propositions, mais ils me renvoyèrent leur réponse séparée par le dit
Sieur de Bonnaventure; cette réponse m’accordoit partie des articles
que j’avois demandés, mais ceux qui m’étoient le plus sensible et
glorieux, qui étoient ceux de sortir de la Place, avec les honneurs de
la guerre, avec arme et bagage, tambour battant et drapeaux déployés,
ne s’y trouvoient pas insérés, aussy je leur écrivis sur le champ deux
lettres, l’une au chef d’escadre et l’autre au général de terre, que
je ne pouvois consentir à laisser sortir les troupes de la place sans 309
ces articles qui étoient des honneurs dûs à des troupes qui avoient
fait leur devoir, que cela accordé je consentois aux articles.
“Messieurs les généraux m’écrivirent en réponse qu’ils accordoient cet
article et monsieur Warren augmenta des conditions pour la reddition
de l’Isle et de la Place.
“Les ratifications ont été signées de part et d’autre, mais messieurs
les généraux Anglois bien loin d’avoir exécuté de leur part la dite
capitulation, ainsy que j’ai fait du mien en tout son contenu, ils ont
manqué en plusieurs articles.
“Au premier article il est dit que tous les effets mobiliers de tous
les sujets du Roy de France qui étoient dans Louisbourg leur seroient
laissés et qu’ils auroient la liberté de les emporter avec eux dans
tels ports d’Europe de la domination de leur Roy qu’ils jugeront à
propos.
“Tous les battiments qui étoient dans le port appartenant aux
particuliers, faisaient partie de leurs effets mobiliers, cependant
les Anglois s’en sont emparés et les ont garde pour eux.
“Tous les particuliers généralement quelconques qui ont passé en
France n’ont pu emporter aucune armoire, chaise, fauteuil, table,
bureau, chenets et autres meubles de cette nature, ny même aucune
grosse marchandise, messieurs les généraux n’ayant point fourni des
battiments pour cela nécessaires, ils n’ont pas été pillés, mais à
bien examiner la chose, ne pouvant pas emporter le peu de meubles
qu’ils avoient faute de battiments, ils ont éte obligés de les
laisser, ce qu’ils ont laissé à Louisbourg est tout comme si on leur
avait pillé, à moins que Sa Grandeur ne fasse faire raison par la cour
d’Angleterre.
“Ils ont encore manqué à cet article, pendant le temps que j’étois à
la colonie; ils ont fait partir à mon insu 436 matelots et
particuliers pour Baston; ils étoient embarqués ainsi que les troupes
sur des vaisseaux de guerre jusqu’à leur embarquement pour la France, 310
mais un matin le vaisseau dans lequel ils étoient eut ordre de partir
pour Baston, et fit voile.
“J’en fus informé, j’en portai ma plainte, mais cela n’aboutit à autre
chose sinon qu’ils n’avoient pu faire autrement faute de vivres et de
battiment et qu’on les feroit repasser de Baston en France.
“Ces matelots n’ont pas été les seuls, j’ai été informé que depuis mon
départ, ils ont agi de même à l’égard des familles qui n’avoient pu
être placées sur les bâtiments de transport qu’ils avoient destiné
pour la France, si les généraux anglois avoient voulu, les bâtiments
qui ont transporté ces familles à Boston les auroient transportées
pour France, ils avoient des vivres en magazin beaucoup plus que pour
la traversée; mais ils n’ont agi ainsi qu’afin de disperser la
colonie.
“Le 2^e article regarde les battiments qui étoient dans le port et
ceux qu’ils devoient fournir en cas que les premiers ne fussent pas
suffisants pour faire le transport.
“J’ay fait mes remarques à ceci au précédent article, c’est un des
plus considérables par rapport à la valeur des choses, y ayant
quantité de battiments dans le port qui étoient coulés ou échoués, et
dont l’ennemy ne pouvoit en faire sortir aucun du port ny faire aucun
usage tant que nos batteries auroient existé.
“Au surplus si plusieurs particuliers de la ville n’avoient pas acheté
des battiments les Anglois auroient profité de tous les effets qu’ils
y ont chargés, ainsi qu’ils ont fait de ceux qui n’avoient pas le
moyen d’en acheter, ces familles auroient été contraintes, ainsi que
celles qui se sont embarquées en payant de gros frets, de passer à
Boston.
“A l’égard du dernier article des armes, tous les habitans avoient les
leurs et les ont remises en dépôt sitôt la reddition de la place; ces
armes étoient partie de leurs effets, les ennemis n’ont pas voulu les
rendre, je m’en suis plaint, ils m’ont fait réponse, lorsqu’ils ont 311
envoyé les 436 matelots, qu’ils leur enverroient leurs armes, les
autres habitans sont dans le même cas.
“Je crois devoir vous informer, Monseigneur, qu’ils se sont aussy
emparés de tous les effets et ustensils de l’hôpital et des magasins
du Roi: par la reddition de la Place ils n’ont que la ville avec les
fortifications et batteries, avec toute l’artillerie armes et
ustensils de guerre qui y étoient et non pas les autres effets;
cependant ils s’en sont emparés, disant que c’étoit au Roy, Monsieur
Bigot leur a fait ses representations qui n’ont eu aucun fruit, il
vous rendra compte à ce sujet.
“Monsieur Bigot a bien voulu se charger lorsqu’il est parti de l’isle
d’Aix pour vous rendre compte de ma lettre du 15 de ce mois avec tous
les originaux des papiers, concernant tout ce qui s’est passé à
l’occasion du siège de Louisbourg; je suis persuadé qu’ils les aura
remis à sa grandeur et qu’après l’examen qu’elle en a fait, elle me
rendra assez de justice que j’ay fait tout mon possible pour la
défense de cette place, et que je ne l’ay rendue qu’a la dernière
extrémité.
“J’oubliois d’informer monseigneur, que messieurs de la Tressillière
et Souvigny, enseignes, et Lopinot, fils cadet, sont du nombre de ceux
qui ont été tués pendant le siege.
“La garnison de Canceau avoit été faite prisonnière au dit lieu le 24
may de l’année dernière; elle ne devoit pas porter les armes contre le
Roy pendant l’an et jour; monsieur Duquesnel donna la liberté à tous
les officiers de cette garnison d’aller sur leur parole d’honneur à
Baston et de passer au dit lieu le temps porté par leur capitulation.
“Le Sieur Jean Blastrick, officier, étoit du nombre, il a manqué à sa
parole, puisqu’il les a prises au mois de mars dernier, c’étoit un des
chefs de ceux qui ont brûlé Toulouse-Port et qui ont fait la descente
à Gabarrus le 11 may.
“Il étoit colonel général de la milice de Baston, et il est entré en 312
ville à la tête de cette milice, le lendemain de la reddition de la
place.”
C.
CHAPTER XXII. SHIRLEY AND THE ACADIANS.
All the following correspondence is from the Public Record Office:
America and West Indies.
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, 14 DEC., 1745.
(_Extract._)
“... Having lately procur’d from Fort Major Phillips of Annapolis
Royal the late Lieutenant Governour Armstrong’s Original Instrument
mention’d in my late State of the Province of Nova Scotia to be given
by him to the French Inhabitants of that Province, by virtue of which
and of another of the same tenour given ’em by him in 1730, they claim
an Exemption from bearing Arms in defence of his Majesty’s Government,
I inclose your Grace a Copy of it. Mr. Phillips in his letter
inclosing this Instrument to me observes that the ‘Inhabitants of Nova
Scotia at the first news of Louisbourg’s being surrendred were in
great Consternation and at Minas in particular they appear’d in Tears
in the Publick Places, where nine months before they had assisted in
singing Te Deum, on a false report that Annapolis Royal was surrendred
to Monsieur Duvivier.’ He goes on to say that a report was spread
there that Monsieur Duvivier was arriv’d at Canada with rigging for
two Men of War, and the Renommée a French thirty gun Ship with two 313
Prizes at Quebec. And all the Nova Scotia Priests were gone to Canada
for Instructions; and give out that there are 2000 Canadeans at
Chignecto waiting ready for another attempt against his Majesty’s
Garrison. To which I would beg leave to subjoin that it seems to me
far from being improbable that the French will Attempt the reduction
of Nova Scotia early in the Spring, by gaining which they will have a
fine provision Country to assemble 8 or 10,000 fighting men and all
the tribes of Indians ready to join in an attempt against Louisbourg
at a few days Warning as I observ’d to your Grace in a late Letter;
But if they should not attempt Louisbourg they would irresistably
break up all the Eastern Settlements of this Province and I doubt not
the whole Province of New Hampshire it self, which would make ’em
masters of all Mast Country and Naval Stores and of a rich Soil for
Corn as well as Cattle and this would also enable ’em to make deep
impressions on all the Western frontier of this Province, New York and
Connecticut, and, how far they might penetrate is not Certain but so
far at least as might make it very difficult to dislodge ’em and give
’em such an hold of the Continent as to make ’em think in time of
pushing with the assistance of the Indians for the Mastery of it,
which is richly worth contending for with all their might as it would
in their hands lay the surest foundation for an Universal Monarchy by
Sea and Land that ever a people had. This train of Consequences from
the Enemies being Masters of Nova Scotia may seem remote, my Lord, but
they are not impossible, and it may be very difficult for the French
to regain Louisbourg at least without being Masters of Nova Scotia,
and that seems under the present Circumstances of the Garrison where
no recruits are yet Arriv’d from England and the Inhabitants of the
Country Surrounding it are Enemies in their hearts no difficult
acquisition and to be made with a small Train of Artillery in three 314
weeks at farthest. I would submit it to your Grace’s consideration
whether the Garrison should not be reinforc’d as soon as may be. And
the Inhabitants should not be forthwith put upon a good foot of
Subjection and fidelity. Thus in obedience to your Grace’s Direction I
have troubled you with my whole sentiments concerning the Province of
Nova Scotia which as I can’t think it probable that the French will
sleep the next year after the blow we have given ’em at Louisbourg
(which, if they don’t recover it soon by retaking Cape Breton or
getting Nova Scotia will prove their Death wound in North America)
seems to be most likely to be attack’d by ’em of any place in these
parts, and I hope your Grace will excuse my Repetition of the Danger
of it.
“I am with the most Dutiful Regards
“My Lord Duke,
“Your Grace’s most Obed^t.
“and most Devoted Servant
“W. SHIRLEY.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, 11 FEB. 1746.
(_Extract._)
“MY LORD DUKE.
“Since my last to your Grace I have received the Inclos’d packett from
Mr. Mascarene Containing a Representation of the State of Nova Scotia
from himself and his Majesty’s Council of that Province with a copy of
a Letter from him to me, Showing the reasons of his late Conduct
towards the French Inhabitants; Your Grace will perceive that this
representation is drawn up in Stronger Terms against the Inhabitants
than mine; I could wish the Gentlemen had been more Explicit in what
they would Recommend as the most adviseable Method of Securing his
Majesty’s Government within the Province and against the French
Inhabitants--But as that is not done except in Short hints, And Mr. 315
Little, to whom both Mr. Mascarene and Mr. Secretary Shirreff referr
me for a Larger Account of the Sentiments of the Gentlemen of the
Garrison concerning these Matters, Offers his Service to go with my
dispatches to England and return directly with any Orders his Majesty
may be pleased to give thereupon, I have sent him to wait upon your
Grace, and it is possible that when he is upon the Spot ready to
Answer any Questions, it may be of Service--. Having before troubled
your Grace So Largely upon this head, I will beg leave to referr to my
former Letters, Mr. Little Mr. Agent Kilby and Mr. Bollan, which two
last can, I believe, give Considerable Light on the affair; And shall
only add that the Spring before last the Garrison was very narrowly
Saved from the Enemy by the Arrival of the New England Auxiliaries,
and the last Spring, by the Expedition against Cape Breton, that the
preservation of it this Spring will be of the Utmost Importance to his
Majesty’s Service in America, and that nothing will more effectually
Secure that than putting the Inhabitants upon a proper foot of
Subjection, in the most Speedy Manner, to prevent their Revolt, which
Cannot be done without his Majesty’s Special directions for that
purpose; for the procuring of which, I find Mr. Mascarene, and his
whole Council have a dependance upon me; the Language of their Several
Letters being that they _Commit themselves to my Care_; and will
take no step without my Advice or approbation, which has been the Case
for above these last two years, And I mention to your Grace in Excuse
for my being So importunate in the Affairs of another Government,
which the Gentlemen of the Garrison lay me Under a Necessity of being;
And I am further Urg’d to this by the late Accounts, w^{ch}. Mr.
Mascarene and the other Gentlemen have sent me of the Appearance of
four hundred Indians well Cloathed, Arm’d, and Supply’d with Stores 316
from Canada near St. Johns River, Seventeen French Officers being Seen
among ’em, and another Body of French in the Neighbourhood of the
Province, and Reports that Mr. Duvivier in the Parfaite Man of Warr,
and another Ship of Force were at Qubec with Stores, and another was
seen to put into St. Johns Island; That the Priests who went to Canada
for Instructions are returned with Supplies and large promises to the
Indians (before well dispos’d and upon the point of putting themselves
under Our protection on the taking of Louisbourg) and Encouragements
for the Inhabitants to depend upon a powerfull force against the Fort
at Annapolis Royal this Spring. These alarms indeed have been
Something Allay’d by Letters from the Deputies of Minas and other
Districts to Mr. Mascarene, which for my own part I have no great
dependance upon.
