus.

At an assembly of the people Joseph ben Gorion and the High Priest

Ananus were given charge of Jerusalem itself. Two men of the

high-priestly family were sent as generals to Idumea. In Jerusalem

the walls were strengthened and the youths trained for soldiers.

Josephus, a man of but thirty years, later historian of this war and

known so far only as a scholar, was sent to Galilee. Here he was to

gather an army from among the people and to meet the first brunt of

Rome's experienced hosts as they would arrive via Syria. For the

time being he was the governor of Galilee and appointed greater and

lesser councils to strengthen the fortifications of all the cities.

He had further to meet the opposition to his appointment in the

province itself, chiefly by one John of Gischala, a leader bold and

violent. For Josephus was not entirely trusted. His attitude was

altogether too moderate to satisfy these determined rebels. In his

heart of hearts he realized the impossibility of success. That very

conviction at once unfitted him for leadership.

The Emperor Nero, hearing of the defeat of the governor of Syria,

entrusted the task of quelling the rebellion to the experienced

general, Vespasian. He at once sent a garrison of six thousand to

the important Galilean city, Sepphoris, which took possession before

the Jewish army arrived. As the Roman host approached Galilee,

Josephus' untrained soldiers retreated to the highlands, leaving the

whole Galilean plain in possession of Vespasian without his striking

a blow.

Josephus sent word to Jerusalem that if he was to meet the Romans,

he must have an army. The request came too late. His troops, such as

they were, retired to the fortress of Jotapata, north of Sepphoris.

Vespasian appeared before it and a desperate struggle followed.

Josephus was a skilful commander and his men showed dauntless

courage, but Rome on its side had all the experience of war together

with overwhelming numbers. The first attack failed and a siege

began. Josephus showed wonderful craft in obtaining food for his

garrison and in breaking the force of the Roman battering rams. But

these means could only delay the end; they could not change it. The

besieged were worn out by sleeplessness and starvation after holding

out for forty-seven days. The wall was scaled when the exhausted

watchmen were asleep. All were either slain or sold into slavery.

The city and its fortifications were levelled to the ground.

Josephus with forty companions escaped to a cave. Against his advice

to surrender, they all decided that they would die by their own

hands. Josephus by strategem alone managed to escape this fate.

He appeared before Vespasian and by adroit flattery was favorably

received into his camp.

_Theme for discussion_:

Make clear the difference in principle between Judea's "Peace Party"

and the "Royalist Party" among the American revolutionists in 1776.

[Illustration: A BATTLEMENT ON THE HOUSE-TOP.]

CHAPTER XXI.

THE SIEGE.

The North Succumbs.

When Vespasian reached Tiberias, on the Sea of Galilee, the people

opened their gates and at the request of Agrippa--who had now wholly

thrown in his fortunes with the Romans--they were well treated. In

the meantime the army of Titus, son of Vespasian, took the city of

Tarichea.

Glance for a moment at the map of Palestine, (front of book) so

that a mental picture may be formed of the territory involved in

the great struggle: Phoenicia, the Lebanon Mountains and Syria ran

across the north. Immediately south was the province of Galilee,

partly bordering on the Mediterranean and bounded on the east by

the province of Gaulonitis and Decapolis, the Jordan and the Sea of

Galilee being the dividing line. Batanaea lay to the east again of

Gaulanitis. Still farther south was Judea, with the Jordan dividing

it from Perea. Idumea lay in the extreme south.

Vespasian was still in the north and next attacked the strong

fortress of Gamala in Gaulonitis. But after an entrance was gained

into the city, the Jews fought so desperately that the Romans was

repulsed with severe loss and for a time were afraid to renew the

attack. But in a second determined sally it was taken. At the same

time Mount Tabor was taken by a Roman force. There was now left

in Galilee only one unconquered fortress to be taken--Gischala.

Its conquest was entrusted to Titus. Its gates were soon opened,

but its controlling spirit, John of Gischala, with his band of

Zealots escaped to Jerusalem. By the end of the year 67 all northern

Palestine was in the hands of the Romans.

Rival Parties in Jerusalem.

These defeats brought consternation to Jerusalem. The leaders, who

had been taken from the aristocracy, were blamed and deposed. Some

were imprisoned and leaders from among the people were put in their

place. But the change was not made without bloodshed. Alas, here was

the beginning of a civil conflict as well--war within war. Judea's

cup of misery was full. John of Gischala, the escaped Zealot, was

soon at the head of the extreme fanatic party. Fighting contingents

of malcontents came to Jerusalem from all over the country and

joined the Zealots, which thus became the ruling power. They threw

discretion to the winds. An ignorant man of the common people was

also chosen as High Priest though this office had always been in the

hands of the aristocracy.

