“Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen:
The most sacred obligation we have today imposed upon the Government is
the proper care of the men who came back from the War less physically
fit than they were when they went away. Provision is being made for
their care to the extent that it is possible to make it. I think it may
be safe to say that no country in all the world has been so generous in
its care of its wounded soldiers, as America.
Hospitalization is one thing that we must provide, and we must provide
every necessary comfort for those who gave to the country in its hour of
direct need. We must not be foolish, however, in what we do. We must
have a care as weal of other things as of the men themselves. I think
the American people would be willing to make any sacrifice for the
comfort of the men who served the nation either in the late war or any
other war; and the best evidence of their willingness to do that and of
the willingness of the Congress to cooperate is the fact that we are
spending out of the public treasury for the allotments, allowances,
hospitalization, vocational training, insurance, and other things for
the comfort of these men, 489 million dollars a year; and it is growing
and, as far as I can see, it will continue to grow.
Now we may be doing some things in connection with this expenditure that
are not for the best interests of the men, and I sometimes have doubt as
to whether we are wise or unwise. I sometimes have doubt as to whether
we are managing this expenditure as it ought to be managed,—whether we
are giving the proper care to the moral situation surrounding the
hospitals where these men are being treated. We have evidence before my
committee in the record testified to by those in charge of hospitals in
which these men are being cared for, to show the most demoralizing
situation as the result of the extravagance and expenditure of money by
the men being hospitalized at the expense of the Government.
I have a suggestion to make in this connection. I have no desire
whatsoever to take away from any man anything that ought to be given to
him in the way of service or care by the Government. On the contrary, no
man will go as far as I will to see that proper care and proper
attention is given to every man that served the nation; but I believe
that in the payments we make to these men who are being hospitalized, we
ought to have some control over where that money goes, while they are in
the hospital. (APPLAUSE).
I would suggest two thoughts, either the thought that while they are in
the hospital they must deposit their money with those in charge, and be
allowed to expend only a limited sum, and thereby prevent the assemblage
in the neighborhood of the institution which the Government of the
United States is maintaining for the care of its patriotic men, from
becoming the nest of demoralization or prostitution. You can’t make it
too strong. The facts disclose the situation. Now, we have an obligation
greater than the obligation to care for the man, and that is to see that
while we are caring for them we do not destroy them. (APPLAUSE). We have
got to have the courage to adopt a plan.
Up to the present moment most men connected with the government service
have been afraid to express an opinion in connection with the ex-service
men, lest somebody might become offended at his attitude. (APPLAUSE) Now
I am not one of these men. I believe the time has come when the man in
public office has got to have the courage of his convictions; there is
nobody in the world that people hate so much as the man in high public
place who has not the courage of his convictions. The man in high public
place has got to have sufficient courage to protect the rank and file of
those who are being protected by the Government from the folly of their
own deeds; and that applies as well to the Legion and all other
organizations connected with the ex-service men, as well as anybody
else, for it can.
Now we have a two-fold obligation,—I may say three-fold. We have the
obligation to the men, to give them proper care. We have the obligation
to the Treasury to see that that care is not conducted at an outrageous
expense; and we have the obligation to the Nation to see that the moral
standpoint of the communities in which these men are being cared for, is
not degraded as a result of our attempt to help the men; and the only
way you can stop that is to prevent the men while in the care of the
Government, from having unlimited right to spend the money allotted to
them out of the Treasury of the United States. It would be far better
for them, far better for the community, for the nation, far better for
the future of all if we could arbitrarily take the money away from them
while they are in our control; place it on deposit, and see that it is
applied for some useful purpose for their families after they leave our
care. We can do it. We have the power. Have we the courage? I think we
have, and if you will join me, we will do it! (APPLAUSE)
I think the men themselves will be happier. Their organizations will be
more pleased. You will have some grumbling, but you will have it anyhow.
Far better to have the grumbling when the men are sober than otherwise.
Far better to have the grumbling when men are likely to be contented
than when they are discontented; and I don’t know of any individual more
happy than he who knows that when we get through with the treatment we
are giving him he can look forward to having a bank account somewhere.
You know we are liable to destroy the usefulness of this man. The
citizenship of the future may depend upon our actions, and we must be
careful. The obligation is ours today; it must be somebody else’s
tomorrow; but the transfer of obligation from one man to another ought
not to make any difference. Any man afraid of the obligation to do this
work ought to be transferred, because he is not fit for his job. Public
office is just an opportunity to serve; that is all. The man who is in
public office, who trims his sails to meet every passing wind is not fit
for the job. He must have courage, integrity, purpose in life; and the
man who cannot do the things that are dictated by conscience and right
in a great public office ought not to be returned to it. The man that
cannot feel the consciousness of his own rectitude, but rather the
political bee buzzing, is not fit for a public office; and the men who
are in the great service in which you men are employed have obligations,
wonderful obligations, wonderful opportunities.
We depend upon you for the outline of the plan that we must follow in
our treatment of this great army of patriotic men that have come back,
eyeless, legless, armless, and sick in many other ways; but we must also
depend upon you to cooperate with us in an effort to prevent the looting
of the public Treasury and the reduction of the moral standpoint of the
nation.
You need not be afraid to suggest. We should like to have your
suggestions. We invite them; we welcome then. You need not be afraid to
criticize; we are glad to have that. But we want you not only to
remember that money is a factor as well as a help, but we want you to
learn how to spend money. Most doctors do not know how, especially Army
doctors. I have discovered that. I don’t blame them. Their minds run
along other lines, but somebody has to watch this side of the case.
Now one thing we ought to remember is that the estimates for the
expenses of the Government of the United States for the fiscal year,
1923, sent to the Congress amount to 167 million dollars more than we
have got; and since these estimates came, 50, 60, 70 million dollars
more have come, adding that much more to that which we have not got. I
just want to say to you, gentlemen, right here that it does not make any
difference how many estimates come, there won’t be a bit appropriated
beyond the revenue, and I don’t care from whom the estimates come.
Our job is to represent the tax-payers. Somebody must visualize the
nation. You men visualize the thing before you; you see the local
picture. We see more than that; we see the whole picture; and our job is
not only to see that the rights of those under our care are protected
and preserved, but that the rights of the people who are not under our
care and under whose care we are, are protected. We represent the
tax-payers of the nation. They have been mighty patriotic; they have
been liberal; they have not grumbled; they have paid the price; they
have paid it with courage; and they have shown their patriotism. They
have shown their unselfish devotion to liberty. They are willing to meet
any expense that may be imposed for the proper care of those who fell
before the bullets of the enemy; but they want and will insist upon
proper supervision of the expenditures.
