Under these impressions, we used every e_A journal, of a young man of Massachusetts, late a surgeon on board an American privateer, who was captured at sea by the British in May, eighteen hundred and thirteen and was confined first, at Melville Island, Halifax, then at Chatham, in England, and last at Dartmoor prison

there was the least prospect of identifying any of the soldiers

who had been guilty of the particular outrages here alluded to, or

of tracing any particular death, at that time to the firing of any

particular individual, but without success; and all hopes of

bringing the offenders to punishment would seem to be at an end.

In conclusion, we, the undersigned, have only to add, that whilst

we lament, as we do most deeply, the unfortunate transaction which

has been the subject of this inquiry, we find ourselves unable to

suggest any steps to be taken as to those parts of it which seem

to call for redress and punishment.

(Signed)

CHARLES KING,

FRANCIS SEYMOUR LARPENT.

_Plymouth, April 26, 1815._

SIR--In pursuance of the instructions received from Messrs. Clay

and Gallatin, I have now the honor to transmit to you the report

prepared by Mr. Larpent and myself on behalf of our respective

governments, in relation to the unfortunate transactions at

Dartmoor Prison of War, on the 6th of the present month.

Considering it of much importance that the report, whatever it

might be, should go forth under our joint signatures, I have

forborne to press some of the points which it involves, as far as

otherwise I might have done, and it therefore may not be improper

in this letter to enter into some little explanation of such parts

of the report.

Although it does appear that a part of the prisoners were on that

evening in such a state, and under such circumstances as to have

justified in the view which the commander of the depot could not

but take of it, the intervention of the military force, and even

in a strict sense, the first use of fire arms, yet I cannot but

express it as my settled opinion, that by conduct a little more

temporising this dreadful alternative of firing upon unarmed

prisoners might have been avoided. Yet as this opinion has been

the result of subsequent examination, and after having acquired a

knowledge of the comparatively harmless state of the prisoners, it

may be but fair to consider, whether in such a moment of confusion

and alarm, as that appears to have been, the officer commanding

could have fairly estimated his danger, or have measured out with

precision the extent and nature of the force necessary to guard

against it.

But when the firing became general, as it afterwards appears to

have been, and caught with electric rapidity from the square to

the platforms, there is no plea nor shadow of excuse for it,

except in the personal exasperation of the soldiery, nor for the

more deliberate, and therefore more unjustifiable firing which

took place into three of the prisons, No. 1, 3 and 4, but more

particularly into No. 3, after the prisoners had retired into

them, and there was no longer any pretence of apprehensions, as to

their escape.--Upon this ground, as you, sir, will perceive by the

report, Mr. Larpent and myself had no difference of opinion, and I

am fully persuaded that my own regret was not greater than his at

perceiving how hopeless would be the attempt to trace to any

individuals of the military these outrageous proceedings.

As to whether the order to fire came from captain Shortland, I yet

confess myself unable to form any satisfactory opinion, though

perhaps the bias of my mind is, that he did give such an order.

But his anxiety and exertions to stop it after it had continued

for some little time, are fully proved, and his general conduct

previous to this occurrence, as far as we could with propriety

enter into such details, appears to have been characterized with

great fairness, and even kindness, in the relation in which he

stood towards the prisoners.

On the subject of any _complaints against their own government_

existing among the prisoners, it was invariably answered to

several distinct questions put by me on that head, _that none

whatsoever existed or had been expressed by them_, although they

confessed themselves to entertain some animosity against Mr.

Beasly, to whom they attributed their detention in this country;

with what justice, you, sir, will be better able to judge. They

made no complaint whatsoever as to their provisions and general

mode of living, and treatment in the prison.

I have transmitted to Mr. Beasly, a list of the killed and wounded

on this melancholy occasion, with a request that he would forward

it to the United States, for the information of their friends at

home, and I am pleased to have it in my power to say, that the

wounded are for the most part doing well.

I have also enclosed to Mr. Beasly, the notes taken by me of the

evidence adduced before us, with a request that he would have them

fairly copied, as also a copy of the depositions taken before the

Coroner, and desired him to submit them to you when in order.