The Idumeans were now invited to enter Jerusalem and join forces

with the Zealots. They began at once a bloody attack on the party

of law and order. The old leaders, men of high birth, were put to

death. Verily it was Judea's "reign of terror." After assisting

in all this mischief, the Idumeans departed. The new Christian

community also left Jerusalem, deserting their brethren in the

sore hour of need, and took refuge in a heathen city. The shrewd

Vespasian made no haste to attack the capital, hoping that the

opposing parties left to themselves would weaken each other and

make his task more easy. He contented himself with placing

fortified garrisons in the chief surrounding places.

[Illustration: EMPEROR TITUS.]

In the meantime Nero died, in the year 68. Galba was made emperor

only to be murdered a few months after. These events were watched by

Vespasian with keen eyes. The man who had the army with him might

win the purple. He therefore made a pause in the war.

Another wild Zealot, Simon Ben Giora, began a plundering expedition,

carrying devastation wherever he went. In 69, after a year's pause,

Vespasian vigorously renewed the struggle by subduing the remaining

outlying districts. There was now left for subjugation a few

fortresses and the capital.

Stopped from his robber raids by Vespasian's vigor, Simon ben

Giora was now hailed in Jerusalem. Here all was confusion and

demoralization. The reckless tyrant of Gischala had indulged in

terrible excesses. The people hoped that the admission of Simon

would rid them of John's bloodthirsty rule; but there was little

choice between them.

Although Vitellius was now made emperor of Rome, the armies in Egypt

and Palestine decided to nominate Vespasian. He hastened to Rome,

found Vitellius murdered, and his own candidature unopposed. So in

the year 70 he was acknowledged emperor by both east and west, and

the prosecution of the Judean war was left in the hands of his son,

Titus.

In Jerusalem the reign of terror continued. There was now a third

war party under one Eliezar. Each regarded the two others as

enemies, and each held a certain portion of the city as jealously

against the others as against the Romans. Simon ben Giora held the

upper part of the lower city situated on one hill, and the whole

of the upper city situated on another hill called Acra. John of

Gischala was entrenched in the Temple Mount. Eleazar held the court

of the Temple, but soon overpowered by John was forced to join

forces with him. In the madness of their folly they played into the

hands of the Romans by destroying grain rather than let it fall into

the hands of their rivals.

Titus with an immense army appeared before the walls of Jerusalem in

the spring of the fatal year 70. Still he by no means carried all

before him. When we read of the brave and stubborn resistance of the

Jews in spite of the unfortunate conflicts within, we can better

realize how successful their resistance might have been had they

presented a united front to the enemy.

The situation of the city had its natural advantages. It was built

on two hills with a ravine between, while the Temple standing in

spacious grounds, surrounded on all sides by strong walls, was a

citadel in itself. Attached to it was the castle of Antonia. The

upper and lower divisions of the city had their own separate walls,

a town's main protection before the days of gunpowder. There was a

common wall around both divisions and a third around the suburb,

Bezetha.

[Illustration: COIN OF THE REIGN OF TITUS, ABOUT 73 C. E.]

When the battering rams of Titus began attacking the outer walls in

three places, John and Simon stopped their feud and banded together

at last to meet the common enemy. It was only after desperate

fighting for many days that the Romans got possession of the first

wall. Five days later the second wall was taken, though the enemy

was held back for four days longer. Earth defenses were now built by

the legions of Titus against the different fortifications, but no

sooner were these built than they fell, undermined by the vigilant

Simon and John.

Titus now applied new measures of severity. A stricter siege was

maintained. The city was reduced to famine and poor creatures

stealing out to gather food were crucified in sight of the

defenders. Then he built a wall to shut off all possible escape and

so tried to starve them out. The sufferings of the besieged, vividly

portrayed by Josephus, were desperate indeed and led to still more

desperate remedies.

NOTE.

How history repeats itself! The antagonism of the masses to the

aristocracy, characteristic of the French Revolution, found its

precedent in Judea's war against Rome. But the motives were far from

identical.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE FALL OF JERUSALEM.

Titus built new fortifications and this time the attempt to destroy

them was not successful. But no sooner had the last city wall fallen

under the catapults shot from the Roman battering rams than a second

wall appeared behind it, built by the foresight of John of Gischala.