They have a right to that. They have a right to relief from the burdens
of taxation to the extent that we can help to give them that relief; and
it is your job and mine and that of every other man in the government
service,—whether he be a dollar-a-year man or whether he be given fifty
thousand dollars a year for the privilege of service,—to do everything
in his power to make the people of America feel that they are not
misrepresented in anything we may do.
The expenses of the Government for 1919 were nineteen billions; for
1920, seven billion, five hundred; for 1921, six billion, five hundred;
for 1922, four billion, thirty-four millions; but a billion, eight
hundred and forty-five millions of that are in three fixed charges,
i.e., nine hundred and seventy-five million dollars a year for interest
on the public debt, which did not exist before the war; three hundred
and eighty-one million dollars a year for the sinking-fund, which did
not exist before the war; four hundred and eighty-nine million dollars a
year for the care of the men that you are here to represent, for their
hospitalization, allotments, allowances, insurance, and so on; so that
we have that fixed charge in these three items that never existed
before. Our Government in the future is bound to cost twice what it ever
cost before, and so we have everybody in the United States watching
every dollar of expenditure.
We have seven million tax-payers now that pay out of their
incomes,—seven million people watching what we do. Before the war we did
not have any of these people. They did not care what you did; how much
money you spent, or where you got it. They did not have to pay it; it
was not being paid directly. Now it is paid direct, and the more
tax-payers you have got paying into the Treasury, the more account you
have got to have of what you do with the government funds.
I am just here today to say to you, gentlemen, that I know you can help
a lot both in effecting economy of expenditure and in creating a better
condition, from the moral standpoint, in all of the surroundings where
our men are being treated and cared for. You can cooperate by suggesting
to our Committee on Appropriations how we can best meet the situation
that will prevent extravagant waste of money by the men who are being
cared for, while they are in the institutions, and how we can preserve
the funds for them and their families; also, how we can preserve the
moral standards of the institutions.
Why, the statements that come to me are appalling about the low moral
standards around some of these institutions. I heard a good deal about
the Army camps during the war, but it was not any worse than now. It is
for you men to say what we shall do to prevent it, and we want you to
cooperate fairly, loyally, actively, unitedly and promptly, because we
must at any hazard and at any cost prevent any condition that will bring
stench to the institution that we are trying to preserve.
We must not under any circumstances allow the fund that is being used to
preserve the health to the limit and build up the men who served us
during the war, to be used for any purpose that will create scandal in
the nation; and it is bound to create scandal if we do not watch out for
the moral standard in every community.
Now, pave the way. Show us how we can tie the fund up, and help us to
help the people of the nation to preserve the men who are the wards of
the nation. We must not demoralize them; we must not make them
mendicants; we must not encourage them to leave their normal, legitimate
employment to become wards of the nation; but we must encourage these
men in every way that we can to become so useful that they will be able
to help themselves and be willing to do it, and not depend upon the
nation.
If I have been able to express a thought at all here that will be of any
value in the long run, I shall feel well repaid for having come. I know
of no more patriotic men than those who confront me, and no more
patriotic women than those who devoted themselves to the service of the
nation during the war. There are no more patriotic men and women than
these anywhere. They made the sacrifice during the darkest hours. Many
of you men could go out and, as far as dollars go, be much better off;
but you prefer to do a service to the nation.
Now, couple with your medical service the two suggestions that I made.
Let me repeat them,—the up-building of the moral standard, and the
maintenance of an economic expenditure of the funds that may be placed
under your charge.
Thank You.”
GENERAL SAWYER: “Fellows, as an expression of your appreciation of the
presence of Congressman Madden this morning, I would ask you to rise to
your feet, that he may know we believe in him and are for him.”
The assembly responded by standing up.
GENERAL SAWYER: I would lose a great opportunity if I did not take advantage
of this particular moment to say to you that I should like—being a
doctor myself—that we relieve ourselves of the charge of not being
business men. Certainly in the administration of year affairs you have
the greatest opportunity that can come to men now to demonstrate that
you have some business sense as well as professional sense, and to me it
is a great pleasure to have this program this morning because it gives
us a new idea of what it means to think in the language of dollars and
cents.
This administration has great ambitions to develop within the Government
a business organization. The President of the United States believes
that the machinery conducting the affairs of the Government of the
United States is about as complete, is about as capable as any machinery
that could possibly be devised, providing it has a perfect system of
organization and business operation of these affairs.
The experiences of the past have shown that we have gone on in our
governmental affairs without due regard to where we were to get out. We
have depended upon deficiency bills to help us in our extravagance or
our over-expenditures. The time has come when that policy is a matter of
the past.
Realizing that it was only possible to carry on the affairs of our
Government along business lines, the President sought what he
regards—and I know this personally because I have heard him express it
many times—one of the biggest and best and most potent business men of
the United States of America to take charge of the direction of the
budget; and I now have great pleasure in introducing to you, follows, my
dearest, closest friend, General Charles G. Dawes, of Chicago, Illinois.
“Mr. Chairman and Members of the Conference:
The trouble with most of the Government meetings is that they do not
assume the nature of a business meeting. We have something that is
entirely different from the atmosphere which surrounds the meeting of
any private business organization.
In my work down here for this year, I look upon the Government simply as
a business organization and unless I get formality out of my mind, I do
not get close to the people with whom I do business. So this morning I
just simply want to explain—because when you can give the reasons for
the imposition of discipline and rules of action, you make these rules
of action doubly effective.
I want to explain, and grasp this opportunity to explain something of
the working of the machinery which has been set in motion by the
President, creating by Executive Order for the first time, a machine for
the imposition of an Executive plan, and a pressure upon Governmental
business. In other words, the President, for the first time, has assumed
his responsibility as business head of the organization. He has
established certain agencies for the imposition of executive policies
and I wanted to explain something about them.
This meeting, itself, is the result of the creation of one of these
coordinating agencies by Executive Order. And what is involved in this
meeting?
Suppose a private corporation was spending, apart from the interest it
paid on its debts, about one-fourth of all its expenditures along one
certain line of activity. That is what this Government is doing through
the Boards represented here,—Army, Navy, Veterans’ Bureau, etc.
Supposing that business had run along for a hundred years and somebody
would come in and say to the head of the business, “How much money are
you spending on this particular activity?”
“Well, so much, one-fourth of all we spend.”
“Have you ever had a meeting of the heads of the agencies for the
expenditure?”
“No.”
“Well, how do you know you are not duplicating facilities? How do you
know there is any coordination between the establishments you are
building in the securing of supplies, in the hiring of men?”
“We don’t know. We never have had, in this business organization, even a
meeting to discuss the question of proper expenditure of money upon the
standpoint of one corporation as distinguished from five separate
departments of a corporation.”