I cannot conclude, sir, without expressing my high sense of the

impartiality and manly fairness with which this enquiry has been

conducted on the part of Mr. Larpent, nor without mentioning that

every facility was afforded to us in its prosecution, as well by

the military officers commanding here and at the prison, as by the

magistrates in the vicinity.

I have the honor to be, with much respect, your most obedient

humble servant.

(Signed)

CHARLES KING.

_His Excellency John Q. Adams, &c. &c._

DARTMOOR PRISON.

_A Return of American prisoners of war killed and wounded in an

attempt to force the military guard on the evening of the 6th of

April, 1815._

-------+-------+-----------+--------+--------------+----------+---------

|on | | | |war, |

-------+-------+-----------+--------+--------------+----------+---------

KILLED.

-------+-------+-----------+--------+--------------+----------+---------

1 | 4884 |Wm. |Seaman, |Enterprize, |Privateer,|

| | | | | |

2 | 970 |James Mann,|do. |Siro. |Lett. |

| | | | | |

3 | 3134 |John |do. |_Gave himself | |Impres'd.

| | | | | |

4 | 1347 |Jo. T. |do. |Paul Jones, |Privateer,|

| | | | | |

5 | 3936 |John |do. |Rolla, |Merch. |

-------+-------+-----------+--------+--------------+----------+---------

WOUNDED.

-------+-------+-----------+--------+--------------+----------+---------

1 | 6520 |Tho. |Boy, |_Gave himself | |Imp. died

| | | |Ship Pontes._ | |1815

| | | | | |

| | | |Ship | |1815

| | | | | |

3 | 5769 |John Gier, |do. |Rambler, |Merch. |

| | | | | |

4 | 1722 |William |do. |Dispatch, |do. |Impres'd,

| | | | | |

5 | 5003 |Cornel. |do. |Invincible, |Lett. |

| | | | | |

6 | 3614 |H. |do. |Homeby. |Privateer,|

| | | | | |

7 | 1965 |Robert |do. |_Gave himself | |Impres'd.

| | | | | |

8 | 5326 |John Peach,|do. |Enterprize, |Privateer,|

| | | | | |

9 | 2148 |Edw. |do. |_Gave himself | |Impres'd.

| | | | | |

10 | 1881 |James |Boy, |Elbridge |Privateer,|

| | | | | |

11 | 3652 |James |Seaman, |Thorn, |do. |

| | | | | |

12 | 1236 |Philip |do. |_Gave himself | |Impres'd.

| | | |H. M. S. | |

| | | | | |

13 | 685 |James Bell,|do. |Joel Barlow, |Merch. |

| | | | | |

14 | 94 |John Grey, |do. |St. Martin's |do. |

| | | | | |

15 | 436 |Wm. |do. |Magdalene, |do. |

| | | | | |

16 | 1024 |Edw. |do. |Joseph, |do. |

| | | | | |

17 | 1546 |Stephen |do. |Zebra, |Lett. |

| | | | | |

18 | 486 |John |do. |Two Brothers, | |Impres'd,

| | | | | |

19 | 1640 |Thomas |do. |Paul Jones, |Privateer,|

| | | | | |

20 | 1819 |Caleb |do. |_Gave himself | |Impres'd.

| | | | | |

21 | 5015 |John Davis,|do. |Charlotte, |Privateer,|

| | | | | |

22 | 2013 |James |do. |G. Tomkins, |do. |

| | | | | |

23 | 380 |Peter |do. |Virginia |Merch. |

| | | | | |

24 | 2834 |Wm. Blake, |do. |_Gave himself | |Impres'd.

| | | |H. M. S. | |

| | | | | |

| | | | | |

26 | 4153 |Eph. |Seaman, |Argus, |do. |

| | | | | |

27 | 4493 |Thomas |do. |Enterprize, |Privateer,|

| | | | | |

28 | 4109 |John |do. |Flash, |do. |

| | | | | |

29 | 1228 |Joseph |do. |_Gave himself | |Impres'd.

| | | | | |

30 | 6123 |Robert |do. |Grand Turk, |Privateer,|

| | | | | |

31 | 1812 |John |do. |_Ga. himself | |Impres'd.

| | | |H. M. S. | |

| | | | | |

32 | 3080 |John Perry,|do. |_Do fr H. M. | |Impres'd.

| | | | | |

33 | 2662 |John |do. |_Do fr H. M. | |Impres'd.