After many attempts this wall was scaled. The Romans now reached

the Temple walls and took the Antonia tower, which they immediately

destroyed.

During all this time the daily sacrifices were continued in the

Temple. In the presence of the grim monsters, war and starvation,

this religious obligation was not forgotten. A proposition of

surrender was made at this dire hour, but the besieged would not

yield. For Titus chose an unfortunate ambassador--Josephus. He was

received with a storm of arrows, for he was regarded by the warriors

in Jerusalem as a traitor.

Now, within the narrower compass of the Temple site, the siege was

maintained, though it was but the beginning of the end. First,

ramparts were erected by Titus against its outer walls; but these

walls were so strong that he could only gain admittance by burning

down the gates. Terrifically did the Jewish soldiers, wasted by

famine, contest every inch of the ground, giving to the Romans many

a repulse. But overwhelming numbers told. Titus had decided to save

the Temple, but his vandal soldiers set it on fire. The attempts of

Titus to quench it were in vain. The beautiful structure of marble

and gold--monument of Herod's pride--was reduced to ashes. While

it was burning the Romans began an indiscriminate slaughter of men,

women and children.

John of Gischala and Simon ben Giora with a small band, now fell

back to the last refuge, the upper city. Their request for liberty

on condition of surrender was refused. The lower city was now burnt

and new ramparts built against the last stronghold. Yet it took some

weeks before entrance was finally forced, and the Romans continued

their savage work of burning and massacre.

[Illustration: THE GOLDEN CANDLESTICK.

(_From the Arch of Titus._)

DEPICTING CARRYING THE SPOIL OF JUDEA.]

The city was razed to the ground--a few gates of Herod's palace

and a piece of wall were alone left standing. The survivors were

sent to labor in unwholesome mines to gather wealth for their

despoilers. Some were reserved for Roman sport in the amphitheatre.

John, discovered in a subterranean vault and begging like a craven

for mercy, was imprisoned for life. Simon ben Giora graced the Roman

triumph.

Thus fell the city of Jerusalem--the religious capital of the

world--in the year 70 C. E., on the same date it is said--the 9th of

Ab--on which it had fallen nearly seven hundred years earlier under

the attacks of the Babylonians. So the Fast of Ab commemorates the

double tragedy.

Masada, the Last Fortress.

The final work of conquest and the barbaric rejoicings, consisting

of forced gladiatorial combats between Jewish prisoners, together

with games and triumphs, continued some two years longer. There

were still three outlying strongholds to be conquered--Herodium,

Macharus, on the other side of the Dead Sea, and Masada, far to

the south. The first two soon fell, but Masada offered a stubborn

resistance which its natural position favored. Under Eleazar ben

Jair and some Sicarii the dauntless bravery of Jerusalem and

Jotapata was repeated. They determined not to die by the swords of

the Romans, so when the soldiers entered they found the little band

all slain by their own hands.

On the site of the old Temple there was subsequently built another,

dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus, and, with a refinement of cruelty,

the Jews throughout the Roman dominions had to pay toward its

maintenance the taxes they had hitherto paid to the support of

their own beloved sanctuary. So ended the Israelitish nation that

under varied fortunes had continued unbroken, except during the

Babylonian captivity, since the days of Saul, i.e., for over a

thousand years.

Judea remained a separate Roman province, but was no longer a home

for the people whose possession it once was. So completely was it

levelled to the ground that there was nothing left to make those who

came there believe it had once been inhabited. Rebuilt at a latter

day, even the name was changed to Aelia Capitolina. But great names

cannot so easily be erased by the ruthless hand of man.

The Remnant Again.

What was now to become of the remaining Jews? What was their status

in the world? Nation, temple, independence were gone. Gone too were

their arms, their means, their nobility, and all political power.

Would it not seem that this must be the end, that their name and

identity must be ultimately merged with their surroundings? Such had

been the fate of other nations as completely conquered--Ammon, Moab,

Assyria, Phoenicia. But Israel was made of different stuff. Its

epitaph was not yet to be written.

NOTE.

In the history of Rome, the conquest of Judea occupies a small

place. It was only a little province in the East! But Greece, which

it had also conquered, was insignificant in size. Still Hellas and

Israel were the greatest intellectual and spiritual powers in the

world. Rome itself received its education from the one and its

religion from the other.

CHAPTER XXIII.

JOSEPHUS AND HIS WORKS.