Now what a ridiculous situation that is and yet that is what has
pertained from the beginning of Government. We have forty-one
independent governmental departments and establishments and each of them
has been going on its own way and the result has been chaos in business,
absolute chaos. It is a remarkable thing that here for the first time in
the history of the Government you have got together the elements to
determine the proper administration of this most important matter of the
care of the sick and the disabled among the veterans of the war. For the
first time it is possible, by this juxtaposition, to properly consider
policies to prevent duplication, to devise ways and means and it is a
comment upon the terrible conditions under which the business of this
Government has been transacted, and that is the first instance where you
could get them all together to discuss a coordinated policy. That has
been so with everything. The meeting never would have gotten together,
you never could have gotten together physically in connection with this
thing unless you had been ordered together by the use of the Executive
power of the President of the United States. Now don’t get that out of
your head,—that underneath this reorganization of government, which is
not to be effected, but which has been effected in this routine
business, there is the idea of force, and if the idea of force was not
there we would not have gotten anywhere in connection with the securing
of these results, which small as they are, represent an immense advance
upon the old situation. I speak now from the standpoint of the
accomplishment of these coordinating boards,—not as predicting something
that is going to be done, but of the result of that which has been done
during the last six months through coordinating agencies such as your
Federal Board, established by the President of the United States through
the use of his authority and running the routine business of the
Government for the first time upon a business basis.
I make this distinction (for Mr. Burke, for instance) as some
misapprehension may be had in connection with this matter of policy. The
Budget Bureau, is not concerned with policy save that of economy and
efficiency. We are concerned with the routine expenditure of money, of
proper conduct of routine business. It is our business to see that when
money is appropriated by Congress along a certain line or policy with
which we have nothing to do, that that money is spent as economically
and as judiciously and carefully as possible in order to secure the
greatest results along the line of the policy imposed by Congress.
If Congress as a matter of policy should pass a law to put garbage on
the White House steps, it becomes our duty, regrettable as it might be,
to advise Congress and the Executive as to how the largest amount of
garbage may be most expeditiously and economically spread on the White
House steps. And that is why we are safe in demanding what is absolutely
necessary, in every business, in routine matters,—a centralized
authority. There is no democracy in a properly organized business so far
as routine business is concerned. It is a monarchy, and if the sense of
responsibility on the part of the agent to the man at the head of the
corporation, who is responsible for the policy, is lost, the business
goes to pieces, and, if a private business, you go into the hands of the
sheriff.
The trouble is that in the past the Presidents of the United States have
not done their full duty and assumed the control of the routine business
organization of Government. The result is, as is always the case, with a
private or public organization, that when the money is spent by parties
interested alone in spending the money, the plan of the unit over which
the spending head presides takes precedence over the plan of the
organization as a whole.
Now that has been exactly the situation in the United States up to this
time, and in dollars and cents, to say nothing of the matter of the use
of facilities, there has been a waste that is incalculable in the past.
Now, for instance, take this. All this is preliminary but it is very
important. Let me talk about human nature in connection with this matter
of taking order,—this matter of jealousy of prerogative. I sometimes
think we ought all to take a course of study in human nature. I
sometimes think that while in the A. E. F. charged by the
Commander-in-Chief with this same job of coordinating separated
services, the independent services of the Army in connection with the
unified business plan of the A. E. F., and afterwards in trying to
couple up the allies in the same line of endeavor, I had a better chance
than most people to see in its full majesty,—if you choose to look at it
that way—that desire for absolute independence,—that willingness to
subordinate practically everything on earth to hold power which is
characteristic of human nature.
When you have to approach independent power, to induce voluntary
surrender, I have found you might as well give it up in advance. There
is nothing a man holds to like this right to exercise power, and the
best illustration of that is shown by the fact that the greatest war of
all ages was fought for four years without a central command. Napoleon’s
44th maxim in war was that nothing is more important in war than a
unified command, under one chief. Everybody knew it, but it was not
until the unnecessary loss of hundreds of thousands of lives and
billions of dollars worth of material that Great Britain bent its pride
and accepted that plain, common-sense provision of unified command of
the allies under Foch. Not until the fourth year of the war when the
allied cause faced annihilation was such a plain, common-sense provision
as that for central command possible to be made for the allies, and the
certainty of annihilation alone made it possible.
Now do you think it is any different in connection with the independent
jurisdiction of these Government Departments, from the independent
services of the Army?
They talked in the past about Interdepartmental Boards, to correct this
old chaos, when they had no Executive leadership. An effort was made
from time to time by Interdepartmental Boards, acting as a committee
without relinquishment of the independent authority represented to
undertake some of these reforms, the necessity of which everybody saw.
Nothing was ever done to amount to anything. Why? They would meet
together and talk and outline the situation and necessity for action
until some question came up where somebody was going to lose control of
something or a part of his jurisdiction by some coordinated action for
the benefit of the whole Government. Then immediately the whole thing
died out and nothing was accomplished practically by any
Interdepartmental Board, where anything vital had to be given up by one
of the independent members of it, whose jurisdiction and power would be
cut down in the interest of the common plan of the Government.
When the President of the United States assumed this central control of
routine business, he did what any man would do in connection with a
private corporation; he called together in conference the business
administration,—everybody connected with the business of the Government
as head of department or independent establishment—Cabinet Officers
correspond to Vice Presidents in a business corporation. Of necessity
they had allowed this disgraceful system of chaos and extravagance to go
on. It was not their fault any more than it is the fault of you
gentlemen, who have been running along independent lines, because you
were not joined together in a system operating under a central
authority. We all were properly subject to the indictment of loose
business methods because the President of the United States had not
imposed a unified plan and system over us nor had he created the
machinery by which this plan would be carried into effect, as he has
since done.
In connection with surplus supplies, every department formerly was
selling its supplies in the open-market, and other departments were
buying the same kind of supplies in open market. In a number of cases
speculators would come and buy our public sales material from one
department to sell it to another department at two or three times the
price. Real estate was being leased in cities right along from private
owners, when the Government had vacant property to rent. This was the
custom also in connection with motor transport. If any Department wanted
something moved and did not have motor transport, it would go out and
hire motor transportation. There was no machinery by which the empty
motor trucks and idle men of the other departments could be used.
When goods were to be shipped, everybody would route them as they
pleased. There was no unified central authority which could deal with
the services as a whole as regards the classification of freight and the
whole transportation question.
The same thing existed in the making of contracts.
The same thing existed in Government purchasing. There was competition
between the Departments, the Departments themselves not being
coordinated. In the Treasury Department alone we found 18 separate
points of purchasing activity. Everything was run in Government business
as if it was composed of 41 separate corporations. How were things
changed for the better? It is all simple enough. It all depended on the
President because he alone had the authority to impose the methods of
coordinating and controlling this great general business, just as he is
coordinating these great activities here today through this Board,
presided over by his appointee, General Sawyer, a co-ordinator.