“But it seems plain upon the whole, that the French are making the
Utmost Efforts to retain the Indians of those parts in their Interest,
and gaining over the Inhabitants of Nova Scotia, So that the Taking of
Speedy measures for Securing these last and gaining over the former
which will depend upon that, as the preservation of Nova Scotia does
upon both, is a Matter of the Highest Consequence.
“Upon this Occasion it seems necessary for me to apprise your Grace,
that Mr. Mascarene and his Council have not So good an harmony
Subsisting between them as could be wish’d, and that all the Officers
have of late differ’d in Sentiments with him particularly upon the
Behaviour of the French Inhabitants, Concerning whom he indeed has
himself alter’d his Opinion in Some measure; But I think there may be
Still danger of too much tenderness towards ’em on his part, and
perhaps rigour on theirs in carrying any Orders of his Majesty’s into
Execution; So that by their Jarring, the Execution of the Orders may
possibly be Obstructed, if they are left to themselves;
“Wherefore if their Chief Governour’s Age and health, and other 317
Circumstances would have permitted him to have been Upon the Spott,
and Assisted in this Service, it would I believe have been for the
Advantage of it, for him to have made ’em a short Visit at least this
year, And if it could have been repeated for the two or three
proceeding years it would have been still more so....”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, 10TH MAY, 1746.
(_Extract._)
“... I think it my indispensable duty to suggest again to Your Grace
my Fears that the Enemy will soon find an opportunity of snatching
Accadie by some Sudden Stroke from his Majesty’s Government unless the
danger is remov’d out of the Heart of it there by a Removal of the
most dangerous of the french Inhabitants from thence, & transplanting
English Families there in their room, which I think very practicable
from hence, having lately found means of transplanting upwards, I
believe, of an hundred Families from the Province to Louisbourg
towards the Settlement of it, which yet I dont esteem of such
Importance to be immediately done as the Settlement of Nova Scotia
with faithful Subjects.
“In the meanwhile ’till this can be happily effected & the Indians in
those parts secur’d in the English Interest, I have propos’d to Mr.
Warren that a Detachment of 100 Men should be sent from Louisbourg to
reinforce the garrison at Annapolis Royal, since the late Miscarriage
of 182 out of 302 of the Recruits designed for Annapolis in their
Passage from England to the garrison there. Ninety-six of the
Remainder of ’em, which came in here, I with difficulty have got
recovered in his Majesty’s Castle William & at the Hospital in Boston,
& sent a month ago to Annapolis where I hear they are safely arriv’d,
and twenty more who are in a fair way of being serviceable, I shall 318
send from the Hospital within three days; But the Garrison will still
be weak as Mr. Mascarene has dismiss’d most of the New England
Auxiliaries, and they have not, I am informed, 220 effective private
Men left besides their Artificers & Workmen: I have also recommended
to Mr. Warren the frequent Sending of a Ship of War to look into the
Bason of Annapolis & make the Garrison there a short Visit in order to
prevent a Surprise; & by his Opinion in Concurrence with Sir Will^m
Pepperrell’s, Mr. Mascarene’s & my own a Sloop has been hir’d &
employ’d for about these last four Months to attend upon that
garrison, & carry Intelligence between Annapolis Royal, Louisbourg &
Boston concerning the State of it & the Enemy’s Motions which we
conceiv’d necessary to be done for its Security, and hope your Grace
will not disapprove of.
“What Mr. Frontenac observed some years ago to M^r Pontchartrain
concerning the french King’s recovering of Accadie & making himself
absolute Master of the great Bank [of Newfoundland] as in the inclos’d
Extract of his Letter, seems so seasonable to be consider’d at this
time, that I would beg leave to observe to your Grace upon it, that
his Maj^{ty’s} holding the Possession of Annapolis Royal &
Newfoundland (already conceded to his Crown by the Treaty of Utrecht)
with his late Acquisition of Cape Breton, will put the whole Cod
Fishery more in his Power than M^r Frontenac’s Scheme could have put
it into the French Kings, and that besides what M^r Frontenac calls a
Commerce more advantageous than the Conquest of the Indies, and
computes the Returns of at twenty Millions (I suppose french Livres)
per annum, it would furnish his Majesty with as good a Nursery of
Seamen for the Royal Navy as the Colliery in England does, not to
mention the great consumption of British Manufactures which must be
occasioned in carrying the Fishery on;--that the holding of Annapolis 319
Royal in particular will be establishing to his Majesty the Mastery of
the Northern Part of this Continent against the French, Secure to him
inexhaustible Nurseries of Masts, Yards, Bowsprits & other Stores for
his Navy, & Timber for Ship building within his Northern Colonies
independent of any foreign State to be purchased with British
Manufactures & transported in British Vessels--that the Inhabitants of
the Northern Colonies would in time make such an Addition of Subjects
to the Crown of Great Britain as would make their number Superior to
that of any Prince’s upon the Continent of Europe; and in the
meanwhile the Vent of Woolen & other British Manufactures, & all Kinds
of European Commodities imported into the Colonies from Great Britain
must increase in proportion to the Increase of their Inhabitants: by
all which means the main Sources of Wealth, & a larger Extent of Power
by Sea & Land than any State in Christendom at present enjoys, seems
capable of being secur’d to his Maj^{ty’s} Dominions; But which will
in the End otherwise be in all human Probability the Lot of the french
Dominions; And I would in particular observe to your Grace the most
practicable Step the Enemy can attempt making towards their obtaining
that seems clearly to be their rendring themselves Masters of Nova
Scotia, the Consequences of w^{ch} would give ’em so strong an hold
upon this Continent as would make it difficult to dislodge ’em & put
it very much in their Power to harrass & annoy his Maj^{tys} Colonies
both by Land & Sea, in such manner as to weaken ’em extremely, if not
by degrees finally subdue ’em.
“I am with the most dutiful Regards,
“My Lord Duke,
“Your Grace’s most devoted
“and obedient Servant
“W. SHIRLEY.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, 31 MAY 1746. 320
(_Extract._)
“... I would beg Leave to observe to your Grace, y^t the Danger to his
Majesty’s garrison arises chiefly from within the heart of the
government itself, the Inhabitants & neighboring Indians whose Numbers
are sufficient of themselves with a small assistance from Canada & the
help of a proper Train of Artillery, slipt up the Bay in small
Vessells (w^{ch} would give ’em great Encouragement to take up Arms
ag^t the garrison) to reduce it. However while the Attempt against
Canada is depending, that will certainly go far towards holding the
Inhabitants of Nova Scotia in suspense, till the success of it is
known; & I hope by next Spring they may either be put upon a better
foot of Subjection, or the most dangerous among ’em removed....”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, 18 JUNE, 1746.
(_Extract._)
“... I may assure your Grace y^t. one of the principal motives I had
to desire I might succeed General Phillips in his Command, was the
hopes I have of it’s putting it in my power to promote his Majesty’s
Service in his Province of Acadie, or Nova Scotia by securing the
fidelity & Allegiance of the Inhabitants there to his Majesty’s
Government in the best manner, and thereby preventing the French from
making themselves masters of it, the Acquisition of w^{ch} to them
with the help of the Indians would likewise endanger the Loss of the
Province of New Hampshire & the Mast Country to his Majesty with the
Fishery of the Acadie or Cape Sable’s Shoar, including that of Canso,
to his Subjects here in present, & should not Canada be reduc’d, would
enable the enemy to harrass & Diminish all his Majesty’s Colonies 321
& on the Continent, & have an inevitable Tendency to make themselves
masters of the whole of it in time; not to mention the Continual
Danger, w^{ch} their possession of Nova Scotia would at the same time
expose Cape Breton & even Newfoundland to.
“The Considerations have induc’d me to take the Liberty of submitting
it to your Grace, whether it might not be for his Majesty’s Service,
that before the six Regiments to be employ’d ag^t Canada return to
England, orders may be sent that such part of ’em as shall be thought
necessary to assist in removing the most obnoxious of the French
Inhabitants of Nova Scotia from thence, should be employ’d in that
Service, w^{ch} would not take up much time; I am not certain whether
a sufficient Strength might not be spar’d from the Garrison at
Louisbourg a short time for this purpose, w^{ch} if it could, would
make the Assistance of any other Troops needless.
“And I would particularly submit it to your Grace’s Consideration,
whether in case of any Disappoinment in the present Attempt for the
reduction of Canada, the immediate removal of some at least of the
French Inhabitants of Nova Scotia, & securing the province in the best
manner would not be ... adviseable and even necessary.
“If your Grace should think this deserves so much of your Attention
there will be time enough for transmitting his Majesty’s Commands to
me upon it before the present Expedition is over.
“I am with the most Dutifull Regard
“My Lord Duke
“Your Grace’s most Devoted
“& most obedient Servant
“W. SHIRLEY.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, 28 JULY, 1746. 322
(_Extract._)
“I must acknowledge I should rather apprehend the french Fleet (if it
is design’d for North America) is order’d to Canada; or else to
Annapolis Royal, where the Enemy may depend that upon the Apperance of
such an Armament the french Inhabitants of Nova Scotia (to the Amount
of between 5 & 6000 fighting men) and a considerable Number of Indians
& some Canadeans, would immediately join ’em, and they would have a
most convenient Country to rendezvous in within a very few days sail
of Chappeaurouge Bay at Cape Breton, and be not far from Canada, than
that they should attempt to enter Louisbourg Harbour with their Ships;
and I am the more inclin’d to this Opinion from the Accounts I have
receiv’d lately from M^r Mascarene, and the Officers of the Garrison
at Annapolis Royal which inform me that the french Inhabitants at
Menis & Schiegneto (in Nova Scotia) have cut off all communication
with the garrison for these last five Weeks, and have stop’d the
Messengers sent from thence by M^r Mascarene for Intelligence; being
in Expectation of an Armament from France; And indeed it seems
probable that this will for ever be the Case; and that the Province of
Nova Scotia will never be out of Danger, whilst the french Inhabitants
are suffer’d to remain in Nova Scotia upon their present Foot of
Subjection.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, 15 AUG. 1746.
(_Extract._)
“I shall finish my troubleing your Grace upon the Affairs of Nova
Scotia with this Letter after having once more Submitted it to your 323
Grace’s Consideration as a proper Scheme for better securing the
Subjection of the French Inhabitants and Indians there; that the
Governour & Council or such other Person or Persons as his Majesty
shall think fitt to join with ’em, should have a special authority and
directions from his Majesty, forthwith to Apprehend & Examine a
convenient number of such of the Inhabitants, as shall be by them
judg’d to be most obnoxious & Dangerous to his Majesty’s Government, &
upon finding ’em guilty of holding any treasonable Correspondence with
the Enemy &c to dispose of them & their Estates in such manner, as his
Majesty shall order by his Commissions and to promise his Majesty’s
Gracious Pardon & a general Indemnity to the Rest for what is past
upon their taking the Oaths of Allegiance to his Majesty; And to Cause
either two strong Blockhouses (or small Forts) capable of holding 100
Men each to be Built, one in Menis & the other in Schiegnecto, which
may be Garrison’d out of Phillip’s Regiment when Compleated, or else
that at least one Blockhouse (or small Fort) should be Built at Menis
capable of holding 150 men; and a trading house be kept at the Fort at
Menis or some other part of the Province well Stock’d with all proper
Supplies for the Indians to be sold or barter’d to ’em for Furrs &c at
the most reasonable Rates, and some presents annually distributed to
’em: by which means and removing the Romish Priests out of the
Province, & introducing Protestant English Schools, and French
Protestant Ministers, and due encouragement given to such of the
Inhabitants, as shall Conform to the Protestant Religion, and send
their Children to the English Schools, the present Inhabitants might
probably at least be kept in Subjection to his Majesty’s Government,
and from treasonable correspondencies with the Canadians; and the next
Generation in a great measure become true Protestant Subjects; and 324
the Indians there soon Reclaim’d to an entire dependance upon &
subjection to his Majesty; which might also have an happy Influence
upon some of the Tribes now in the French Interest.
“Your Grace will be pleas’d to Excuse all
“Incorrectness in this rough Sketch.
“I am with the most Dutifull Regard,
“My Lord Duke,
“Your Grace’s most Devoted &
“Most Obedient Servant
“W. SHIRLEY.”
SHIRLEY TO MASCARENE, BOSTON, SEPT^R. 16, 1746.
“SIR,
“Having been inform’d that the french Inhabitants of Nova Scotia
entertain some Jealousy of a Design in the English Government to
remove them with their Families from their Settlements, & transport
them to France or elsewhere; I desire (if you think it may be for his
Majesty’s Service) that you would be pleas’d to signify to ’em, that
it is probable if his Majesty had declar’d such Intention I might have
heard of the same, but that I am perfectly unaquainted with any such
Design, and am perswaded there is no just Ground for this Jealousy;
And be pleas’d to assure ’em that I shall use my best Endeavours by a
proper Representation of their Case to be laid before his Majesty, to
obtain the Continuance of his Royal Favour & Protection to such of
them, as shall behave dutifully, & refuse to hold any Correspondence
with his Enemies; and I doubt not but that all such of ’em will be
protected by his Majesty in the Possession of their Estates &
Settlements in Nova Scotia.