-------+-------+-----------+--------+--------------+----------+---------

(Signed)

THOMAS GEORGE SHORTLAND, _Agent_.

(Signed)

GEORGE MAGRATH, _Surgeon_.

Reply to KING and LARPENT'S Report.

_To the People of the United States._

Having perused, with attention, the report of Mr. CHARLES KING,

and FRANCIS SEYMOUR LARPENT, on their examination of the

_unfortunate_ occurrence at Dartmoor, on the 6th of April last:

We, the undersigned, being there at the time this _unfortunate_

occurrence took place, deem it a duty we owe to the surviving

sufferers of that bloody transaction, to our fellow citizens, and

ourselves, to make some remarks upon such a singular report.

Although we presume the door is forever closed against any further

investigation of that ever to be remembered transaction, we cannot

help, however contrary it may be to our wishes to irritate the

public feeling, already so much excited, entering into a detailed

investigation of that report.

In the committee's address to the public on the 27th of June last,

preceding the publication of the affidavits of some of the

prisoners, taken on that melancholy affair, they have justly

anticipated what would be the report of the commissioners, after

their investigation; they drew their conclusions from the singular

manner in which the investigation was conducted. The report

commences by stating, that, after carefully perusing the

proceedings of the several courts of inquiry, instituted

immediately after that event, they proceeded immediately to the

examination, upon oath, of ALL the witnesses, both American and

English, who offered themselves for that purpose.--How far this

part of the report is correct, we shall leave the public to judge.

On the arrival of the commissioners at the depot, the committee of

the prison were sent for; after waiting some time at the door of

the room, where the inquiry was held, they were called in

separately and questioned as to their knowledge of the

transactions of the sixth.--The depositions of those who were eye

witnesses of that disgraceful scene were taken; some were

questioned as to the general conduct of Shortland, previous to

that affair; it was represented by them as it would have been by

all, as being universally _cruel, overbearing and oppressive_.

After having finished the examination of the committee, they

requested them to bring forward all the evidence that was likely

to cast any light on the subject of inquiry. They accordingly

returned into the prison, and drew up a list of the names of some

of the eye-witnesses of that day's occurrence. Although they could

have brought hundreds to the examination, and the sum of whose

evidence would have amounted to the same, yet the committee not

wishing to impede the progress of the investigation, by a

redundancy of evidence, they were careful to select such men as

were most likely to give a clear and distinct account of all the

circumstances as they occurred under their knowledge, taking care,

at the same time, to procure those whose different situations

afforded them an opportunity of witnessing that transaction, from

the commencement to the close. Such was the evidence the committee

had selected, to the number of about fifty, VERY FEW of whom were

ever examined, although they were kept waiting in the turnkey's

lodge (where they were ordered to stay until called for) during

the hours of investigation. In the course of the inquiry, it

seems, the commissioners found it necessary to survey the

particular situation of the prisons, and the points from which the

different attacks were made; they accordingly came into the yard

for that purpose, and after having been shown all the places from

whence the firing was continued, where the crowd of prisoners had

assembled on the first alarm, and where the hole, so much made a

handle of, had been made--after a slight survey of these different

places, they retired into their session room, leaving orders, once

more, with the committee to hold their evidence in readiness, as

they would soon be called upon for examination. The committee

replied that they had been in readiness since the commencement of

the inquiry, and were then only waiting their orders to appear

before them, feeling happy in the idea of having it in their power

to show to the court, and to the world, by the evidence they had

to produce, that the attack of Shortland on the defenceless

prisoners, was premeditated and unjustifiable in ANY point of

view.