The plan which the President adopted was simple enough,—just what would
be done in any business organization—without asking for any additional
legislation for additional employees, but by simply taking from the body
of the employees, officials of the United States, those men especially
qualified by knowledge and experience to act as his agents, and then
creating the machinery through which they could transmit his policy and
plan of unified business to the general organization.
It is the simplest thing in the world, and the only possible objection I
have ever heard was urged the other day where it was said that the
detail of Army and Navy Officers for this central work by the President
might not result in giving him the benefit of absolute impartiality of
judgment because of their former connection with the War and Navy
departments. That nonsense!
For instance, in my bank,—supposing I wanted to take a man from the
Discount Department, from the Foreign Exchange Department, or the Real
Estate Department,—what folly to say that I would be justly afraid that
he would not be my loyal and faithful agent in the imposition of a plan
for the interest of the institution as a whole because of his former
connection with those departments of the bank. What folly to say that
the President of the United States with all his power over personnel can
not receive from men detailed for co-ordinating work the same loyalty as
he would receive from men appointed from the outside to come into this
complex machine. And I say now that the plan must stand or fall upon
that proposition. Regarding Colonel Smither, the Chief Coordinator, or
Commander Stanley, or any of these men who have been connected with the
Army or Navy,—so far as this work is concerned, as agents for the
President of the United States, they are as independent as if they had
never been in the Army or Navy. If anybody thinks they are not, let us
give him an example. We have not found anything but cooperation from the
heads of these departments and the heads of these services because their
personal interests lie parallel now with the unified plan of the
government since the President of the United States to whom they are
responsible, is behind that plan.
If the President becomes indifferent,—if he loses his eyes, and ears and
fingers in matters of routine business in the shape of the Chief
Coordinators of the Boards,—if he lets them drift, immediately there
will come the effort from you and everybody else to pull to pieces this
coordinating machinery which alone is able to impose a unified plan upon
the governmental business.
Now why is it necessary for you to accept, without mental reservation,
the necessity of the existence of this coordinating board under which
you act and the authority of the Chief Coordinator of that board as
representing the President? Let me say in connection with this that the
rights of the independent departments and establishments are jealously
regarded under these executive orders.
What I want to impress upon the minds of all is the necessity of these
co-ordinating boards to enable you to do your work properly.
Take it in ships. In coordinating shipping transportation, you have got
to have Mr. Weeks, Mr. Denby and Mr. Lasker in contact in connection
with a decision involving the economical use of ships. How can anybody
get them together without the authority of the President? Suppose I was
expected to call them together without the authority of the President. I
would go to Mr. Weeks for example and wait until the Senators were
through seeing him, and then perhaps because of his personal friendship
persuade him to go over with me to see Mr. Denby. When we had seen Denby
how could we get the two together with Lasker? You could not get
anywhere in this co-ordinating work without a delegated authority from
the President to compel contact between high officials.
In connection with this great work of yours in which you spent last year
three-fourths of a billion dollars, you cannot have it run right without
the existence of this co-ordinating Board,—without that authority to
make a bird’s-eye view of the whole situation,—without that authority to
say why this building, for example, is unnecessary, because there exists
a superfluity of this sort of building in another department. What’s the
use of endeavoring to catalogue those activities in which there is
duplication, in which you have got to have the bird’s-eye view, and
would never get proper action taken, unless you have in existence this
Board created by the authority of the President!
In connection with the rights of your department, for instance, there is
preserved for you at all times in connection with the coordinating order
of the Federal Board of Hospitalization, a right of appeal to the
President of the United States. If this Coordinating Board interferes to
such an extent with the plans of your unit that you think the
disadvantage so great that it counterbalances the beneficial effect to
the government as a whole, the right of appeal to the President is with
you. But for the first time in the government, as you know, there will
be presented to the President by the Chief Coordinator the interests of
the government treated from the standpoint of the Coordinating Board, so
that the President of the United States in making his decision on your
matter has the strongest possible statement of the needs of the unit
from you, and the strongest possible statement of the needs of the
government as a whole from the President of the Board. But the final
authority, of course, is in the President of the United States and he
will exercise it. In all of these orders the right of the head of the
independent unit to a proper examination, by the supreme authority, of
his plan is preserved, and it has been so in connection with all of
these coordinating agencies and with the Director of the Budget.
Let me tell you something as to the spirit of cooperation shown. I have
never had a contest before the President with a cabinet officer or head
of a department in connection with a coordinating action. I have never
had one for this reason. Take in connection with the transfer of
ships,—we have independent agencies for the examination of conditions.
We have the right, as agents of the President, of obtaining information
from any bureau chief or head of a department.
We have, through Colonel Smither’s wonderful organization of course, the
means for securing essential knowledge about these things.
Regarding ships,—we asked the Navy the other day for a couple of mine
sweepers for the Coast and Geodetic Survey. They refused. That was
always the case in the old days. Of course, everybody looks out for the
interest of his own department. Well I called over one of the Assistant
Secretaries of the Navy, and gave him a bird’s-eye view of the
situation.
They had 49 mine sweepers; and they were going out of commission. If
they went to the Coast and Geodetic Survey, they would be kept in
commission and would not deteriorate so rapidly. What is more, if they
didn’t go to the Geodetic Survey, the United States would have to ask
for a million dollars to build new ships.
That matter was taken back and proper attention given to it with this
knowledge of the whole situation and the Secretary of the Navy joined in
the request that the ships be transferred.
It was not the Secretary of the Navy who had really been responsible for
the first decision. It was some fellow along down the line, without the
bird’s-eye view, who has been safe for a hundred years from the eye of a
central authority, thinking in terms of the whole government—doing what
he believed his duty, I admit, in directing things for the best
interests of his unit, but who, without the bird’s-eye view would have
thrown the Government into an unnecessary expense of a million dollars.
It then developed when the Coast and Geodetic Survey people went to get
the mine sweepers, that they were in process of repair; that the engines
were disassembled. Now the Coast and Geodetic Survey had no
appropriation available for repairing work and so the Navy said, “We
won’t spend our money on those ships.”
“Why?”
“Because the President of the United States told us to be economical.”
Now supposing there had not been in existence an agency acting under the
President, such as the one here presided over by General Sawyer which
could see what was really involved in that action on the part of the
head of that subordinate unit of the Navy. Because the Navy wanted to
save a repair bill of $10,240.00 the Government would have spent
unnecessarily $1,000,000 for new ships. Do not think that was an unusual
case! It was almost always so in the old days.
Now nobody has been more anxious than the Secretary of the Navy to
cooperate in those matters but he must have information,—and you must
have the information,—to enable one to cooperate. All that was necessary
for me to do was to write to the Secretary of the Navy, that unless
these ships were repaired out of the Navy appropriation at a cost of
$10,240 we would have had to ask for a million dollars appropriation for
new ships. But what if that information had not been given?