“And I desire you would also be pleas’d to inform them that it is 325
expected from his Maj^{tys} french Subjects in that Province, who have
for so long time enjoyed the same Privileges with his natural born
Subjects there, & have been under a much easier Government than any of
the french King’s Subjects are in the neighbouring Province of Canada
& other Parts of the french King’s Dominions, that their Interest as
well as their Duty and Gratitude should bind them to a strict Fidelity
& Obedience to his Majesty and His Government; But on the contrary if
any of the Inhabitants of the said Province shall join with the Enemy
(especially those that have been sent from Canada to seduce them from
their Duty to his Majesty & Attachment to the English Interest) they
must expect to be treated in the same manner as his Majesty’s English
Subjects would be under the like Provocations.
“I am with great regard
“Sir,
“Your most obedient
“humble servant
“W. SHIRLEY.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, BOSTON, SEPTEMBER 19, 1746.
“MY LORD DUKE,
“I express’d some hopes in my last but one to your Grace, that I
should not be oblig’d to add to my former Accounts of the imminent
danger, his Majesty’s Province of Nova Scotia was in of being
surpriz’d by the Enemy; But find my self under a Necessity of doing it
from the Advices which I have since receiv’d from M^r. Mascarene, and
the Intelligence contain’d in three Declarations upon Oath, Copies of
all which are inclos’d.
“Upon the Receipt of M^r. Mascarene’s Letter, the Contents of which 326
are confirm’d to me by other authentick Accounts, it appear’d to me
that there was no room to doubt but that a considerable Body of French
and Indians from Canada was assembled in Nova Scotia, with
Expectations of a Reinforcement from France; and if they fail’d of
that this Year a Design of at least wintering in Minas or some other
Part of the Country, by which means they would have an Opportunity of
fortifying themselves in it, transporting their great artillery (which
there was then the utmost reason to believe they had landed either at
Bay Verte or Chebucto Harbour) to Annapolis, and work upon the French
Inhabitants already ripe for a Revolt to join ’em in attacking his
Majesty’s Garrison there so early in the Spring that it would be
extremely difficult if not impracticable to relieve it by any Succours
either from Louisbourg or the Colonies on the Continent. Whereupon I
immediately sent M^r Mascarene an Assurance that I would send him as
soon as possible 300 of the new Levies from this Province, 200 of ’em
(which seems to be as many as the Garrison can hold at present besides
the Troops already there) for the Reinforcement of it, and 100 of ’em
to be employ’d in two Sloops up the Bay in the manner M^r Mascarene
proposes in his Letter to me, and that I would do the utmost in my
Power to make the number up 2000 soon afterwards, in order to dislodge
the Enemy, & prevent ’em from wintering in the Province; And in the
mean time upon my advising with Rear Admiral Warren (who is still
here) he immediately sent his Majesty’s Ship Chester a 50 Gun Ship to
Annapolis Royal for the further Countenance & Protection of the
Garrison there.
“Some Days after this I receiv’d Information that a Fleet of upwards
of 30 Sail were discover’d about 15 Leagues to the Westward of
Chibucto Harbour, which lies upon the Cape Sable Shoar (the Coast of
Accadie or Nova Scotia) about 150 Leagues to the Eastward of Boston, 327
and about 60 Leagues Westward of Louisbourg, & about 80 distant from
Annapolis Royal according to Champions inclos’d Deposition, which was
confirm’d by another of the same Tenour made by one Thornton sent me
from Piscataqua, upon which I dispatched an arm’d Brigantine with
orders to look into Chibucto Harbour, & if the Master should discover
any thing to proceed directly to Louisbourg, & give Vice Admiral
Townsend & Govern^r Knowles Intelligence of it, & to send me Advice of
it Express by some fishing Vessel taken up at Sea; But the Brigantine
return’d in less than 24 hours with one Stanwood a Fisherman on board,
whose Vessel fell in with the Fleet on the 9^{th} day of Sept^r about
10 Leagues to the Westward of Chibucto, the particulars of which are
contain’d in his inclos’d Deposition; and the day after Stanwood’s
falling in with this Fleet, Haskell another Master of a fishing Vessel
discover’d it standing a right course for Chibucto about 8 Leagues to
the Westw^d of it, & was chas’d by one of ’em according to the
inclos’d Deposition; which Series of Intelligence, as no Vessel has
arriv’d here yet from this Fleet (which must in all probability have
happen’d had it come from England) compar’d with the Accounts in the
English News Papers of the Brest Fleet’s sailing, & the Intelligence
gain’d from a french Prize lately taken by one of M^r. Townsend’s
Squadron near the Mouth of S^t Lawrence, that she came out with the
Brest Squadron & sail’d in Company with it eight days; the Account we
had of two large french Ships being seen to go into Chibucto Harbour
about two Months ago; the behavior of the French in Nova Scotia, &
their declar’d Expectations of a large French Armament about this
time, seems to make it very probable that these Ships may be part of
the Brest Squadron, & that they have an immediate design upon Nova
Scotia at least.--Hereupon I sent an Express Boat to Louisbourg to 328
apprize Admiral Townsend & M^r Knowles of it, & another to Annapolis
Royal to give M^r Mascarene Advice of it, & to let him know that I was
embarking 300 Men for the Reinforcement of the Garrison under his
Command (which is done & part of ’em sail’d) with a Promise of farther
Succours, and to apprize him that from the publick Accounts in the
English Prints we had reason to depend upon the speedy Arrival of
Lieut^t General S^t Clair with the British Troops under his Command, &
a Squadron of his Majesty’s Ships with ’em at Louisbourg; And as I
have reason to think that an Apprehension generally prevails among the
french Inhabitants of Nova Scotia, that they shall all of ’em soon be
remov’d from their Settlements there without Distinction, which may
have a bad Influence upon ’em in favour of the Enemy at this critical
Time. I have wrote M^r Mascarene a Letter (a copy of which I inclose
to your Grace) which is translated into French, & printed, in order to
be dispers’d among the french inhabitants, if M^r Mascarene (to whose
Discretion I have submitted it either to make Use of or suppress the
printed Copies) shall be of Opinion that the Publication of it among
’em may be for his Majesty’s Service.
“If the Fleet discover’d on the Cape Sable Coast should be Part of
that from Brest, doubtless their visit to Nova Scotia has been
encourag’d by the general Disposition of the Inhabitants, & the
strength they will add to ’em for the Reduction of that Province, &
afterwards for an Attempt upon Louisbourg (if they should think it
adviseable to make one) as also for the defence of Canada. Should they
succeed in an immediate Attempt upon Nova Scotia (which I should not
be surpriz’d at) & General S^t Clair with the Squadron expected from
England should arrive in time for that purpose, I should propose
attempting the immediate recovery of it out of the Enemy’s hands this 329
Year; For their holding that Province till they can fortify it and
farther strengthen themselves there must be attended with very bad
Consequences to his Majesty’s Service, worse than may be immediately
apprehended, & create no inconsiderable Perplexities; at least it
seems a clear point to me, that if the French should hold the
Possession of Nova Scotia in Addition to Canada, the fate of Affairs
in his Majesty’s Northern Colonies will be suddenly alter’d in a
surprizing manner & it will then soon be discern’d that the Mastery of
the Northern Parts of this Continent, together with the Sources of
Wealth & Power depending upon it, will be in a very fair way of being
finally transfer’d to the Enemy.
“Upwards of two Months ago upon receiving Intelligence of the
Appearance of two large French Ships being seen to go into Chibucto
Harbour, M^r Warren & I sent M^r Townsend notice of it; But as we had
not learn’d whether any Vessell had been sent from Louisbourg to look
into that Harbour, I sent an arm’d Brigantine to make Discoveries
there, which was hinder’d from proceeding thither as is before
mention’d; & I have now sent a Schooner thither with a Person who has
undertaken to go into it in a Whale boat high enough to make an exact
discovery of the Enemy’s strength (if any of their Ships are there) &
to carry the Account to Louisbourg; But it seems possible if any of
’em have been there, that after landing some Troops and Stores at
Chibucto, & getting what Intelligence they can from the Nova Scotians,
their Ships may be gone to Canada; for which Place we have been
inform’d that sixteen french Vessels, some of ’em Ships of War, had
some time ago pass’d up the River of St Laurence; & since that six
other Vessels with Stores; so that it is very probable that Quebec is
much better prepar’d to receive a Visit from his Majesty’s Land & Sea
Forces now than it was a little time ago.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, 23 OCT. 1746. 330
(_Extract._)
“It is agreed by all the Prisoners that the French have not fortify’d
at Chebucto, nor sent any Troops from thence by Land to join the
Canadeans; as also that M^r. Destonnel the chief D’escadre &
Commandant upon the Death of the Duke D’Anville, who was of Opinion,
to return to France after the Admiral’s Death without attempting any
thing, upon being over rul’d in a Council of War & having his Flagg
struck, fell upon his Sword, & dy’d of his Wound as all of ’em say,
except Sanders.
“It seems very observable from Sander’s Declaration how ready a
Disposition the Nova Scotians show’d to afford Refreshm^{ts}. & Pilots
to the Enemy, & that they had signified to the french Ministry their
readiness to join with any force they should send for the Reduction of
his Majes^{ty’s} Garrison at Annapolis Royal. Also from the number of
Engineers the French had with ’em that their Scheme was to hold &
fortify Annapolis, for w^{ch}. Purpose it seems to be that the 50
brass Cannon were brought, rather than for raising Batteries against
the Fort: and that from the Number of their small Arms, which they had
with ’em to arm the Nova Scotians (doubtless) as well as the Indians,
they had a dependance upon being join’d by them. Likewise the
Apprehensions which prevail among the Nova Scotians that they are at
present rather Neutrals than Subjects to the Crown of Great Britain.
And I think it is not to be doubted now but that the principal Part of
the french Scheme was the Reduction of Nova Scotia in the first Place.
“Upon the whole the sickly State of the French Fleet, w^c. is
extremely ill mann’d, the hurry & Uneasiness they discover’d upon 331
seeing the Contents of the Packets which fell into their hands, &
precipitate departure from Chebucto, with their detaining the Flag of
Truce & English Prisoners ’till they were got 30 Leagues from
Chebucto, & then dismissing ’em with a Notion that their Fleet was
going up the Bay of Fundy to Annapolis (instead of carrying ’em up
there with ’em to prevent that’s being known to us) makes it seem
probable that the Enemy is making the best of their way to France or
the West Indies, & was afraid of even M. Townsend’s following ’em.
“I am with the most dutiful Regard
“My Lord Duke,
“Your Grace’s most Devoted
“and most Obedient Servant
“W. SHIRLEY.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, BOSTON, 21 NOV. 1746.
(_Extracts._)
“MY LORD DUKE,
“I am afraid your Grace will think, from my incessant Representations
of the State of Nova Scotia, that I imagine that Province should be
the sole Object of your Attention: Nothing could induce me to be so
importunate with your Grace upon this Subject, but the fullest
perswasion of the very great Importance of that Place to the Crown, &
the British Subject, of the immediate bad Consequences of the Loss of
it to his majesty’s Service, & the imminent danger of its being lost,
unless something is forthwith done for the effectual Security of it.
“The inclos’d Extract from M^r Mascarene’s Letter & Copy of Lieut^t
Colonel Gorham’s will disclose in a great Measure to your Grace their
Apprehensions, & the Condition of the Province: The number of the
Enemy, are increas’d at Menis; they have again stop’t all Communication 332
between the Inhabitants & the Garrison, & are likely to keep footing
there this Winter; and particularly from Col^o Gorham’s Letter your
Grace will perceive what Pains the Canadeans and Malcontents among the
Inhabitants take to prevent my Letter lately dispers’d among ’em, in
order to setle the Minds of the Inhabitants, (a Copy of which I have
before sent your Grace) from having its proper Influence; & how the
Nova Scotians are alarm’d at the Rumour of a design to remove ’em from
their Settlements; And it appears to me by what I farther learn from
Captain Fotheringham to whom M^r Mascarene refers me in his Letter,
that unless something vigorous, as that Letter intimates, is done by
the Middle of April at farthest, the greatest Part of the Province at
least will be in the hands of the Canadeans, and it will be too late
then to attempt to reclaim the Inhabitants.
* * * * *
“For the securing Nova Scotia from its present dangers I would further
humbly propose it as my Opinion to be consider’d by your Grace, that
if his Majesty should be pleas’d as soon as possibly might be after
the Receipt of this, to cause it to be signified to the Inhabitants of
Nova Scotia, that the Assurances lately given ’em by me of his Royal
Protection to such of ’em as should behave dutifully and avoid all
traiterous Correspondence with the Enemy at this Juncture (or to that
Effect) were approv’d of by him, and should be made good to ’em, it
would have a great Tendency to remove their present Apprehensions of
being sent off with their Families from their Settlements in Nova
Scotia, which seems to distress & perplex ’em; & effectually to
prevent ’em from being drawn over to take up Arms against his Majesty,
unless it should be some of the most obnoxious of ’em; which if his
Majesty would be pleas’d to send over at the same time his special 333
directions to apprehend, and proceed against, such a Proceeding
against the Delinquents and gracious Declaration towards the others,
would, I dare say, have a proper Effect for securing the general
Fidelity of the Inhabitants, at least so far as to keep ’em from
joining with the Enemy; And least the Succours now sent to Annapolis
should not be a sufficient force to dislodge the Enemy this Winter, I
would farther humbly propose it for your Graces’ Consideration, that
his Majesty’s Orders should be forthwith sent to myself and the other
three Governments of New England, that in case the Canadeans should
not be withdrawn out of Nova Scotia, they should immediately cause the
Soldiers rais’d in their respective Colonies & Provinces for his
Majesty’s Service in the Expedition against Canada to be transported
to Annapolis Royal, as their Place of Rendezvous istead of Louisbourg,
& to be employed in driving the Canadeans out of Nova Scotia, and be
farther subjected to such Orders as his Majesty shall be pleas’d to
signify in those Directions; and if this Order was to extend to the
Governour of New York, it might not be an unnecessary Caution. I am
apprehensive if such Orders are not sent, that the Attention of the
several Governm^{ts} to the Reduction of Crown Point might very much
interfere with the Preservation of Nova Scotia, which is of infinitely
more Consequence.