What literature did this sad period produce? There was neither

heart nor leisure to turn to poetry or philosophy, or even to write

a second "Lamentations." But in the prosaic field of history some

important works were produced by one individual, who hardly deserves

to be included in the fold of Israel--Josephus.

His Early Life.

He was born in Jerusalem in the year 38 C. E. under the regime

of the procurators; so he never knew an independent Judea. Of

studious bent, he was consulted (so he tells us) on points of law

at the early age of fourteen. At the age of 26 he went to Rome like

Philo, to intercede with the Emperor Nero for some of his brethren,

falsely charged by the procurator, Felix. His persuasive address

and political shrewdness won the day. He returned dazzled with the

splendor and magnitude of the city on the Tiber. He realized now the

impossibility of Israel undertaking a successful war against it.

Therefore he never should have been chosen to command one of Judea's

campaigns.

Josephus vs. Jeremiah.

After the war he sought and obtained the liberty of some of the

captives. But he was satisfied to receive Roman citizenship

from the hand of the emperor who had overthrown the Jewish

State--Vespasian, and even appended the emperor's first name,

Flavius, to his own. When we see him living at ease on a pension and

a tax-free estate given by Rome while his brethren were working in

the lead mines of Egypt or glutting the slave markets of Europe we

cannot but contrast his character with that of Jeremiah who had been

placed in similar circumstances some centuries earlier.

[Illustration: FLAVIUS JOSEPHUS.]

In the last days of the first nationality, when Babylonia was

thundering against the gates of Jerusalem, Jeremiah had belonged to

the Peace Party of his day, not for reasons of expediency, such as

actuated Josephus, but from intense religious conviction. (See vol.

iii, _People of the Book_, chap. xxviii.) Nebuchadrezzar, regarding

this attitude as friendly toward Babylon, had offered to Jeremiah

ease and liberty after Judah was laid in the dust. But he scorned to

receive gifts from the enemies of his country or to enjoy benefits

through their misfortune. Though Judah had rejected his advice and

even persecuted him for it, he made their lot his own, miserable

though it was. Like Moses, he died in the wilderness with the

generation who had brought that fate upon themselves, because they

lacked his faith.

History of the Jews.

Let us forget Josephus the soldier; let us remember Josephus the

scholar. Though in his last years he may possibly have lived as

pagan, he certainly wrote as Jew. He loved his people, but lacked

the magnanimity to share their misfortunes. This was his fatal

weakness. Posterity is grateful to Josephus for his History of

the Jews, called "Antiquities of the Jews" in twenty volumes, the

writing of which may have formed the chief occupation of his later

years. Perhaps he felt that he might yet serve Israel's cause in

this way. He begins his chronicle with the Bible records, which

he embellishes with many a Midrashic story such as that of Moses

being given choice of a plate of gold and of fire. He carries the

narrative right down to the procuratorship of Florus. Writing for

Greek and Roman readers, he sought to give them a better and truer

estimate of his people. Indeed, in all his works, he never loses an

opportunity to defend the honor of Israel. In his next work, "Wars

of the Jews," in seven books, he begins with Antiochus Epiphanes,

thus duplicating part of his history. But the first two books are

but introductory to his real theme, the war with Rome. This history

is not only his greatest work, but one of the greatest of antiquity.

He presents a vivid picture of the last scenes of Judea's death

struggle, of which he was an eye witness and in part an actual

participator. It is carefully and skilfully compiled and as a

contemporary record it is invaluable.

It was first written in his mother tongue, Aramaic, (p. 69), and

later rewritten in Greek. The work was endorsed by Vespasian, Titus

and Agrippa. It may be said that such a man was not of fine enough

character to be an impartial historian; but impartial historians

are quite a modern institution. All ancient historians took great

liberties both with events and numbers, and put speeches of their

own composition in the mouths of the leading characters.

In connection with this work we may mention his autobiography,

covering chiefly his questionable achievements as commander-in-chief

in Galilee in 66. It is his _apologia pro vita sua_.

Contra Apion.

To his merit, be it further said, he gladly became the advocate of

his people in the land of the Gentile, and jealously guarded their

reputation. Against the traducer, Apion, an Egyptian grammarian, he

launched a work in Israel's defense, "Josephus Against Apion," or

"The Great Age of the Jews," in the form of a letter to a friend. It

is in two books. In the first he replies to other traducers of the

Jewish people. For the bad fashion had come into vogue of inventing

absurd slanders against the Jews--a fashion, by the way, that has

not yet passed away.