The existence of these agencies is necessary to enable this Government
to be run on a business basis. I have given you a simple illustration in
connection with the ships. We transferred thirteen ships with the
acquiescence of the heads of the departments concerned by simply
developing the bird’s-eye view of the situation without ever taking the
matter up with the President, except for the issuance of the Executive
order by agreement.
The patriotic head of a unit really welcomes this system by which he is
given the information which enables him to run the activities of his
particular institution in the interest of the Government as a whole.
I repeat you must have that bird’s-eye view of the necessities of the
Government as a whole, which alone you can secure through the authority
of the President as exercised through the Coordinator of the Board you
have here. It is absolutely necessary that there should be no
withholding of the spirit of cooperation and loyalty to your
Coordinator. There should be no feeling that your independent
jurisdiction is going to be unnecessarily curtailed and interfered with.
There is the right of appeal, and it is just as important to the proper
functioning of the whole governmental business machine that you have
courageous defense of the department unit as you have courageous defense
of the policies of coordination.
There is no proper room for friction; and so far as the Budget Bureau is
concerned and the coordinating agencies headed by Colonel Smithers, we
have had a minimum of friction with the departments. There have been
transferred over $112,000,000 dollars worth of property between these
departments within the last six months. $100,000 per year is being saved
in the comparatively small thing right here in the District of Motor
transportation.
Anybody who stands against the principle of this thing is a man, in the
first place, who is not intelligent. He is a man in the second place who
is not loyal; and he is a man, in the third place, who is in danger, in
view of the accomplishments of this coordinating work. What excuses are
there for anyone not to give his loyal cooperation to the President of
the United States, who, for the first time, has undertaken to be
responsible for a correct system of routine business?
One other thing in connection with the spirit of economy:—the President
of the United States has asked it. He asked it here in the first meeting
of the Govt. business organization last June at which some of you were
present. That request of his has received response. I find over the
country that for the first time in government, economy has become
fashionable, and extravagance dangerous; and all over the country, in
the post office service, the Army service—in all Govt. activities. There
is the spirit of loyal cooperation under the leadership of the President
in the matter of economy.
We know, too, what you have been trying to do in that way in your own
service is resulting in an immense saving to the Government.
What we need are men in authority to help us find out where savings can
be made. We have only scratched the surface, but it is possible now, as
we get the business of the Government in the proper, organized shape, to
determine where the limit of economy is. We do not know yet, because our
reorganization of routine business methods has not gone on long enough.
We have only been in operation four or five months. It will be a year or
two possibly before the extent of economies can be determined.
But in directing the prevention of duplication, etc., in the general
attitude of being desirous to save, as opposed to the old attitude of
being desirous to spend,—all that means that the Government of the
United States can be run more economically than at present provided the
President of the United States gives his attention to the business
organization and he will.”
General Dawes concluded his remarks, and as he walked from the stage
General Ireland made a suggestion that he say something in connection
with coordination within the limits of a department itself. General
Dawes then said:
“General Ireland asks that I speak about a most important matter. We
cannot get general coordination among the departments unless each
department is coordinated within itself. For instance, we found that in
the Treasury Department there were about eighteen separate points of
purchasing activity. No one man was in touch with all these agencies.
The representative of the Treasury department on the coordinating board,
therefore, could not speak for the eighteen agencies. Therefore, each
institution must coordinate within itself in order that its
representative can properly speak for it on the coordinating board, to
say nothing about the desirability of coordination from the standpoint
of the business of that particular department. Therefore, get your units
coordinated.
In connection with this whole matter of hospitalization, the eyes of the
country are on you, who are charged with this great responsibility. No
body of men in Government service has more complexing situations to meet
than you have. You are surrounded by every embarrassment. In these days,
when the pinhead demagogues are flourishing; when the mere politician is
willing to capitalize anything, even a wounded soldier, to catch votes,
you know that you are liable to have your constructive work unjustly
attacked. To get into the lime-light many men will sacrifice right
principles, and it is distressing to see the antics of the puny men in
public life seeking to ingratiate themselves in public favor in
connection with soldier relief. The demagogue has no hesitation in
attacking those things which are right only provided they happen to be
unpopular. His mind, unlike yours, is not on the real good of the
soldier. He is thinking what the newspapers may say about him.
You must be courageous; you must work for the real good of the soldier;
you must work for the real good of the Government; and I will tell you
something. There is no privilege so great, which comes with public life,
as to courageously stand for that which is right, and in so doing take
castigation from demagogues for doing one’s duty. It all comes out right
in the long run.
In the midst of your discouraging embarrassments, when carefully thought
out measures of sane relief for wounded veterans are often attacked by
unscrupulous men, who thereby can advertise for a little time their
insignificant personalities; if you sometimes are tempted to take the
easy way and join the yelping pack of destructive critics, be comforted
in the thought of that everlasting truth that in the long run the man
who fearlessly does right in public place survives, and the man who
weakly takes the wrong way because it is easy receives only ignominy.”
GEN. SAWYER: It seems unnecessary for me to say, still it is only fair to
General Dawes, that he has injected into the affairs of Government the
greatest enthusiasm and the most interest that has been known in
Government affairs in all the history of the Republic.
His idea of coordination, which came to him out of the trying experience
of the war on the other side has certainly served him a wonderful
purpose in the effects that he has brought about in this new plan of
conducting the affairs of the Administration on a business basis, and I
certainly hope that each of you, as you go back to your fields of
activity, will carry with you the idea that you have a most responsible
position. No matter how small your institution, the responsibilities,
the liabilities and the needs are all the same.
It may interest you to know that in the few weeks this present Board has
existed, we have been able to turn over to the various hospitals of the
country in which we have been particularly and necessarily interested,
in a hurry, several million dollars worth of property. Arrangements are
now in operation whereby in caring and preparing for nearly 11,000 new
beds, we have in mind to avail ourselves of the great resources of the
Army and Navy in supplying these needs; and I must say out of fairness
to the heads of those Departments, as represented by the medical
departments, that more hearty cooperation could not be obtained. To give
you an evidence of something of the difference of today and yesterday,
early last summer an appeal came to me to provide some cots for one of
your institutions. It was impossible for me to locate cots that I could
make accessible for the purpose, and one day one of our own
representatives from this Board looking about found 80 car-loads of
these cots at Des Moines, Iowa. Now when we are in need of cots, we know
where to find them and know how to get possession of them; and this is
true of all the things that are really necessary in the conduct of your
affairs.
I am here to say to you without any fear of contradiction that this
Hospitalization Board has already accomplished some very helpful things,
and we have many more things in mind. One thing we do not assume, and
that is authority. We have no idea or desire of being autocratic in our
administration but we have a firm determination that regardless of any
sentiment or any emotion which may be brought to influence the affairs
of this Board, we will go on with what we believe to be the best thing
for the men we are trying to serve.