“These are the things which occur to me at present, & which I would
submit to your Grace’s Consideration, as what seems to require more
immediate Dispatch; As to the danger of the french Fleet’s early
Return from the West Indies to Nova Scotia and what Strength of Ships
may be necessary to protect that Province, Cape Breton, and the other
Colonies against that Fleet, or any other french Armament which may be
sent from Europe in the Spring to visit these Parts, I leave to
Admiral Warren, who now goes to England in the Chester, and with whom, 334
pursuant to the Directions of your Grace’s two Letters to me in March
& April last, I have acted in Concert upon all such Occasions as
requir’d my consulting him with the greatest Satisfaction and Harmony,
having had the Pleasure to find my own Sentiments agreable to his in
all Matters of Consequence, and a most hearty Disposition in him for
his Majesty’s Service, and to whom I have often talk’d over the
Affairs of Nova Scotia.
* * * * *
“I will avoid repeating what I have particularly mention’d to your
Grace in late Letters concerning fortifying of Chebucto Harbour and
building a Blockhouse or small Fort for 150 Men at Menis, with a
Trading House there for the Indians, and a Blockhouse only at Canso
for 100 Men, instead of new building and enlarging that at Annapolis
Royal, and erecting a larger Fortification at Canso; which in my
humble Opinion would greatly strengthen that Province, and together
with the introducing of french Protestant Ministers, and English
Schools, & some small Encouragement by Privileges to such as should
conform to the Prtestant Religion, or send their Children to the
English Schools, and Presents to the Indians with Supplies of all
necessaries for ’em at the most reasonable Rates, in Exchange for
their Furrs &^c.; the Disallowance of the publick Exercise of the
Roman Catholic Religion, at least after a short Term of Years, &
forbidding Romish Priests under severe Penalties to come into the
Country either among the Inhabitants or Indians; and if it might be
consistent with his Majesty’s Pleasure, a Civil Government to be in
due time introduc’d among the Inhabitants; These things, I say, my
Lord together with making Examples of the most obnoxious among the
Inhabitants, and his Majesty’s extending his Clemency and the
Continuance of his Protection to the rest upon taking the proper Oath 335
of Allegiance, seem to me to have the most promising Aspect for making
good Subjects of the present Generation of Inhabitants, at least
better than they are now and good Protestants of the next Generation
of ’em; especially if there was to be a Mixture of English or other
Protestants introduc’d among ’em, which the Invitation of a Civil
Government to be set up among ’em would bid fair for doing: and the
Trading House would create in the Indians a firm Dependance upon, and
Attachment to his Majesty’s Government, especially if a proper
Protestant Missionary or two was supported to live among ’em at their
head Quarters, as is the Method of the french Priests; by w^{ch}.
means they gain so great an Ascendency over them.
“Just as I had finished the last Paragraph a Letter from Governor
Knowles to Admiral Warren & myself, dated the 10^{th} Instant, was
deliver’d to me, in which he informs me that ‘he has given his Opinion
in his Letters to your Grace, that it will be necessary to drive
_all the French_ (I suppose he means _Inhabitants_) out of
Accadie (Nova Scotia) in the Spring, and that he hopes he shall have
Orders to assist in doing it, if Admiral Warren does not go upon the
Expedition to Quebeck, which he apprehends is rendred more difficult
than it was, by such a Number of Ships being got safe up to Quebeck
this Year, as no doubt they have carried all manner of warlike
Stores.’ And in his Letter to me of the 24^{th} of October he says ‘if
his Majesty should be pleas’d to transport the Rebels who are Objects
of his Mercy, & encourage other Highland Families to come over, he
thinks the Colony of Nova Scotia would soon be repeopled;’ which it is
possible he may have also propos’d to your Grace as in his Opinion the
best Method for peopling that Colony, after the present french
Inhabitants are drove off.
“As the Sentiments, which I have taken the Liberty to offer to your 336
Grace upon this Subject, happen to be something different from M^r.
Knowles’s, I think it may not only be proper but my Duty to mention
the Reasons of my preferring the Scheme for attempting to make the
present french Inhabitants good Subjects to his Majesty, and keeping
’em in the Country, to that of driving ’em off & introducing some of
the Rebels and other Highlanders in their Room.
“It seems very difficult to drive all the Inhabitants of Accadie out
of so large a Province as that is, and which consists chiefly of
Woods; It is most probable that many of the hardiest Men would retire
(for some time at least) with their Cattle into the Woods, & form
Parties with the Indians; and the remainder would doubtless retreat
with their Families to Canada: Those, who are acquainted with the
Indian Manner of Life & making War know that one hundred of ’em under
Cover of the Woods can confine a very large Frontier within their
Garrisons, even tho’ they have Companies continually scouting between
one Garrison and another: this is at present the Case of this Province
& the other Colonies of New England & New York, tho’ the People there
are us’d to the Woods, & the Skulking of the Indians behind the Bushes
& in Ditches with their other Wiles, & have large numbers of the
Militia constantly upon Guard for their Protection; their Cattle is
continually destroy’d; if any of ’em venture out into their Fields,
they are frequently kill’d & scalp’d; and sometimes not only single
Families or Garrisons are surpriz’d and cut off, as has happen’d
lately in this Province, but even whole Villages, as was the Case of
Sarahtoga in New York a few Months ago; so that those of the french
Inhabitants, who should mix with the Indians in the Woods, would have
it in their Power to put his Majesty’s Garrison under such Circumstances 337
as that it could not possibly subsist longer in the Country than they
could do it without fresh Provisions, Wood & other Materials &
Supplies from thence; from all which they would be wholly cut off,
when the Inhabitants were drove away; And as to such of the
Inhabitants, who should go with their Families to Canada, it must be
expected that a very large Body of the Men would return arm’d next
Spring with some Canadeans to join the Indians; from all which it
seems justly to be apprehended that an Attempt to drive all the french
Inhabitants from their Settlements, should it succeed, would in Effect
be driving 5 or 6000 Men to take up Arms against his Majesty’s
Government there every Year during the War; make the reclaiming of the
Indians of Nova Scotia impracticable, & render it impossible for his
Majesty’s Garrison there to subsist long in the Country in time of War
even with the Indians only; Besides, the Addition of about 6000
fighting Men with their Families to Canada, which would greatly
strengthen the French upon this Continent, and would entail upon the
Posterity of those who are thus expell’d (for several Generations at
least) a Desire of recovering their former Possessions in Nova Scotia,
seems to be no inconsiderable Matter, but what next to the Loss of the
Country itself should be avoided on the Part of his Majesty, & is I
dare say an Event, which the French next to their Acquisition of this
Colony would desire: It is indeed now to be wish’d that General
Nicholson had upon the first Reduction of the Colony to the Obedience
to the Crown of Great Britain, remov’d the french Inhabitants, when
they were but a few, out of the Country, as was done at Louisbourg;
and that during the Interval of Peace the Colony had been planted with
Protestant Subjects; But after their having remain’d so long in the
Country upon the foot of British Subjects under the Sanction of the
treaty of Utrecht, and making Improvements on their Lands for one or 338
two Generations, and being grown up into such a Number of Families, to
drive ’em all off their Settlements without farther Inquiry seems to
be liable to many Objections. Among others it may be doubted whether
under the Circumstances of these Inhabitants it would clearly appear
to be a just Usage of ’em; it is true that the Notion of their
Neutrality (which seems to have been entertain’d for some time by the
English as well as themselves) is ill-grounded, and does not comport
with the Terms of their Allegiance to his Majesty, to which such of
’em as chose to remain in the Province are bound by the treaty of
Utrecht; whereby the french King yielded up the Inhabitants as well as
the Soil of Accadie, and together with their Persons transferred their
Allegiance to the Crown of Great Britain; But if it is consider’d that
this Notion was founded upon an Act of the late Lieut^t Governour
Armstrong then the residing Commander in Chief of the Province,
whereby he took upon himself to grant ’em by a Writing under his Hand
an Exemption from bearing Arms upon any Account whatever, on their
consenting to take an Oath of Allegiance to his present Majesty,
which, whether it was done by him with, or without Authority, appear’d
at least to them to be authentick; it may perhaps be deem’d too
rigorous a Punishment for their behavior grounded on such a Mistake,
to involve the innocent with the Guilty in the Loss of their Estates,
and the Expulsion of their Families out of the Country; it is not
improbable but that there may be many among ’em who would even prefer
his Majesty’s Governm^t. to a french one, & have done nothing to
deserve such a Forfeiture; Some Allowances may likewise be made for
their bad Situation between the Canadeans, Indians & English, the
Ravages of all which they have felt by Turns in the Course of the War;
during which they seem to have been continually plac’d between two 339
fires, the force and Menaces of the Canadeans & Indians plundering ’em
of whatever they wanted, & deterring ’em in the strongest manner from
having any Communication with his Majesty’s Garrison, on the one hand;
and the Resentm^{ts} of the Garrison for their withholding their
Intelligence & Supplies on the other, tho’ at the same time it was not
in a Condition to protect ’em from the Enemy; Wherefore it seems a
Matter worthy of your Grace’s Consideration, whether under such
doubtful Circumstances the driving all the French Inhabitants of Nova
Scotia off their Settlements, and thereby very greatly strengthening
the Enemy upon this Continent, not only against the Garrison in
present, but finally against all the British Colonies there, and
depopulating one of his Majesty’s Provinces for some time (how long
may be uncertain) is more eligible than treating ’em as Subjects,
confining their Punishm^t to the most guilty & dangerous among ’em, &
keeping the rest in the Country, and endeavouring to make them & their
Posterity useful Members of Society under his Majesty’s Government: I
can’t omit likewise observing to your Grace, that it would be
exceeding difficult to fill up the Chasm which driving off the
Inhabitants would make in the Country; During the Rupture with France
it would certainly be impracticable, and I doubt whether it would not
be so when Peace shall be made with France, if the Indians should
continue at War with us; For what Number of Families can be propos’d
to begin a Settlem^t. in the Country, after the Expulsion of the
French Inhabitants, with safety against the Indians, & which would be
continually expos’d to be destroyed by ’em, whilst they were carrying
on their Settlements; They must expect no Protection against the
Indians from within the Garrison, out of the Reach of their great
Guns; the Company of Rangers, which live without the Walls of the 340
Fort, would afford more of that than a thousand Garrison Soldiers
would do: Whereas if the Stock of french Inhabitants was continued in
the Country, an Accommodation with the Indians would be more easily
brought about and preserv’d, they would be a Cover for any Number of
Families that might be introduc’d among ’em whilst they were carrying
on Settlements; & secure to the Garrison its necessary Supplies of
fresh Provisions, Fuel, Materials for repairing the Works, & Stores of
Sorts that the Country affords.
“As to repeopling the Province with some of the late Rebels and other
Highland Families, it seems much to be doubted whether it might not be
too hazardous to fill that Colony, w^{ch}. should be the Barrier of
all his Majesty’s Colonies upon this Continent, with a Set of poor,
ignorant, deluded Wretches just come out of a most unnatural
Rebellion; that from their Neighbourhood to Canada would be
continually expos’d to the Artifices and Attempts of french Romish
Priests upon ’em who it is reasonable to think would not fail to
instill the same Notions into ’em in America, which seduc’d ’em from
their Allegiance in Great Britain, with a Promise of more effectual
Support & Protection from the French here, than they had in the
Highlands; Indeed, my Lord, this seems to be a dangerous experiment,
and what might produce the worst of Consequences.
“I beg leave to submit it to your Grace’s Consideration, whether the
most staunch Protestants, & Families the most zealously affected to
his Majesty’s Government, a Number at least of such, should not
rather, if possible, be transplanted there as soon as may be; I could
wish four or five hundred of ’em could be induc’d to go from some Part
of New England; I think from the Experience I had of the Inhabitants
of this Province at least upon the late Alarm given by the french 341
Fleet, I might safely venture to be answerable to his Majesty, that if
I had suggested in my late Orders for assembling a Body of ’em under
Arms in Boston from all Parts of this Province to oppose any Attempt
of the Enemy, that there was a design of landing a Son of the
Pretender’s here, it would not have been possible to have kept any one
Man, who was capable of marching hither, from appearing under Arms
with the most determin’d Resolution of hazarding his Life to the
utmost in defence of his Majesty’s Governm^t.; And as the late
Appearances of a fondness for removing from hence to Cape Breton seem
to be quite vanished at present, I should not be without hopes of some
families removing from these Parts to Nova Scotia upon due
Encouragement; Protestants likewise from among the Swiss Cantons, &
other Northern Parts in Germany, who are generally bred up in the
Exercise of arms, and make sober and industrious Settlers, might be
safely trusted in Accadie; Great Numbers of ’em yearly flock into
Pensilvania, whereby the Inhabitants of that Province are almost
incredibly increas’d within these twenty Years; And from the behavior
of the Irish coming out of the Northern Parts of Ireland hither, a
Number of which is setled in the Eastern Parts of this Province, I
should think they too might be safely trusted in Nova Scotia; and it
is certain that these poor unhappy Highlanders (I mean such of ’em as
may be design’d to be transported into the Plantations) would be more
safely dispos’d of among the four Governm^{ts}. of New England, or in
New York & the Jerseys, where they would not be in danger either of
corrupting the Inhabitants, or being again seduc’d themselves, but
might make useful Subjects to his Majesty.