After attending in the turnkey's lodge during the sitting of the

commissioners, until the middle of the third day, without having

but very few of the evidences sent for, and being fearful that

they might be waiting for them, the committee sent them word that

the witnesses were still in attendance. No answer being returned

to this message for some time, the committee became uneasy on

account of the long examination of the officers, soldiers, clerks,

and turnkeys, attached to the depot, without admitting the

prisoners to an equal privilege; and understanding the

commissioners were about closing their inquiry, they again sent

word they would be glad to have an interview for a few moments,

for the purpose of explaining the nature of their evidence, and

the necessity of a full hearing on both sides of the question. NO

ANSWER BEING RETURNED TO THIS REQUEST, and still waiting with the

anxious hope that they would soon send for some of us, when we

were told by one of the turnkeys, that the commissioners were

prepared to depart, having finished the examination. Astonished to

think they meant to leave the depot without clearly investigating

the circumstances that were the cause of their meeting, and

feeling indignant that a cause of so much importance should be

passed over so partially, the committee addressed a note to Mr.

King, begging him not to shut the door of communication against

the prisoners, by closing the inquiry without giving them the

privilege of a hearing, as the greatest part of our witnesses were

yet unexamined, and their evidence they conceived to be of the

utmost importance to the investigation. _No reply was made to this

note_; but, in a few moments, we were told, that the commissioners

had left the depot. How far they are justifiable in saying they

examined ALL the evidences that offered themselves, we think is

sufficiently shewn.

The commissioners next go on to mention the insurrection of the

prisoners about the bread, on the 4th, two days previous to the

events, the subject of that inquiry. Although the report correctly

states, the prisoners quietly returned to their own yards, after

their demands having been complied with, Mr. King forgot to

mention, that it was clearly represented to him, had the

prisoners been so disposed, on that night, they could have easily

made their escape. Although that transaction had nothing to do, as

relates to the prisoners, with the events of the 6th, we merely

represent this circumstance to show, that there was no intention

whatever on their part to break out of the prison, as Shortland

and his adherents have attempted to prove.

The report now goes on to mention, that on the evening of the 6th

of April, about six o'clock in the evening, a hole was made in one

of the walls of the prison sufficient for a full-sized man to

pass, and others had been commenced, but never completed, and that

a number of the prisoners were over the railing erected to prevent

them from communicating with the sentinels on the walls, and that

they were tearing up pieces of turf, and wantonly pelting each

other, in a noisy manner.

As to the hole made in the wall, we believe the causes and reasons

have been already sufficiently explained by the affidavits laid

before the public. With respect to the prisoners being between the

iron paling and the wall, it could have been, if it was not,

easily explained to Mr. King, had he given an opportunity. It

seems, that on the afternoon of the 6th, some of the prisoners

having obtained _leave_ of the sentinels on the walls to go over

and lay upon the grass, others seeing them laying so much at their

ease, went over to enjoy the same privilege; and as the sentinels

made no objection to this proceeding, the number was soon

increased to such a degree, that it became no longer an enjoyment

to those who first obtained the privilege; some scuffling then

ensued among themselves, and they began to pelt each other with

turf and old shoes, principally in play, and among so many, no

doubt, there must have been considerable noise; but how they can

possibly connect this circumstance with the hole made in the wall,

is entirely out of our power to conceive, as the iron railings

separated them from the pretended breach in the wall, and distant

from it more than half the length of the yard; of course, had the

hole been intended as a breach, the iron paling would have become

a barrier, instead of facilitating the means of an escape.

As to that part of the report which mentions the guard-barracks

being the repository for the arms of the guard off duty, and of

its standing in the yard to which the hole in the wall would serve

as a communication, and of its being a further cause of suspicion

and alarm to Captain Shortland--to one acquainted with the

situation of the prison, such an idea would be ridiculous; but to

those who are not acquainted with it, it will be only necessary

for us to mention, that if the prisoners had the intention of

breaking out through this passage, and had actually got into the

barrack-yard, the difficulties they would then have to encounter

would be much greater than to break a passage through the market

square, or the back part of the yard. As to the idea of their

possessing themselves of the muskets standing in the racks in the

guard-barracks (even if they knew of any being there) it is

childish; for how easy would it have been for the commanding

officer, on the shortest intimation of such an attempt, with one

blast of his bugle, to have called all his guards to the spot

before a hundredth part of the prisoners could have got into the

yard, and by that means instantly put a stop to any further

proceedings on their part.