I believe that the service we should render and that we must render, and
the only service that is worth while to the veteran, is to make him well
if possible, and, if not, to make him as nearly well as he can be and as
resourceful as he can be and put him back into life again with
confidence in himself, with respect to his Government and with ambition
to make America the leading Government of all the governments of the
world.
I am here to say to you that while you are talking to your patients
about the affairs that arise with you each day, do not forget as a part
of your responsibility and your duty that you help to create a spirit
and a determination on the part of the man you are serving to get back
into life again. Discourage in every way you possibly can the idea of
his becoming a barnacle upon this great Ship of State. Encourage him to
believe that the responsibility of the debts that are incurred here now
are debts his children and his grandchildren will have to pay; and so,
while we are talking economy to you, I would impress upon you this one
thought: that economy is only the assurance to yourself that every
hundred cents buys a dollar’s worth. We do not mean by the economy we
are trying to preach here economy that might be regarded as
penuriousness. We want you to have all you need in the best way that it
can be provided for you, but we want you to have concern enough in the
property that is turned over to you to see that it is worth what you pay
for it and that it is used to the best advantage possible.
Yesterday, we decided, I believe, that we would devote an hour this
morning to the answering of some miscellaneous interrogations. Dr.
White, have you received any?
DR. WHITE: No.
SURGEON W. H. SANFORD (R): Having spent the last year and a half in the
Inspection Division, the subject of this excessive amount of money in
the hands of the sick soldier has impressed itself on me more and more
as I inspected the hospitals. It was the cause of great trouble, and is
in my opinion doing more to hinder the patient than any one factor.
Without this $80.00 or $157.50 a month, the vice and crime and drinking
around the institutions could not exist, and therefore I believe that
one of the greatest things that could be accomplished at this Conference
would be for the Committee to promulgate some way of preventing these
men from using that money in the way it is being used today.
I have inspected Ft. Bayard, Ft. Stanton and other large institutions in
the West, and I know these men in charge will agree with me when I say
that the thing that hampers the recovery of the patients is their right
to expend the money the way they want. If they didn’t have it, the
rum-runner and the other vices that come would not be there. I think it
is one of the most important subjects we could settle, and suggest that
it would be well if the Committee would recommend that we give these
men, say, $15.00 a month, and take care of the rest of their money until
they are ready to go back to their homes.
SURGEON J. E. MILLER (R): At our hospital we have a canteen. I suppose most
hospitals have canteens. We have had $3,000 paid into the
hospital—$3,000 a year profit on sales to soldiers. I think such money
could be turned in for the benefit of the soldiers, for entertainments,
Christmas dinners, etc., as that seems the proper place for it.
MR. M. SANGER (St. Elizabeths Hospital): With reference to those funds of
the beneficiaries who are in hospitals, a similar condition
existed for a while with reference to those drawing pensions. That
proposition had to be met. Congress passed a law whereby those people
receiving pensions, who entered soldiers’ homes or hospitals had to pay
that money either to the superintendent of the hospital, the President
of the Soldiers’ Home, or the Governor of the Home, to be cared for the
benefit of the pensioner. Those who had beneficiaries at home received
the benefit of their portion of the pension under supervision of the
Pension Office, the Pension Office having machinery to find out what
beneficiaries had dependents, etc., and what proportion of the pension
should be paid to them.
The only thing in connection with these funds paid to the hospitals
which led to complaint was the money paid to heads of hospitals or
Soldiers’ Homes for deposit in the Treasury, but which was not drawing
interest. This needs corrective legislation. Precedents are at hand.
Moneys paid into the Treasury by beneficiaries or enlisted men of the
Army or Navy are drawing interest. The money from these pensioners
should be drawing interest. These funds, whether from the pensioners or
beneficiaries of the War Risk Bureau should be used as a sinking-fund
possibly to retire the debt of the Government and in that manner to draw
interest. It would help the Government in becoming part of the
sinking-fund; it would help the veteran in that it would permit the
money received to be deposited for his benefit, and would give an
opportunity for regulations to be made to safeguard him; to prevent
these people from coming around the institutions by preventing his
having excessive money to spend. Then when the man is discharged, he
would have an estate with which to begin life and to provide for the
future.
I think this organization should give some consideration to this matter.
I refer to Acts of February 20, 1905 and February 7, 1909, and similar
acts in regard to Soldiers’ Homes. I think the one thing to be
considered is a means of investing these funds for drawing interest.
MAJOR GENERAL M. W. IRELAND: The question of patients having money while in
the hospital is one of the most demoralizing things that can happen. It
has been recognized in the Army for many years.
In the Philippines we had a sympathetic commanding officer and we
received permission to with-hold a certain portion of the funds. Then we
received word from the Secretary of War that it was contrary to law;
that the money was earned by the soldier, and had to be paid to him.
I think you are going to find the same is true of compensation. If you
are going to hold the compensation of the man while he is in the
hospital, you will have to get an Act of Congress. I think, therefore,
that you should consider the amount of compensation the man should get
while in the hospital; consider the proposition of maybe reducing his
compensation while in the hospital, being cared for by the Government.
SENIOR SURGEON J. E. DEDMAN (R): I am glad this subject came up. A year and
a half ago, a committee of T. B. experts came to our hospital and we
discussed that question. I made the statement that many of the men in
our hospitals were getting too much money. It was immediately taken up
by the American Legion, and they said all kinds of unkind things about
me. I said that men who never had any money in their lives single boys,
etc., were getting $80.00 a month and that this was too much money.
I cited the instance of where a lady came into my office, weeping. She
said she had been dependent upon her son; that he had gotten that day a
check for $1200; had bought an automobile for $1500; and had gone $300
in debt.
The greatest set of vultures we have to contend with are the automobile
salesmen. For instance, they come and sell to our boys for $700 cars
which would sell for $400. If the boy has $500, they charge him $750 in
order to get notes and keep him in debt.
I am in favor of getting an Act of Congress to put the man’s money at
interest, so that when he is rehabilitated he will have something to
take care of himself. As it is now the boys are spending their money for
hootch, automobiles, etc., and instead of rehabilitating them we are
ruining them.
MR. M. SANGER, St. Elizabeths’ Hospital: In regard to the question of
General Ireland, the pension regulations include a provision that one
part of the pension shall be devoted to reimbursing the hospital for
part of the care. I think that would serve in a way to admit of those in
hospital getting less while there than when outside.