“I hope, my Lord, I shall be excus’d if I have gone beyond my Line in
submitting these Observations to your Grace, at a time when the fate
of one of his Majesty’s Northern Colonies, the most important of ’em 342
all to the Crown in many respects, as I apprehend, and which will be
in the hands of the french the Key to all the other British Colonies
upon this Continent, & even to Cape Breton, And in his Majesty’s
Possession the Barrier of ’em against the Enemy seems to come to a
Crisis.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, BOSTON, NEW ENGLAND, 27 FEBRUARY, 1747.
“MY LORD DUKE,
“I am sorry that I am now to Acquaint your Grace with the Advices I
receiv’d last night by Express from Nova Scotia giving me an Account
that the Detachment of Troops under the Command of Lieu^t. Colonel
Noble, which I Inform’d your Grace in my last of the 21^{st.} instant
had taken possession of Minas, and had kept it near two months, was
for want of a proper Security for the Men and Intelligence from the
Inhabitants surpriz’d on the 31^{st.} of January last at three o’Clock
in the morning by between 5 & 600 Canadeans & Indians in which Lieu^t.
Col^o. Noble with four Officers more and about 80 men were killed, and
three Officers and about 60 Men were wounded and taken prisoners
before it was light enough for our people to get together; they
however obliged the Enemy, upwards of 20 of whom were kill’d, and
about 15 wounded, to allow ’em an honourable Capitulation, a Copy of
which I inclose to your Grace together with the Account given of this
Affair by the Officer who was Commandant of the Detachment at the time
of the Capitulation, & Extracts from Lieu^t. Governour Mascarene’s
Letter to me upon this Subject, from whence I choose your Grace should
receive the Acco^t. in the same light it has been Conveyed to me in,
and which upon the best Inquiry I can make, seems to be a just one. I
also Inclose to your Grace an Extract from Col. Noble’s Letter to me
dated two days before his death, giving me an Account of the Situation 343
of Affairs then at Minas; from whence your Grace will perceive that
even then he was in Expectation of being Join’d by the Rhode Island
Forces & the Company from this Province, which had the Misfortune to
be Shipreck’d; and that, had they arriv’d at Annapolis, and the New
Hampshire Companies had not return’d home without acting, the Enemy
would in all probability have been drove out of Nova Scotia, and every
good purpose, which I had propos’d, been answer’d before this time. As
it is I shall use my best Endeavours forthwith to fit out a sufficient
force by Sea to destroy M^r. Ramsay’s Vessels at Schiegnecto, and
recover our own by Spring, & to send M^r. Mascarene such a
Reinforcement of Troops as may still drive the Enemy out of Nova
Scotia by the same time and prevent any bad Consequences from the late
Accident there, which seems necessary to be done (if possible) and I
shall hope to succeed in, if the neighbouring Governments of New
England will assist in, which I shall urge ’em to do.
“I likewise inclose the Answer of the Inhabitants of Minas to the
French Letter which I some time ago Inform’d your Grace I sent M^r.
Mascarene last Fall, and a Paragraph out of one of his Letters to me
upon the same matter; whereby your Grace will perceive that that
Letter seems to have had an happy Effect upon the Inhabitants at a
most critical Conjuncture.
“The late Secresy of the Inhabitants of Minas with regard to the
Enemys Motions, and the very certain Intelligence which the Enemy
gain’d of the particular Quarters of the English Officers,
notwithstanding their Supplying the King’s Troops with Provisions, and
the Curtesy of their Behavior to ’em before this Surprize, and their
professions of being sorry for it afterwards seems to shew the
necessity of his Majesty’s Keeping a strong Blockhouse there with a
Garrison of 150 men; And the constant ill behavior of the Inhabitants
of Schiegnecto seems to make another Blockhouse with a like Garrison 344
there equally necessary, as I at first propos’d to your Grace from
Louisbourg; and these two with a Fort and Garrison at Chebucto of 300
Men at least, and the continuance of a Garrison of 300 at Annapolis
Royal as it is at present, with a strong Blockhouse at Canso
garrison’d with 100 Men would through the constant Correspondence that
might be kept up between the several Garrisons be an effectual
Security to the Province against the Enemy, and oblige the Inhabitants
in a little time to contribute towards the protection & Expence of the
Government, and for ever frustrate any hopes the French could
Entertain of making themselves Masters of it, by their constant
Endeavours to Seduce the Inhabitants from their Allegiance; all which
would make Nova Scotia really His Majesty’s which it seems scarcely to
have been yet: And I would Submit it to your Grace’s Consideration
whether a Company of Rangers consisting of 100 Indians, or rather two
Companies, consisting of 50 each, one to be posted at the Blockhouse
at Minas, and the other in Schiegnecto would not be of the greatest
Service, in Scouting thro’ every part of the Province and in the Woods
upon all Emergencies (for which the Regular Troops are by no means
fit) and particularly in preventing the French from Introducing Men
from Canada into the Province by the Bay Vert; I think the great
Service which Lieu^t Colonel Gorham’s Company of Rangers has been of
to the Garrison at Annapolis Royal, is a demonstration of the
Usefulness of such a Corps, besides that it may be a means of bringing
Indians out of the French Interest into his Majesty’s Service, and go
far towards reclaiming ’em in general; especially if (as I have before
propos’d for your Grace’s Consideration) two Trading or Truck Houses
were to be maintain’d one at Minas, and the other at Chiegnecto, for
supplying the Indians with all necessaries in Exchange for furrs, 345
and proper presents were made to ’em in the manner which the French
use to Keep ’em in their Interest.
“And if your Grace would allow me the Freedom to offer my Sentiments
concerning what appears to me to be farther necessary for putting this
important Province of Nova Scotia (I think I may justly call it the
most important to the Crown of any upon this Continent) in Security, I
sho’d propose one of His Majesty’s Arm’d Sloops (or Snows) with a
Tender to be constantly employ’d in the Bay of Fundy for visiting all
parts of it upon every occasion, as well as the several Harbours on
the Cape Sable Coast; and one of his Majesty’s Frigates to be employ’d
for the protection of the Fishery at Canso (as was always usual in
time of peace) which together with a Tender would also be of great
Service in duly attending the Bay Verte, upon every Occasion, and
likewise visiting the Coast of Accadie (or Cape Sables) besides
protecting the Fishery.
“Since writing the last Paragraph I have heard of some other
particular circumstances, which make it very suspicious that several
of the Inhabitants at least of Minas knew of the Enemy’s Motions, & I
find that it is the general Opinion of the Officers that they did.
“I am with the most dutiful Regard,
“My Lord Duke,
“Your Grace’s most devoted,
“& most humble Servant
“W. SHIRLEY”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, BOSTON, APRIL 29^{TH}., 1747.
(_Extract._)
“MY LORD DUKE,
“Since finishing Governour Knowles’s, & my joint Letter to your Grace,
I have learn’d from one of the English Prisoners just Arriv’d from 346
Schiegnecto in Exchange for one of the French Prisoners sent by me
from Boston, and who was carry’d Captive from Minas, where he was
taken by the Enemy in the late Surprize, that when the Canadeans went
from Minas to Schiegnecto they march’d out of the Grand Prè about 500,
but were reduc’d to about 350 before they reach’d Schiegnecto, by
several of their party’s leaving ’em at every great Village in Minas,
thro’ which they pass’d which makes it Evident that 150 of the
Inhabitants of that District had Join’d the Canadeans in their late
Attack upon the English at Grand Prè, and may Serve farther to shew
your Grace the imminent Danger of all the Inhabitants of Minas’s still
Joining the Enemy, unless speedy measures are taken for driving the
Canadeans out of the Country, and Securing the fidelity of the
Inhabitants in some better manner than it is at present; and how
opportunely the forces sent last Winter from hence to Annapolis, and
the Assurances I took the liberty of sending the Nova Scotians that
those, who behav’d as good Subjects, sho’d have His Majesty’s
protection in their Estates, arriv’d there for saving the whole
District of Minas from an open Revolt.
“This fluctuating State of the Inhabitants of Accadie seems, my Lord,
naturally to arise from their finding a want of due protection from
His Majesty’s Government; and their Apprehensions that the French will
soon be Masters of the Province, which their repeated Attempts every
year for the Reduction of His Majesty’s Fort at Annapolis Royal, and
the Appearance of the late Duke D’Anville’s Squadron from France upon
their Coast with that View strongly Impress upon ’em, as does also the
Residence of the Enemy in the Province, and the Sollicitations of
their own Priests; and to this, I believe, may be added some Jealousy,
which the Enemy and Priests are for ever instilling into ’em, that the
English want only a safe Opportunity of driving all the French 347
Inhabitants off their Settlements; which tho’ M^r. Mascarene assures
me that his communicating to ’em my printed Letter promising ’em His
Majesty’s protection, had so far allay’d as together with the Arrival
of the late Detachment of Soldiers sent from hence in the Winter for
the Defence & protection of the Province, to disappoint M^r. de
Ramsay’s Attempt upon the Inhabitants of Minas for bringing ’em to an
open Revolt, and to make him retire from Minas to Schiegnecto, yet as
the hopes my Letter may have made ’em entertain have not been yet
Confirm’d by Assurances of His Majesty’s Royal protection directly
from England I cant but think, there is a most apparant danger of Nova
Scotia’s being soon lost, if the Expedition against Canada should not
proceed this year, nor any Measures be taken, or particular Orders be
sent by His Majesty for Securing the Province against the Enemy &
strengthening his Government among the Inhabitants, For I perceive
that the General Assembly of this Province, from whence only the
Succours & Support which His Majesty’s Garrison at Annapolis Royal has
hitherto received for the Protection & Defence of Nova Scotia, have
been sent, are tir’d of having ’em drawn wholly from their own people,
and despair of its being effectual without His Majesty’s more
immediate Interposition for the protection of that province; And I
look upon it as a very happy Incident, that I had it in my power to
send M^r. Mascarene the Support, I did the last Winter, and beginning
of the Spring, out of the Levies rais’d for the Expedition against
Canada, which I insisted upon doing as they were in His Majesty’s Pay
(tho’ rais’d for another Service) but should not have been able to do
it (I believe) had it depended wholly upon the Consent of the
Assembly, tho’ generally well dispos’d for His Majesty’s Service.”
NEWCASTLE TO SHIRLEY, 30 MAY, 1747. 348
(_Extract._)
“As you and M^r. Warren have represented, That an Opinion prevailed
amongst the Inhabitants of Nova Scotia, That It was intended to remove
Them from their Settlements and Habitations in that Province; And as
that Report may probably have been artfully spread amongst Them in
order to induce Them to withdraw Themselves from their Allegiance to
His Majesty, and to take Part with the Enemy; His Majesty thinks it
necessary, That proper measures should be taken, to remove any such
ill-grounded Suggestions; and, for that Purpose, It is the King’s
Pleasure, That you should declare in some publick and authentick
manner to His Majesty’s Subjects, Inhabitants of that Province, That
there is not the least Foundation for any Apprehension of that nature;
But That, on the contrary, It is His Majesty’s Resolution to protect,
and maintain, all such of Them as shall continue in their Duty, and
Allegiance to His Majesty, in the quiet & peaceable Possession of
their respective Habitations, and Settlements And That They shall
continue to enjoy the free Exercise of their Religion.
“His Majesty did propose to have signed a Proclamation to the purport
above mentioned and to have transmitted it to you, to have been
published in Nova Scotia; But as the Advices, that have been received
here, of a Body of the New England Troops, which were advanced to
Menis having been surprised by a Party of the French Canadeans and
their Indians, and having been either cut off, or taken Prisoners; And
the great Probability there is, That this Misfortune could not have
happened to that Body of Troops, without the Assistance or, at least,
Connivance of the Inhabitants of Nova Scotia; make it very difficult
to fix the Terms of the intended Proclamation; His Majesty thinks it 349
more advisable to leave it to you to make such a Declaration in His
Name, as you shall be of Opinion, the present Circumstances of the
Province may require.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, 8 JUNE, 1747.