He easily refutes the charges of Manetho that the Jews were expelled

from Egypt as lepers. "If lepers why should they have been kept so

long as slaves."

Of Apion, the offender, who gives title to the book, he says: His

writings show palpable ignorance and malevolent calumny; but as the

frivolous part of mankind exceeds the discerning, I find myself

under some kind of necessity to expose the 'errors of this man.' He

shows how Apion ridicules the Sabbath by misrepresenting its origin.

To the slander that Jews worship a golden ass placed in their holy

of holies, he replies that such charge could only have been brought

by an Egyptian, for they _do_ worship animals.

He dismisses the preposterous charge that Jews annually sacrifice

a Greek, with the information that at the time of Moses, "the Jews

knew not the Greeks." How old "the blood accusation" is!

But Josephus finds that the best and most dignified reply to all

aspersions on Israel lies in giving an outline of their law and

belief. This gives him an opportunity to testify to the faith that

is in him still. He writes:

"There never was such a code of laws framed for the common good

of mankind as those of Moses--for the advancement of piety,

justice, charity, industry, regulation of society, patience,

perseverence in well doing, even to the contempt of death

itself."

"God is the source of joy and to Him they turn in all woe. This

worship of the one God is combined with morals."

"They weekly gather even their servants and children (on the

Sabbath), having suspended work to read the Law, that they might

know what to do."

He points out the sobriety of the Law, its strict chastity,

reverence for parents and elders, duties to the stranger, moderation

towards enemies, easement of prisoners, especially women, kindness

to animals and vigorous punishment of sin. It regards death, he

says, as a blessed means of being transported from this life to a

better. Hence Israel's record of martyrdom:

"Such is our reputation that there is hardly a nation in the

world that does not conform in some respect to our example."

"How many there are of our captive countrymen at this day,

struggling under exquisite torments because they will not

renounce their laws nor blaspheme the God of their forefathers."

Like Philo, he regards Judaism as a universal religion that should

be accepted by all mankind.

His works are couched in simple and attractive style. Written in

Greek, they have been translated into all tongues. They were read

much by Christians of the Middle Ages, who regarded Josephus as a

second Livy; but till recent years he has been neglected by his own

people. But then so was Philo.

NOTES AND REFERENCES.

_Historians_:

Justus of Tiberias also wrote a history of the Jewish War; it is now

lost.

_Defenders_:

Among writers in defense and appreciation of the Jews just a

little prior to Josephus, were Alexander Polyhistor, Strabo, the

geographer, and chiefly Nicolaus of Damascus.

_Josephus and Christianity_:

Josephus relates fully the story of John the Baptist, but does not

mention Jesus of Nazareth! This would seem to indicate that, prior

to the coming of Paul, Jesus left but a slight impression on his

age. This omission seems to have so disconcerted some members of the

Church that one actually inserted a paragraph about Jesus in the

History of Josephus. But the clumsy forgery was later discovered.

_Theme for discussion_:

Should Josephus be regarded as a traitor?

[Illustration: THE ARCH OF TITUS.

RAISED TO COMMEMORATE THE OVERTHROW OF JUDEA.]

BOOK IV.

THE TALMUDIC ERA.

CHAPTER XXIV.

JOCHANAN BEN ZAKKAI.

The Jews now belonged to no land, yet for that very reason, they, in

a sense, belonged to all lands. They were cosmopolitans, citizens of

the world. To follow their history after their dispersion by Rome,

we shall have to turn to all the settled parts of the globe. What

henceforth became the link to hold together their widely scattered

members and preserve them from being absorbed by their surroundings?

Their religion. Religions outlive states and spiritual bonds are

stronger than temporal. But now that Judaism's centre, the Temple,

was no more, now that the sacred capital, Jerusalem, the only

sanctioned place for sacrificial worship, was lost--how could they

maintain their continuity and what would become of their priesthood?

Just here will we witness the wonderful adaptability of Judaism in

the hands of this deathless race. It only awaited a genius to revive

the Faith, apparently in the throes of death, and to endow it with

new strength and vitality. The hero who undertook this sacred task

was named Jochanan ben Zakkai.

The Academy at Jamnia.