SENIOR SURGEON G. B. YOUNG, U.S.P.H.S. While on the subject I offer the
suggestion that something might be done along this line in connection
with the disciplinary regulations, which provide that when a man is
discharged for disciplinary reasons his compensation will be withheld
for a certain period. We all know that we sometimes will have to
discharge people for disciplinary reasons, and it may happen that the
offense is of such a character and the man of such a character as to
make you feel that the sentence you have to impose upon him as compared
to that which you have to impose upon a flagrant offender is lacking in
elasticity. It seems to me that it would be well in this connection to
consider whether the regulations could provide for the with-holding of
compensation by the Veterans’ Bureau for a greater period as an
incentive to better conduct, so that the man might be returned to the
hospital with the incentive that if he behaves satisfactorily that this
money which had been withheld would be restored. As it is a man has to
be discharged and he goes out penniless, because he hasn’t anything
coming to him for several months. If he could look forward to a
suspended sentence, I think that would save some of the better element
among these possible unintentional offenders and get them back into a
line of good behavior.
COLONEL JAMES A. MATTISON, N.H.D.V.S. This question which was brought up by
Congressman Madden, General Ireland and others is a very pertinent one.
This method of handling the funds of men of former wars has been in
effect in the National Home service for many years. The matter just
spoken of in regard to handling this money in a disciplinary way has
also been a feature. In regard to the men who have been offenders, who
have been continually guilty of getting drunk, the commanding officer of
each hospital had the authority to with-hold, as a disciplinary measure,
any part or the whole of a man’s pension until such time as he saw fit
to turn the money over to the man or a part of it. Of course the matter
of with-holding pension money in the case of men of former wars is of
much less importance. Formerly, these men were getting $10, $20 and $25
a month, and when Congress passed a pension law providing $30 a month,
they saved money. That does not compare with the pensions our soldiers
of the recent war are receiving, $80, $100 and $150 a month, and, as has
been stated by several men already, it has been and is going to continue
to be one of the greatest factors in preventing these men from being
restored to an active state in life again.
In the matter of the corrupt conditions which have been described as
existing around these hospitals, it is something that cannot be
prevented. Every effort has been made. The civil authorities have been
appealed to and in most cases they have given undivided co-operation.
Personally, I feel that it is an exceedingly important matter.
SURGEON J. B. ANDERSON (R): If I have interpreted the regulations correctly,
we are not permitted to have a canteen around the hospital. If I am in
error, I should like to know it.
LIEUT. COL. W. H. MONCRIEF, U.S.A.: Contrary to the impression given here
yesterday afternoon, revelry does not maintain at Fitzsimmons Hospital.
I think we have a well-ordered institution. The matter of compensation
does give us some concern.
We have four classes of patients,—Army, Navy, beneficiaries of Soldiers’
Homes and of the Veterans’ Bureau. On the day I left, we had a total of
980 patients, 719 of which were Veterans’ Bureau beneficiaries. These
are officers, ex-nurses and ex-enlisted men. I will say that the
behavior of these people during my tour of duty at the hospital compares
favorably with that of any other institution. We have our troubles; if
we didn’t have them, I don’t suppose the institution would need a
commanding officer.
But the question of compensation is one that is not easily adjusted
unless it is adjusted at the source. It is impossible to give you an
idea—unless you have charge of one of these institutions—of how much
trouble the commanding officer is going to have if the responsibility of
withholding this compensation is put on him.
We are near a large city—not too near and not too far—but we are
surrounded by people who want to offer at all times every inducement to
the enlisted men to spend this amount of compensation in the most
advantageous manner. This class ranges from the peddler of tin toys to
the most reliable banking firms in the city of Denver. Those bank
representatives wait on us. Since I have been there, I have had to
pursue the policy of excluding from the reservation all solicitation
whatsoever, my argument being that it was my duty, to protect the T. B.
patients; that if one solicitor were allowed, others must be allowed;
and that I had no time nor inclination to pass upon the merits of the
various propositions offered. I have not had a great deal of trouble;
and since I have been able to get the representative people to
understand this situation—and I take particular pains to inform all my
personnel that reputable firms and others are aware of this
prohibition—it is assumed that anyone soliciting on the reservation is
not reputable.
I think a great deal can be done in regard to taking care of this matter
by the social service work in the hospitals. The good people of Denver
have been very kind in every way.
DR. BUTLER: In view of the fact that economy seems to be the order of the
day, and to have economy the bird’s-eye view has been pointed out to
organizations this morning, I suggest that as a fitting slogan for this
body, the words. “Cultivate a bird’s-eye view” be adopted.
GENERAL SAWYER: I don’t know just what authority you gentlemen have in
regard to the matter of solicitors, but at White Oaks Farm if
interruptions such as these attempted to exist, somebody would get hurt.
I would not tolerate the existence of such affairs. There is no reason
why you should, and if there is any reason why you shouldn’t, this Board
can help you to bring about some regulation or some rule whereby it will
be possible for you to protect yourselves and your people against such
imposition as this. Be assured that this Board is going to provide it;
but I really think that if you will exercise your authority as
commanding officers and not allow these people to intrude upon you, you
will be able to cure a lot of your difficulties at home.
SURGEON J. M. WHEATE (R), U.S.P.H.S.: A year ago we were swarmed with
agents, and I sent out a hospital regulation prohibiting that. It is
easy to issue regulations, but hard to put them into effect, so I have
made it a rule to make my regulations as few as possible. This, however,
I found to be a necessary regulation, and I prohibited agents of all
kinds from access to the hospital.
We have a hundred-acre field, which is approachable in a hundred
different ways, and there is no way of keeping such agents out of the
reservation. I had my Captain of the Watch made a Deputy United States
Marshal. I had my head orderly made a constable for the county. They
helped me to maintain order outside the reservation.
The matter of compensation has been a big problem with all of us. I
recall that about the first time I got “in bad” with my patients was
early in the game. I was waited on by a delegation of patients in my
office one morning, who asked if I were properly quoted in the morning
paper. I had not seen the paper.
A day or two before, a committee of Legion men called at my office (we
had most happy relations with the local Legion heads). One of this
Committee was the editor of a local paper. Among the general things we
discussed was the abuse of compensation. I said I wished we had some law
like Canada, whereby all but one-fourth of the compensation could be
withheld, as I believed that ten dollars a month was enough for a sick
man in the hospital. This was discussed and it sounded reasonable.
The next day, to my surprise, the editor of the local paper printed the
story of my recommendation; and the young chap, thinking I suppose to
give me the credit for the thought, quoted me freely.
The soldiers appointed a committee to wait on me. They wanted to know if
I thought it fair to the United States soldier. They said it was their
money and that they proposed to spend it as they saw fit.
Out of this controversy grow consideration by the Legion; and in course
of time that Legion Post sent a committee man to Washington, who had a
long conference with Mr. Sweet; and indirectly I may be much to be
condemned or praised for introducing into the Sweet Bill the measure of
withholding compensation. Our committee man who went up there stated
that it was a rather new thought to Mr. Sweet and that he waved it aside
at first, but that later he showed interest and finally said he was
going to rewrite his bill, incorporating that idea.