(_Extract._)
“I have nothing to add to my Letters, which I have lately transmitted
to your Grace, except that M^r. de Ramsay is still at Chiegnecto with
his party in Expectation of a Reinforcement from Canada, and the
Arrival of an Armament from France, and that he has not thought fit to
venture again to Manis [_Mines_], but insists in his Messages to
the Inhabitants there that they should look upon themselves as
Subjects to the French King since the New England Troops were oblig’d
to retire out of their District by Capitulation, but that this has had
no Effect upon the Inhabitants, the Reinforcement, which I sent there
afterwards, having taken repossession of Manis, and hoisted the King’s
Flagg there, and the Deputies of Manis having thereupon renew’d their
Oaths of Fidelity to His Majesty at Annapolis Royal; I continue the
last Reinforcement at the Garrison still for the Security of that and
Manis; But it is not strong enough to drive the French from
Schiegnecto, it being suspected that the Inhabitants of that District,
who were ever refractory to His Majesty’s Government, would not
scruple to Join the Enemy in case of an attack upon ’em; And I could
not think it adviseable for me to send all the Forces, which I had
rais’d for the Expedition against Canada within this Government upon
another Service (as I must have done to have been strong enough to
force the Enemy out of Schiegnecto after the Action at Minas) when I
was in daily Expectation of receiving His Majesty’s Commands 350
concerning the prosecution of the intended expedition, and besides,
the Assembly, which has been at a great Expence for the raising of the
men for the service of the Expedition only, strongly insisted upon my
reserving 1500 of ’em to go against Crown Point, as your Grace will
perceive by the inclos’d Copy of their Answer to my Message; However
the several Reinforcements, which I did send to Annapolis, have
preserv’d the Garrison and province from falling into the Enemys hands
the last year, and not only made the Enemy quit Manis, but still
Confine ’em to Schiegnecto; and had the Rhode Island & New Hampshire
Troops Join’d the Massachusetts Forces at Manis, as was propos’d, and
both those Governments promis’d me they should, and one of the
Massachusetts Companies had not been lost in their passage, we should
have been strong enough (I am perswaded) to have drove the Enemy the
last Winter quite out of the Province of Nova Scotia: As it is, I
doubt not, if no Armament arrives from France, we shall be able to
keep ’em out of Annapolis and Manis till I receive His Majesty’s
Commands, which I am in daily Expectation of, and will, I hope, Enable
me to take effectual Measures for getting rid of the Enemy and
Securing the Province against their Attempts for the future.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, BOSTON, 25 JUNE, 1747.
(_Extract._)
“MY LORD DUKE,
“Since my last to your Grace, I have Accounts from Nova Scotia, that
the French have rais’d a Battery of Nine Guns on the back of
Schiegnecto to oppose the landing of Forces from Bay Verte, that they
were also building a Fort & had landed Cannon & Mortars there, which
they were now hawling by Land, and may use either for Fortifying that 351
District, or transport from thence to Annapolis Royal for the
Reduction of his Majesty’s Garrison; There has been likewise further
Accounts from thence that the Inhabitants were in Expectation of 1000
Men from Canada, which together with the Indians & People of
Schiegnecto, & some of Manis, it is said, would make up M^r. De
Ramsay’s Party 5000, who were then to proceed against Annapolis; and
that three large French Ships of Force had been seen in Bay Verte,
viz^t. two from Canada & one from France and landed Troops & Stores.
These Accounts gain Credit the more easily as it seems not to be
doubted, but that the French have the Reduction of Nova Scotia
extremely at heart, and will be continually making some Attempt or
other against it, whilst the Warr lasts; and I am sorry to find by a
Message lately sent me from the Assembly desiring I would recall the
Soldiers, I last sent to Annapolis, that they seem out of heart about
the effectual Preservation of it from the Enemy. Should the French
gain it by any sudden Stroke, I am perswaded, they would be so strong
there by the Addition of all the Inhabitants to their other Forces, as
well as the Numbers they would draw from Canada, & by immediate
Fortifications of it, that it would require a very considerable
Armament & Number of Troops to recover it from ’em; which makes me
think it my Indispensable Duty to trouble your Grace with so frequent
a Repetition of my Apprehensions concerning it. The enemy may indeed
be now look’d upon as Masters of Scheignecto which Place it is evident
they are busy in fortifying; & would have been so likewise of Manis by
this time, had they not been oblig’d to withdraw their Troops from
thence last Fall by the Arrival of the Detachments, I sent there.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, 8 JULY, 1747. 352
(_Extract._)
“I shall now take the Liberty to submit to your Grace’s Consideration
the most practicable Scheme, that occurs to me at present for
effectually driving & keeping the Canadeans out of Nova Scotia; viz^t.
if M^r. Knowles when the Season is too far advanc’d for the French to
make an Attempt from France against Louisbourg, should detach 1000 Men
out of that Garrison to be join’d by 2000 from New England at
Annapolis Royal, and from thence to proceed to Schiegnecto; that Force
would, I apprehend, drive the Enemy off, and easily make us Masters of
all the Inhabitants of that District, who seem to have ever been so
deeply engaged on the Side of the Enemy as to make ’em forfeit all
pretence of right to hold their Possessions; and if the 2000 New
England Men were to share among ’em that District upon Condition of
their setling there with their Families in such a defensible manner as
they should be directed to do, and the french Inhabitants of that
District were to be transplanted into New England, and distributed
among the four Governments there; That I apprehend might be a
Settlement of the District of Schiegnecto strong enough to keep the
Canadeans out, and to defend themselves against the Indians; and the
Inhabitants of the two other Districts of Nova Scotia, viz^t. Menis &
Annapolis, being thus lock’d up between the Settlement in Schiegnecto
at one End, and his Majesty’s Garrison at the other, and aw’d by the
removal of the french Inhabitants of Schiegnecto from off their Lands,
would be constantly held to their good behaviour, and by
Intermarriages & the spreading of the English Settlement from
Schiegnecto, the whole Province, or at least the greatest part of it,
might in two or three Generations become English Protestants--I would 353
add that such an Exchange of the present Inhabitants of Schiegnecto
for New England Men, would make up to the four Colonies of New England
the Loss of the Families propos’d to be remov’d from thence to Nova
Scotia upon this Occasion hinder Canada’s being strengthened by the
Expulsion of the French from their Possessions, & prevent the English
Settlement at Schiegnecto from being harrass’d by their continual
Attempts to recover their former Lands; And the Encouragement given to
the New England Men by the propos’d Distribution of the Lands among
’em would besides make the raising of 2000 Men for this Service much
more practicable, & less expensive to the Crown.
“Upon the whole, my Lord, if the War continues, unless some measures
are very suddenly taken for the better Security of Nova Scotia, there
seems to be great danger that that Province will not long remain his
Majesty’s.
“I am with the most dutiful regard,
“My Lord Duke,
“Your Grace’s most devoted and
“most Obedient Servant
“W SHIRLEY.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, 24 AUGUST, 1747.
“MY LORD DUKE,
“The French Declaration, of which the inclos’d is a Copy, did not come
to my hands till I had finished the letter, w^{ch}. accompanies it:
And I send it your Grace, as it may serve to shew the Views of the
French with respect to Accadie, the Dependance they have upon the
Dispositions of the Inhabitants, what advantage they propos’d to
themselves from the New England Levies under the Command of the late 354
Lieuten^t. Col. Noble’s quitting Menis by Capitulation, and the
necessity there was of my sending the last Detachment of soldiers to
M^r. Mascarene to take repossession of Menis, and make the Inhabitants
of it renew their oath of fidelity to his Majesty; which had its
desir’d Effect.
“I am with the most Dutifull regard
“My Lord Duke,
“Your Grace’s Most Devoted,
“and Most Obedient Humble Servant
“W SHIRLEY.”
SHIRLEY TO NEWCASTLE, 20 OCT. 1747.
(_Extract._)
“The general Inclination which, the french Inhabitants of Nova Scotia
have to the french Interest, proceeds from their Ties of Consanguinity
to the French of Canada, but more especially from those of their
Religion, which last seems to put ’em greatly under the Influence of
their Priests, who continually receive their Directions from the
Bishop of Quebeck, & are the Instruments, by which the Governour of
Canada makes all his Attempts for the Reduction of the Province to the
french Crown, & Keeps the Indians of Nova Scotia (commonly called the
Cape Sable Indians) in their Dependence upon him; particular Instances
of which may be given in the first Body of French & Indians, which
attack’d the King’s Garrison soon after the Declaration of the present
War’s being headed by a Priest of Nova Scotia; and the principal Part
in giving Intelligence to the Enemy, maintaining the Correspondence
between Canada and Nova Scotia, assembling Cape Sable Indians, &
influencing such of the Inhabitants as had joined with or assisted 355
the Enemy, has been manag’d by another Priest of that Province; Other
Instances of this Kind might be given, as particularly the Attempt to
bring the Inhabitants into Revolt soon after the late Surprize at
Menis by endeavouring to influence ’em with the Authority of the
Bishop of Quebeck pronouncing ’em to be free from their Oath of
Allegiance to his Majesty. But I shall content myself with observing
to your Grace only one piece of Policy made use of by the french
Priests in Nova Scotia for preserving the whole Body of the People
intirely french, and Roman Catholick’s, viz^t. forbidding all
Intermarriages with the English under Pain of Excommunication, (of
which I am informed there has been one or two late Instances in actual
Excommunication upon this Occasion) & which has had so general an
Effect as to prevent the Settlement of any one English Family within
the Province, from the first Reduction of it to the present time, tho’
some have attempted to setle in the Country; & to Keep out
Inter-marriages between the French & his Majesty’s English Subjects,
as that I never heard of any one Instance besides the before mentioned
ones; And I would humbly submit it to your Grace’s Consideration if
the free Exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion and an unlimited
Toleration of Roman Priests in Nova Scotia should continue to have the
same Effect in that Colony for the next succeeding forty years, as it
has had within these last forty; the Inhabitants there are suffer’d to
remain a distinct Body of French in the Neighbourhood of Canada, with
the Ties of Consanguinity & Religion between _them_ & the
Canadeans still growing stronger, untill they double or perhaps treble
their Number (the French of Canada likewise at the same time
increasing their Strength & Numbers) whether it may not prove in the
End cherishing a Colony of Inhabitants for the subversion of the King’s
Government in it, & the strengthening of the french Interest upon the 356
Continent.
“The Treaty of Utrecht, my Lord, by which the cession of Accadie (or
Nova Scotia) with its Inhabitants was made to the Crown of Great
Britain does not seem to lay his Majesty under an Obligation to allow
the french Inhabitants the Exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion;
and as his Majesty is as yet under no Promise to do it, I should hope
that Methods might be found for weakening the Ties of Consanguinity &
Religion between even the present Generation of the french inhabitants
of Nova Scotia & those of Canada, by beginning new ones between his
Majesty’s English & french subjects there, and at the same time
controuling the pernicious Power of the Romish Priests over the french
Inhabitants & the Indians of that Province, which may possibly be cut
off or at least obstructed by his Majesty’s making a Promise to
continue the french Inhabitants in the free Exercise of their
Religion.
“Wherefore as his Majesty has been pleas’d to refer it to my Opinion
to fix the Terms of the Declaration, which he has commanded me to make
in his Name to the Inhabitants of Nova Scotia; whereby it became my
Duty to avoid every thing in it, which appear’d to me to have a
Tendency to disserve his Government within that Province, I have taken
the Liberty to suspend promissing ’em the free Exercise of the Romish
Religion, tho’ it is mention’d in your Grace’s Letter to have been
part of what was at first propos’d to have been included in his
Majesty’s intended Proclamation, till I could transmit my Sentiments
to your Grace, and I should have his Majesty’s farther Directions upon
it; & have in the mean time made a Declaration of such Points, as
seem’d necessary to be ascertained to the Inhabitants for quieting
their Minds, & would not admit of Delay.
“I might mention to your Grace some local Reasons for my Omitting in 357
the Declaration what I have done, but shall not presume to trouble you
with any but what I thought it my indispensable Duty to lay before
your Grace.
“I am with the most dutiful Regard
“My Lord Duke,
“Your Grace’s most Devoted
“and most Obedient Servant
“W SHIRLEY.”
358
359
360
INDEX. 361
Abenaki Indians, the, i. 36;
villages of, i. 36;
their treacherous conference with Governor Dudley, i. 36-38;
Queen Anne’s War due more to the French than to, i. 46, 47;
spurred on by the French against New England, i. 48, 56;
join an expedition against New England, i. 96;
claimed as subjects by both the French and the English, i. 185;
Father Rale among, i. 217;
their conference with Governor Dudley at Portsmouth, i. 220;
Vaudreuil proclaims them his allies, i. 250;
ratify the Boston treaty, i. 255;
sent from Montreal against the English border, ii. 217;
ii. 236;
urge an attack on Fort Massachusetts, ii. 237.
Abenaki lands, the, i. 236.
Abenaki missions, the, i. 217, 236.
Abenakis of the Androscoggin, the, i. 224.
Abenakis of the Kennebec, the, i. 217.
Abenakis of the Saco, the, i. 224.
Abercrombie, Captain, i. 153.
Acadia, i. 7;
French claims regarding the extent of its territory, i. 47;
its government, i. 110;
the old régime in, i. 110-119;
friction between the temporal and spiritual powers in, i. 118;
forced to make atonement for the sins of Canada, i. 120;
changes hands, i. 120-155;
the capture of Port Royal means the conquest of, i. 155;
claimed by England, i. 184;
France tries to hold, i. 184-186;
England refuses to resign, i. 186;
creed and politics in, i. 193;
let alone by the British government, i. 199;
documents relating to, i. 211;
ceded to England, ii. 49, 50, 173;
strong desire of France to recover, ii. 169;
ii. 154;
Shirley resolved to keep, ii. 170;
the key to the British American colonies, ii. 170;
left by Newcastle to drift with the tide, ii. 180;
ii. 260, 262, 266, 267, 270, 272, 320, 326, 336, 338, 341, 345,
353.