Jochanan ben Zakkai had been a leader in the Sanhedrin, in the last

days of Judea. When many were urging war he had stood for peace

and he became the exponent of the Peace Party. For he saw that the

madness of the Zealots in blindly plunging the country into conflict

could end only in ruin. He may have felt, too, that the fulfilment

of Israel's mission did not rely on national independence and

that it could preach its message in a way other than in bloody

conflict. So when the war was at its height, he managed to escape

from Jerusalem in a coffin, since the Zealots treated all peace

advocates as traitors. Welcomed by Vespasian, who saw the value

of so influential a pleader for surrender, he was allowed to ask

a favor. His reply showed that he was not of the Josephus, but of

the Jeremiah type. He asked naught for himself, but pleaded for the

privilege of establishing an _Academy_, where the principles of

Judaism might be taught. This small request was granted, perhaps

contemptuously at its apparent insignificance. Yet by that grant

Judaism was enabled to continue its development--aye, to outlive the

great Roman Empire at whose mercy it now stood.

_Jamnia_, a place near the Mediterranean and not far from Joppa, was

chosen as the seat of the new academy. Here came many who, being of

the conciliatory party, were left free and untouched by Rome at the

close of the War. Here Jochanan ben Zakkai summoned a Sanhedrin, and

by a bold stroke decided to continue the authoritative powers of

that body in spite of the tradition that to be effective, it must

sit in the "hewn stone hall" of the Jerusalem Temple.

Prayer replaces Sacrifice.

But he took a more daring step still. According to the Law, now that

the Holy City was taken, sacrifice was no longer possible; therefore

Jochanan ben Zakkai declared that it was no longer indispensable;

saying, charity is a substitute for sacrifice. Prayer, which

had been an accompaniment to sacrifice was now treated as an

independent mode of worship. The synagogue, which had in later years

existed side by side with the sacrificial Temple, now altogether

replaced it. Thus does genius adapt itself to altered conditions.

The change was revolutionary and marked a new era in Judaism's

development. The epoch of the Priest was over, the Altar was

outlived--one of the ideals of the Prophets was attained. Again

necessity was the teacher and adversity was found to "wear a

precious jewel in its head." Furthermore, the creation of a centre

of Jewish authority outside of Jerusalem freed Judaism from bondage

to a particular locality. Its complete fulfilment was now confined

neither to a city nor a nation. The whole earth could become its

legitimate home. This also had its moral value. To the simple-minded

it made clearer the idea that God was manifest everywhere; that

verily "the heaven was His throne and the earth His footstool." It

gave tangible application to the text, "In every place where I cause

my name to be remembered, I will come unto thee and bless thee."

So the survival of Judaism after the destruction of the sacrificial

Temple, after the loss of the sacred capital and the Holy Land,

and after the dispersion of the Jews throughout the world, made it

more manifest that it was indeed a perennial and a universal Faith.

Perhaps then even in this sad tragedy we may discern the hand of

Providence.

It is true that some pious souls took a disconsolate view of the

outlook and, renouncing the world's joys, gave themselves up to

ascetic lives of penitence. A few drifted toward the new Christian

sect that was now severing all relations with Judaism, thinking it

doomed. But under the guidance of Jochanan ben Zakkai, the great

majority faced the future more hopefully and more bravely. The land

was gone, but the religion was saved. Henceforth its rallying centre

was to be--not a _Temple_, but a _Book_.

The Tannaim.

We have already seen that the Scribes interpreted the Bible in a way

to derive from it new laws to meet new needs, (pp. 19-20; 80-81.)

These deduced rules grew into a Second Law, more voluminous than

the first. The patient continuance of this process to meet all

religious, social and economic requirements of Israel's altered life

became now the chief work of the Jamnia Academy and of other schools

that sprang from it. To this work of laying bare "the whole duty of

man" the scholars now devoted themselves and regarded it as sacred

as divine worship. "The study of the Law," said they, "outweighs

all virtues." The first order of these great expounders were called

_Tannäim_ (_tanna_ means teacher). Very preciously did the students

who sat at the feet of the sages treasure their decisions (for they

were contained in no book) and handed them down from generation to

generation.

The people at large now learned to look to the Jamnia Sanhedrin,

for such it became, as their authority in all religious duties and

also for guidance in varied perplexities. In those days there was

no fixed calendar; the new month was ascertained by watching the

heavens for the new moon and from the date of its appearance the

Sanhedrin decided the festivals of each month for the community.

The new moon was announced from place to place by messengers and

fire signals on the hills. These could not reach distant places of

Jewish settlement far beyond Judea, and, in some cases the signals

were tampered with. So, as there was a doubt of one day as to the

new moon's appearance, they introduced the custom of observing an

additional day of each festival.

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