But it did not go nearly as far as I recommended; that is, the adoption
of the Canadian form of withholding all but one-fourth. There is no need
to discuss that. Mr. Sweet said it was illegal; that compensation is a
wage; but he compromised by saying we could fine the men.
Regarding my drastic order, I might add that I do allow the agents of
the banks to come in, and I am proud to say that we do handle much of
our trouble by depositing money either for checking accounts or savings.
I think that about forty per cent of our men are carrying savings
accounts in the local banks.
We have at least 160 N. P. cases in my hospital, although it is
officially a T. B. hospital. As you know, the regulation provides that
if a man is not capable of handling his money, his compensation check
will be sent to the Commanding Officer, who is held responsible for the
money. I put the money in the bank, giving to the man, after conferring
with the Chief of the N. P. Section, such funds as he may need.
SURGEON M. J. WHITE: Early in 1919, when I first opened Palo Alto, I made
recommendation for the amendment of the Act, so that the Compensation of
a patient might be held until he had completely recovered, and I see no
reason why there is a legal bar to it. I think Congress can say that
Compensation is payable when a man has completely recovered and is
discharged from the hospital. We cannot undertake to protect the
patients from sharks. For instance, we give a man a pass; he goes down
town and spends his money. As long as he has money in his pocket, he
will spend it. I think it would be legal for Congress to say that
Compensation will be payable when the man has reached maximum hospital
treatment or when he is properly discharged. Otherwise, if a patient has
accumulated, say, $160, he starts a disturbance and you have to give him
the money.
CAPTAIN F. W. Wieber, U.S.N.:—I am glad to say that we have had very little
trouble with our Veterans’ Bureau patients. We have, however, had
trouble occasionally, but I have always been able to attend to these
matters myself, for I have a good understanding with a U. S. Attorney,
who helps me out.
Regarding money, it would be the best thing if most of the Compensation
to the men could be withheld. They may have dependent families, so no
uniform rule could guide us in our action. I do not think it should be
left to the Commanding Officer, for in the first place, we do not know
how much money the men should receive.
With regard to the matter of smuggling into the reservation, I sent a
request to the Surgeon General to be allowed to put up a fence but I
have never heard from it. I am going to recommend to my successor that
he call attention to that matter again. The reservation at Fort Lyon
covers 1100 acres, and a portion should be enclosed with a fence. There
has been much stealing there, and we have often found the stolen
articles in houses around the reservation. The building of a fence would
be expensive, but it would counter-balance the loss of government
property.
For the benefit of the gentlemen who may succeed at Fort Lyon soon, I
might say that when I was ordered to Fort Lyon I was very much grieved;
I knew it was in a desert, and everybody who had been there gave such a
discouraging report. My sentiment in that matter has changed to such an
extent that if the place had remained in the hands of the Navy, I should
have liked to have remained there. We are a happy family of about
fourteen commissioned officers and we have formed a little community of
ourselves, being independent of the outside world to a large extent. We
have our power house, ice plant, community house, social meetings, and
in fact we are as independent as can be.
During the flood, we were able, for about two weeks to attend to our own
things, and after that we were able to help the outsiders. So, to those
gentlemen I want to say that they need not be disconsolate upon
receiving orders to go to Fort Lyon.
I think it is ideal for the T. B. patients. We have the dry climate,
constant sun-shiny days, cool nights, and everything conducive to the
proper treatment of T. B. Everything is complete, and the people are
greatly benefited by their stay in our vicinity, as can be attested by
the fact that many former Navy People, who had been in the institution,
are now living there and are as strong as any person in the East.
I might say that the people who have had T. B. and who are doing well
out west had better make up their minds to stay our there for fear that
change of conditions might bring about activity again in their cases.
Regarding a uniform system of treatment as suggested, I do not believe
any strict rules should be set. We can have a sort of general system,
but no uniform method as to the hours of rest, food, etc. At Fort Lyon,
rest is now being enforced, and every patient gets two rest periods, i.
e., from 9 to 11 A.M. and from 1 to 3 P.M. Liberty is allowed only once
a week; and overnight, once a month. Those who would be discontented
anywhere have left, and those who have stayed feel they have our
sympathy and support and are doing well.
GENERAL SAWYER asked for resolutions from the Resolutions Committee.
GENERAL IRELAND: “Your committee has gone over the resolutions that have
been presented, and we find all of them in order, with the exception of
one submitted by Colonel Bratton with reference to transportation home.
We would inform you that there will have to be legislation to carry out
that resolution. We have changed the resolution to read as follows:
‘That the Director of the U.S. Veterans’ Bureau be requested to
secure legislation so that the expenses of the patient’s
transportation to his bona fide home, when he has been discharged
for disciplinary reasons, be deducted from his compensation, when
compensation is being given, or may be given thereafter.’
As changed, I recommend that the resolution be adopted by the meeting as
read.”
This _Motion_ was seconded, and carried.
CAPTAIN N. J. BLACKWOOD, U. S. N.:—The Committee on Forms has held two
meetings at which the general subject of this work was discussed and
plans agreed upon. This work is so great that your Committee finds it
impossible to report more than progress at present. The whole matter
must be gone into carefully and thoroughly in order to avoid mistakes
and duplications of the past. The work, to be a success, will require
frequent meetings, careful study and cooperation. Therefore, it seems
wise that all members of the Committee be officers on duty in
Washington, and I recommend that the present chairman, Captain
Blackwood, be relieved, and that his place be filled by Captain M. S.
Elliott, Commanding Officer of the Naval Hospital; also, that all
Commanding Officers here present shall, as soon as possible after
returning to their respective commands, take up the subject of forms and
paper work regarding Veterans’ Bureau patients, and as soon thereafter
as possible submit to the Veterans’ Bureau, Washington, recommendations
and suggestions for the elimination, provision and simplification both
of the forms themselves and their numbers.
Upon receipt of these letters, your Committee will then take up the
whole subject in a more comprehensive way and will, as soon as possible,
submit its recommendations for your consideration and approval.
The _MOTION_ was seconded and carried.
Meeting adjourned at 12:30 P. M.
_Eighth Session_ Friday, January 20, 1922.
Honorable Charles H. Burke presiding.
The roll was called by Dr. W. A. White.
MR. BURKE: “We will proceed with the afternoon program. The first subject is
“Foreign Relations of the U.S. Veterans’ Bureau in care of ex-soldiers
of the former allied countries.” It will be discussed by Dr. F. D.
Hester of the Veterans’ Bureau”.
DR. HESTER: read as follows:
“FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE U.S. VETERANS’ BUREAU