Acadian Church, the, friction of the temporal power with, i. 118.
Acadian peninsula, the, ii. 60, 184.
Acadian priests, the, Shirley’s attitude towards, ii. 178.
Acadians, the,
trade of Boston merchants with, i. 7, 115;
take the oath of allegiance to Queen Anne, i. 191;
break their oath, i. 191;
apply to Vaudreuil for aid, i. 192;
the French and the English rivals for, i. 193, 194; 362
Costebelle complains of the apathy of, i. 197;
increase in the population of the, i. 199;
Governor Phillips undertakes to force them to take the oath of
allegiance, i. 206;
Governor Phillips’ so-called success, i. 208, 209;
totally devoid of natural leaders, i. 210;
refuse to join Duvivier against Annapolis, ii. 62;
addicted to hoarding, ii. 172;
characteristics of, ii. 172;
Mascarene’s treatment of, ii. 172;
between two fires, ii. 172, 173;
known as the “Neutral French,” ii. 173;
illiteracy of, ii. 173;
incompetent to meet the crisis, ii. 173;
their pleasures, ii. 174;
social equality of, ii. 174;
their commendable domestic morals, ii. 174;
population of, ii. 174;
greatly excited by the appearance of D’Anville’s fleet, ii. 175;
Shirreff urges that they are a standing menace to the colony,
ii. 175;
Shirley’s plan for securing the allegiance of, ii. 177;
Shirley’s plan to convert them to Protestantism, ii. 180;
Ramesay tries to persuade them to join his expedition against
Annapolis, ii. 182;
again placed between two dangers, ii. 201;
their letters to Ramesay and to Mascarene, ii. 201, 202;
Ramesay’s peremptory orders to, ii. 203;
deplorable position of, ii. 203;
England fails to do its duty by, ii. 203;
Shirley and, ii. 312-357.
Acadian seas, the, i. 104, 120.
Acadian village, the, life at, i. 113.
Adams, i. 195.
Adams, Mr., of Medfield, i. 230.
Adams, town of, ii. 231.
Addison, i. 147.
Aillebout, Captain d’, commandant at the Island Battery, ii. 120,
284, 303.
Aix-la-Chapelle, the Peace of, signing of, ii. 256.
Akins, Mr., i. 211.
Alabama River, the, ii. 51.
Alabama, State of, i. 301.
Albany, fort at, i. 9;
efforts of the English to draw the fur-trade to, i. 14;
ii. 51, 154, 156, 206, 207;
left uncovered, ii. 210;
ii. 212, 213, 235, 245, 254, 273.
Albany traders, the, opposed to the proposed conquest of Canada,
i. 137.
Aldrich, John, wounded at Fort Massachusetts, ii. 246, 251, 253.
Alexander VI., Pope, i. 305.
Alexander, Deacon Ebenezer, blockhouse of, ii. 231.
Alexander, Joseph, escapes from the French and Indians, i. 71.
Alford, John, ii. 115.
Algonquins of the Ottawa, the, sent from Montreal against the
English border, ii. 217.
Algonquins, the, i. 223.
Alleghanies, the, i. 296; ii. 45, 48.
Allein, i. 117.
Allen, Caleb, escapes from the Indians, ii. 250.
Allen, Eunice, escapes from the Indians, ii. 250.
Allen, Mr., killed by the Indians, ii. 250.
Allen, Samuel, captured by the Indians, ii. 250.
Allen’s River, i. 112, 127, 152.
Allison, Widow, i. 60.
Allouez, the Jesuit, at Fort St. Louis, i. 327.
Alton Bay, i. 96.
“Amazone,” the, ii. 159. 363
Amesbury, attacked by the French and Indians, i. 99.
Amherst, General,
at Louisbourg, ii. 104, 105;
demolishes Crown Point, ii. 255.
Amsden, killed by the Indians, ii. 250.
Andover, i. 260.
Andros, i. 105.
Androscoggin Indians, the, i. 37.
Androscoggin River, the, i. 222.
Anjou, Duc d’, i. 305.
Ann, Cape, i. 244.
Annapolis, i. 112, 170, 190;
pestilence at, i. 191;
almost totally neglected, i. 198;
i. 194;
Duquesnel’s plans against, ii. 61;
its condition, ii. 61;
failure of Duvivier’s attack on, ii. 63;
Duvivier again lays siege to, ii. 126;
the French plan to attack, ii. 162, 164;
crumbling little fort of, ii. 175;
Ramesay tries to persuade the Acadians to join his expedition
against, ii. 181;
Shirley’s plans for the defence of, ii. 182;
ii. 312, 316, 317, 318, 319, 322, 326, 327, 328, 330, 331, 333,
344, 347, 350, 351, 352.
Annapolis Basin, ii. 165.
Annapolis, Council of, i. 199, 201, 204, 205.
Annapolis River, the, i. 112, 127.
Annapolis Royal, see _Port Royal_, and _Annapolis_.
Anne, Fort, i. 140.
Anne, Queen, i. 105;
sustains Governor Dudley, i. 109;
receives the five Mohawk chiefs, i. 147.
Anse de la Cormorandière Bay, ii. 97, 291.
Anson, Admiral, ii. 168.
Anticosti, the Island of, i. 171.
Antigua, ii. 83.
Anville, Duc d’, ii. 157, 158;
disasters of, ii. 159-162;
death of, ii. 162;
burial of, ii. 162;
chief aim of his expedition, ii. 169;
ii. 175, 235, 330, 346.
Appleton, Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel, i. 88;
in the expedition against Port Royal, i. 127;
the “nonsensical malice” of, i. 130.
Apsaroka Indians, the, ii. 25.
Archives de la Marine, the, i. 16.
Archives Nationales, the, i. 16.
“Ardent,” the, ii. 62.
“Argonaut,” the, ii. 160.
Arickaras, the, i. 360.
Arkansas Indians, the, i. 356.
Arkansas River, the, i. 319, 350, 359, 364, 367;
the Canadian Fork of, i. 368.
Armstrong, Lieutenant-Colonel, at Annapolis, i. 198;
governor of Acadia, i. 201, 202;
on the political work of the Acadian missionaries, i. 203, 204;
succeeds Governor Phillips, i. 208;
undertakes to force the Acadians to take the oath of
allegiance, i. 208;
ii. 312, 338.
Arnold, Benedict, i. 213.
Arrowsick Island, i. 224, 231, 237.
Artaguette, Lieutenant Diron d’,
reports on the charges against Bienville, i. 307;
i. 309, 322.
Artaguette, Pierre d’, captured and burned alive by the Chickasaws,
i. 329.
Ash, Thomas, killed at Louisbourg, ii. 109.
Ashuelot, fort at, ii. 215;
Indian attack on, ii. 215.
Ashuelot River, the, ii. 214.
Assagunticooks, the, attend the council at Georgetown, i. 224.
Assiniboin River, the, ii. 14, 15, 20.
Assiniboins, the, ii. 10; 364
offer to join the French against the Sioux, ii. 13;
mislead La Vérendrye concerning the Pacific, ii. 15;
ii. 34, 40;
attack Saint-Pierre, ii. 41.
Atkinson, Mr.,
sent to Montreal as envoy from New Hampshire, i. 252;
received by Vaudreuil, i. 252;
the interview with the Indians, i. 253.
Atlantic coast, the, usurped from the French, ii. 48.
Auchmuty, Robert, ii. 64.
Augusta, i. 222.
“Auguste,” the, wreck of, ii. 42.
Auneau, the Jesuit, murdered by the Sioux, ii. 13.
Austrian Succession, the War of, ii. 59.
Auteuil, D’, i. 331; ii. 247.
Avery, John, at Number Four, ii. 219.
Avon, the river, ii. 189.
Ayllon, Vasquez de, ii. 48.
Azores, the, ii. 159.
Bacon, Captain Daniel, at Louisbourg, ii. 120.
Bacouel, ii. 187.
“Badine,” the, i. 300.
Baker, escapes from Indian captivity, i. 87.
Baker, C. Alice, i. 89, 90.
Baker, Lieutenant, killed at Grand Pré, i. 123.
Bancroft, Robert Hale, ii. 89.
Bangor, i. 244, 254.
Bank, Capt. Louis, i. 302;
his interview with Bienville, i. 303.
Banks, Lieutenant, i. 52, 53.
Banlieue, the, Acadians of, i. 191, 195, 199.
Baptiste, Captain,
captured by the English, i. 81;
exchanged by the English for John Williams, i. 88.
Barachois, the, ii. 106, 109, 279, 293, 294.
Barbadoes, the, i. 182.
Barnard, Rev. John, i. 126;
his experiences in the expedition against Port Royal, i. 128,
130, 131.
Barrett, Ensign John, house of, i. 42.
Barron, Elias, killed by the Pequawkets, i. 265.
Barrot, surgeon of Louisiana, i. 308.
Bart, Jean, of Canada, see _Iberville, Le Moyne d’_.
Bartlett, J. R., on the Mohawk chiefs in England, i. 147.
Basin of Mines, the, i. 110, 196.
Bastide, the English engineer, ii. 107.
“Bastonnais,” the,
monopolize the Acadian fisheries, i. 111;
their trade with the Acadians, i. 115;
i. 156, 157;
La Ronde Denys sent to treat with, i. 159;
take Denys prisoner, i. 160;
exasperated by the attacks on Canseau and Annapolis, ii. 64;
at Louisbourg, ii. 130, 134.
Batten Kill River, the, ii. 210, 238, 253.
Batterie de Francœur, the, at Louisbourg, ii. 130, 297, 298, 301,
306.
Baxter, Rev. Joseph, i. 225;
among the Norridgewocks, i. 228-230;
his controversy with Rale, i. 229.
Bayagoula Indians, the, i. 301.
Baye Verte, i. 196, 206;
Ramesay builds a fort at, ii. 175;
ii. 184, 185, 195, 326, 344, 345, 350, 351.
Bean, Lieutenant, sent out against Norridgewock, i. 245.
Beaubassin, Acadian settlement of, i. 123; ii. 184, 185, 198, 200, 365
202, 203, 260.
Beaubassin, Sieur de,
attacks Falmouth, i. 46;
letter from Ponchartrain to, i. 102;
ii. 124, 239, 298, 299, 300.
Beaubois, Père de, i. 368.
Beaucour, commands an unsuccessful attack on the Connecticut
settlements, i. 95.
Beauharnois, Charles de, the intendant,
on the treachery of the Abenakis, i. 37;
on the French expedition against New England, i. 56;
on Beaucour’s unsuccessful expedition against Connecticut, i. 95;
i. 232;
averse to violent measures against the Indians, i. 337;
slandered by Dupuy, i. 338;
on Lignery’s expedition against the Outagamies, i. 339;
on the scheme to reach the Pacific Ocean, ii. 6;
ii. 7, 8;
tries to obtain aid from the court for La Vérendrye, ii. 13;
on the Mandans, ii. 21;
demands the demolition of Oswego, ii. 54;
on the establishment of Crown Point, ii. 56;
on the capture of Louisbourg by the English, ii. 140;
ii. 171, 172.
Beauharnois, Fort, ii. 7;
abandoned, ii. 7.
Beaujeu, journal of, ii. 170, 184;
the hero of the Monongahela, ii. 185;
ii. 186, 187, 189, 190, 191, 192, 194, 195, 196;
on the losses at Grand Pré, ii. 198;
on the courtesies exchanged between the French and the English
at Grand Pré, ii. 199;
his account of the French victory at Mines, ii. 200.
Beauport, seigniory of, i. 25.
Beaurain, Chevalier de, i. 353, 354, 357, 358.
Beauséjour, Acadian post of, ii. 42.
“Beaux Hommes,” les, ii. 25.
Beaver-trade, the, proposed restriction to Detroit of, i. 23.
Becancour, the Abenaki mission of, i. 217, 233.
Bedford, Duke of, ii. 176.
Bégon, the intendant,
praises the zeal of the Acadian missionaries, i. 204;
i. 231, 331;
on the scheme for reaching the Pacific Ocean, ii. 6;
ii. 52.
Belknap,
on the Indian attack on Wells, i. 46;
on the loss of life in Queen Anne’s War, i. 47;
on Major Church at Port Royal, i. 124;
on March’s failure against Port Royal, i. 131;
on the council at Georgetown, i. 235;
on Lovewell’s expeditions against the Indians, i. 262;
on the plan to attack Louisbourg, ii. 64, 78, 112.
Belknap Papers, the, ii. 144.
Belleisle, Madame de, i. 117.
Bellemont, Ensign, ii. 293.
Bellin, ii. 14.
Bellomont, Lord, governor of Massachusetts,
letter from Brouillan to, i. 7;
his reports to the Lords of Trade, i. 9;
on the ministers among the Indians, i. 12;
tries to influence the Indians against the Jesuits, i. 12.
Bennett, Captain, i. 202.
Benoit, M., ii. 288.
Berkshire, ii. 230.
Berwick, village of, Indian attacks on, i. 48, 99, 266.
Biddeford, village of, i. 46, 266; ii. 80.
Bienville, Jean Baptiste de, resolves to find a better way to Santa
Fé, i. 368.
Bienville, Le Moyne de, i. 301; 366
at Biloxi, i. 302;
explores the Mississippi, i. 302;
his meeting with Capt. Louis Bank, i. 303;
accusations against, i. 307;
De Muys sent to succeed, i. 307;
Artaguette reports favorably upon the charges against, i. 307;
La Mothe-Cadillac succeeds, i. 309;
La Mothe-Cadillac’s quarrel with, i. 313;
reappointed governor of Louisiana, i. 318;
renewed accusations against, i. 320;
Perier takes his place, i. 320;
again made governor of Louisiana, i. 322;
resigns, i. 323;
the “Father of Louisiana,” i. 323;
i. 360.
Bighorn Mountains, the, ii. 31.
Bighorn Range, the, ii. 29, 31.
Bigot, François, the intendant, i. 38; ii. 37, 97, 98, 108;
on the English attack on Louisbourg, ii. 111;
on the English attack on the Island Battery, ii. 121, 122;
on the weak condition of the Louisbourg garrison, ii. 131;
on the siege of Louisbourg, ii. 144;
ii. 273, 274, 290, 293, 311.
Billaine, Louis, ii. 261.
Billerica, village of, i. 259.
Biloxi, the harbor of, French establishment at, i. 302, 305, 312.
Biscay, Bay of, ii. 158.
Blackfeet Indians, the, ii. 34.
Blackhawk, the famous chief, i. 344.
Black Hills, the, i. 353; ii. 23.
Black Point, Indian attack on, i. 48.
Black River, the, ii. 221.
Blake, Nathan, captured by the Indians, ii. 215.
Blancs Barbus, see _Mandans, the_.
Blastrick, Jean, ii. 311.
Bleeker, visits Onondaga, i. 12.
Blenheim, i. 163.
“Blockhouse,” loose use of the term, ii. 241.
Blue Earth River, i. 351.
“Bobasser,” see _Beaubassin, Sieur de_.
Bobé, Father, sets forth the claims of France, ii. 46-50, 257-274.
Bodmer, Charles, the artist, among, the Mandans, i. 345; ii. 20.
Boisbriant, Major Pierre Dugué de, i. 307;
in command of “the Illinois,” i. 329;
i. 360.
Boishébert, ii. 185, 188, 189, 194.
Bolingbroke, Lord, i. 163.
Bollan, William,
secures reimbursement for Massachusetts from England for
expenditures on the Louisbourg expedition, ii. 142, 143;
letters of, ii. 143;
ii. 315.
Bomazeen, Captain, i. 37;
captures Elisha Plaisted, i. 53, 54.
Bonaventure, Captain,
on the trade between Boston and the French of Acadia, i. 108,
115;
his relations with Madame de Freneuse, i. 116;
attacked by De Goutin, i. 117;
on the friction between the temporal and spiritual powers in
Acadia, i. 118;
ii. 132, 286, 308.
Bonaventure, Madame de, i. 154.
Bonaventure, the priest, i. 194.
Bonavista, i. 132.
Bonner, Captain, makes a plan of Boston, i. 170.
Bonner, John, i. 88.
Borland, i. 107.
Boston,
French plans for the destruction of, i. 5, 6;
i. 55;
trade between the French of Acadia and, i. 108;
French scheme to ruin, i. 161;
make plans for the Canadian expedition, i. 164, 165; 367
distrusts the English troops, i. 166;
Bonner's plan of, i. 170;
ii. 47, 60;
rumored attack of the French on, ii. 156;
ii. 261, 309, 310, 312, 318, 327.
Boston Harbor, i. 143.
“Boston Packet,” the, ii. 83.
“Boston Post Boy,” the, ii. 200.
Boston Treaty, the, i. 255.
Boucher, Marie, marriage of, ii. 8.
Boucher, Pierre, governor of Three Rivers, ii. 8.
Boucherville, i. 90.
Bougainville, ii. 14.
Boularderie, killed at Louisbourg, ii. 98.
Bourbon, Fort, on Lake Winnipeg, ii. 14.
Bourgmont, Sieur de, i. 360;
builds Fort Orléans, i. 361;
sets out for the Comanche villages, i. 361;
his journey, i. 361-366.
Bourke, Captain John G., ii. 43.
Bourne, Edward E., i. 40, 42;
on the Indian attack on Wells, i. 46;
on the capture of Elisha Plaisted, i. 54;
ii. 81.
Bouton, on Lovewell’s Expedition, i. 270.
Bow Indians, the, ii. 26;
make an attack on the Snake Indians, ii. 30-33.
Boxford, village of, i. 269.
Bradford, village of, i. 269.
Bradley, Joseph, attacked by Indians, i. 49.
Bradstreet, Colonel John, ii. 64, 65;
at Louisbourg, ii. 100.
“Brahmin caste” of New England, the, i. 269.
Brandon, Arthur, i. 48.
Brandon, Mrs. Arthur, killed by Indians, i. 48.
Brandy, traffic in, i. 20.
Brattleboro, town of, i. 73.
Brazil, ii. 270.
Brébeuf, Jean de, at Matchedash Bay, i. 18; i. 139, 215.
Breda, treaty of, ii. 270.
Brest, ii. 127, 158.
Brest Squadron, the, ii. 327.
Breton, Cape, i. 185;
Raudot urges the occupation by the French of, i. 186;
ii. 42, 60, 85, 104, 114, 256, 314, 315, 318, 321, 322, 333,
342.
Bridgman, Jonathan, wounded at Fort Massachusetts, ii. 246.
Brissonnet, the Plain of, at Louisbourg, ii. 279.
British America, early maps of, ii. 44.
British colonies, the, i. 3.
British provinces, the, ii. 45;
growing power of, ii. 45.
Brittany, ii. 166.
Brookfield, attacked by the French and Indians, i. 99.
Brooks, Commander, at Louisbourg, ii. 120, 121.
Brouillan, Jacques François de,
urges peace between England and France, i. 6;
his letter to Governor Bellomont, i. 7;
in command of Acadia, i. 110;
paucity of his fighting resources, i. 111;
characteristics of, i. 113;
death of, i. 114;
accusations against, i. 114.
Brown, ii. 95.
Brown, Captain, sent out against Norridgewock, i. 245.
Brown, John, wounded at Number Four, ii. 228.
Brown, John Carter, i. 147.
Brulé Indians, the, ii. 34.
Brunswick, i. 218;
burned by the Indians, i. 239.
Bruyas, the Jesuit, i. 11. 368
Brymner, on the journal of La Vérendrye, ii. 17.
Buade, Fort, i. 18.
Buffalo, the, i. 351.
Bullard, John, killed by the Indians, ii. 215.
Bunker Hill, battle of, ii. 90, 123.
Burchett, Secretary of the Admiralty, i. 165.
Burlington, city of, i. 77.
Burnet, Governor, of New York, plans to build a fortified
trading-house at Oswego, ii. 53.
Burr’s regiment, at Louisbourg, ii. 103.
Bute, i. 183.
Butler, Captain, i. 177.
Cabot, John, ii. 47, 49, 79.
Cabot, Sebastian, ii. 47, 49, 79.
_Caches_, ii. 16.
Caddoes, the, i. 356.
Cadenaret, an Abenaki chief, ii. 237, 238.
Cadillac, Seigneur, de, see _La Mothe, Jean de_.
“Cæsar,” the, ii. 83.
Cahokia, village of, i. 328.
Cahouet, i. 191.
Callières, the governor, i. 26, 28.
Cambridge, i. 150; ii. 90.
Canada,
prepares for defence against England, i. 4;
a virtual truce between New York and, i. 16;
divided by two opposing policies, i. 21;
a country of cabals and intrigues, i. 27;
almost inaccessible to New England, i. 120;
plan of Samuel Vetch for the conquest of, i. 133;
the English ministry plan an attack on, i. 163;
the Iroquois cease to be a danger to, i. 216;
Abenaki settlements in, i. 257;
New York her only rival for the control of the West, i. 273;
jealous of Louisiana, i. 324;
plans of the chiefs of, i. 325;
divided between two opposing influences, i. 347;
approaching her last agony, ii. 42;
Shirley’s scheme for capturing, ii. 151;
in alarm at the hostile preparations of the English, ii. 153;
preparations for defence, ii. 154;
the attack abandoned, ii. 155.
Canadian Church, the, influence of, i. 347.
Canadian missions, the, converts of, i. 96, 99.
Canadians, the,
brave, hardy, and well trained, i. 5;
join the expedition against New England, i. 56;
led the way in the path of discovery, i. 346.
Cannon-ball River, the, ii. 18.
Canseau,
fishing-station of, ii. 60;
Duquesnel sends a force against, ii. 60;
surrenders to the French and is burned, ii. 61;
Commodore Warren at, ii. 84;
ii. 86;
Pomeroy at, ii. 91;
passes into the hands of the English, ii. 91, 92, 93;
ii. 267, 273, 288, 289, 290, 311.
Canseau, blockhouse at, i. 198;
the Micmacs attack, i. 244;
ii. 334, 344, 345.
Canseau, Strait of, i. 186; ii. 60.
Canso, see _Canseau_.
Canso, Strait of, see _Canseau, Strait of_.
Canterbury, Archbishop of, i. 147.
Cap Noir, ii. 301.
Cape Breton, Island of, i. 177.
Cape Cod, the Indians of, i. 121; ii. 47, 260, 261.
Cape Sable Indians, ii. 354.
Capuchin Friars, the, i. 118.
Carheil, the Jesuit, 369
on the ruins of Michilimackinac, i. 17;
aversion of Cadillac for, i. 19;
his quarrels with Cadillac, i. 20, 30.
“Caribou,” the, ii. 62, 159, 160.
Carignan, regiment of, ii. 8.
Carolina, i. 148;
French settlement in, ii. 258;
ii. 259, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 269.
Carolina traders, the, i. 321, 323.
Carter, Ebenezer, released from Indian captivity, i. 87.
Carter, Marah, murdered by the French and Indians, i. 65.
Carthagena expedition, the, ii. 72.
Cartier, Jacques, at Hochelaga, i. 18, 279.
Casco, i. 36, 39;
attacked by the French and Indians, i. 99.
Casco Bay, i. 129;
the Boston treaty ratified at, i. 255.
Casco, the treaty of, i. 39.
Casgrain, Abbé, i. 196, 211.
Castine, town of, i. 38, 122.
Castle William, ii. 157, 317.
Catholicism, bound up with the old political order, i. 192.
Catholic Jacobites, ii. 177.
Catlin, George, the painter, among the Mandans, ii. 20.
Catlin, John, killed by the French and Indians, i. 64.
Catlin, Mrs. John,
shows wonderful generosity to a wounded French officer, i. 64;
death of, i. 65.
Catlin, Joseph, attacked by the French and Indians, i. 63.
Caughnawaga, ii. 236;
see also _Sault St. Louis_.
Caughnawaga,
the Iroquois mission of, i. 13;
the converted Iroquois settle at, i. 14;
Eunice Williams at, i. 80;
i. 217, 234.
Caughnawagas, the, i. 13;
carry on a contraband trade between New York and Canada, i. 15;
i. 36;
join the expedition against New England, i. 56;
draw out of an expedition against New England, i. 96;
promise Schuyler not to attack New England, i. 100;
in the conquest of Canada, i. 139.
Caulfield, deputy-governor at Annapolis, i. 196, 205, 206.
Chacornacle, Lieutenant, joins Cadillac, i. 28.
Chamberlain, John, tradition of his meeting with Paugus, i. 268.
Chambly, death of, i. 98.
Chambly,
settlement of, i. 75, 77, 140, 141, 142;
stone fort built by the French at, ii. 55.
Champigny, the intendant,
opposes Cadillac’s plan of a settlement at Detroit, i. 26, 28;
i. 348.
Champlain, Lake, i. 15, 77, 135, 139, 140, 165, 177, 252; ii. 48,
55, 153, 208, 221, 230, 235, 265.
Champlain, Samuel de, in the Onondaga country, i. 18, 279; ii. 259,
262.
“Chapeau Rouge” Bay, see _Gabarus Bay_.
Chardon, the missionary, urges the extermination of the Outagamies,
i. 337.
Charles I., ii. 262.
Charles II., of England, i. 133, 273.
Charlestown, named after Commodore Charles Knowles, ii. 228.
See also _Number Four_.
Charlestown Neck, ii. 90.
Charlevoix, the Jesuit historian,
on the French responsibility for Queen Anne’s War, i. 46;
on the essential purpose of Queen Anne’s War, i. 47;
on Ramesay’s expedition against Nicholson, i. 141; 370
on the pestilences in Nicholson’s camp, i. 143;
on the siege of Port Royal, i. 155;
on the chief bond between the French and the Indians, i. 216;
on the English attack on Norridgewock, i. 248;
on “the Illinois,” i. 327;
journey of, ii. 4;
his report on the Pacific Ocean, ii. 5;
returns to France, ii. 5.
Chartres, Duc de, i. 329.
Chartres, Fort, i. 329; ii. 57.
Chassin, Michel de, i. 317, 329.
Chateauguay, accusations against, i. 307.
Château Richer, John Williams at, i. 82.
Château St. Louis, the, i. 26, 51; ii. 273.
Chaudière River, the, i. 5, 6, 213, 217.
Cherokees, the, i. 324.