We cannot conceive how Mr. King can possibly come forward and say,

on these grounds, it appeared to him that Captain Shortland was

justified in giving the order for sounding the alarm bell, when,

if he found the prisoners were conducting themselves improperly,

had he sent for the committee (as always had been his custom

heretofore, when he had any charge against the prisoners for

improper conduct) and told them that the prisoners were breaking

the wall (which circumstance, as has been published before, was

not known to one tenth of the prisoners) and requested them to

have represented to those engaged in it, the consequences that

must ensue if they persisted in such conduct, we have not a

moment's hesitation in saying, they would have put a stop to any

further proceedings of that kind.

That part which relates to the breaking of the iron chain which

fastened No. 1 gate, and which follows next in the report, says

there was no evidence to show whether it was done before or after

the alarm bell rang. As this was a material point on which they

grounded Shortland's justification, we have to regret that the

evidence we had to lay before the commissioners, and which would,

in our opinion, have sufficiently cleared up that point, was not

examined.

On the ringing of the alarm bell, the rush towards the gates

leading into the market square was so great (attracted as has been

before stated by curiosity) that those in front were irresistibly

pushed forward by those in the rear, and if the chain had not

broke, the lock must have given way to the pressure, and by this

opening, it is but natural to suppose, that a number must have

been shoved into the square, in front of the soldiers, who were

drawn up in a line across the square, with Shortland at their

head.

If, as the report now goes on to state, there was no direct proof

before them of a previous concert or preparation on the part of

the prisoners, and no evidence of their intention or disposition

to effect their escape on this occasion, excepting that which

arose by _inference_ from the whole of the detailed circumstances

connected together, had Mr. King examined the evidence on the part

of the prisoners, as minutely as it seems he examined those on the

part of Shortland, he could not even have drawn the _shadow of an

inference_ of that being their intention.

Where the commissioners got their evidence for asserting that

Captain Shortland, by quiet means and persuasion, endeavored to

persuade the prisoners to retire into their respective yards, is

unaccountable to us, as those who know Captain Shortland, know he

is not a man of persuasion. It is correct that Dr. M'Grath used

every exertion to persuade the prisoners to retire out of the

square, which if Shortland had allowed sufficient time, would have

been quietly done; but the crowd, by this time, had become so

great, and the pressure from the rear so strong, that those in

front could not retreat until time should be allowed for those in

the rear to fall back, but the hasty, haughty, and overbearing

temper of Shortland, could not allow him to use such conciliatory

means. He orders (the report says) fifteen file of the guard

fronting the open gate, to the charge; and after some little time

the charge was so effectual, with but very little or no injury to

the prisoners, as to drive them, for the most part, quite out of

the square, with the exception of a small number who continued

their resistance about No. 1 gate. Under these circumstances,

continued the report, the firing commenced.

Here we beg leave to request an attentive perusal of the

affidavits of some of the prisoners, taken by the committee, and

which relate particularly to this part of the transaction. It is

there positively stated, that on the soldiers coming to the

charge, the prisoners ALL retreated into the yard, and pushed the

gate to after them. If the commissioners had examined the

evidence, this part of the report ought to have been differently

expressed.

We cannot conceive how Mr. King finds it difficult to reconcile

the testimony respecting Captain Shortland's giving the orders to

fire; when he reports that SEVERAL of the Americans SWEAR

POSITIVELY, that Captain Shortland gave that order--and many of

the soldiers and the English witnesses heard the word given by

some one, but could not swear it was by Captain Shortland; and

some of them (among whom is the officer commanding the guard)

THINK, if Captain Shortland had given such an order, they must

have heard it, which they did not. Thus, then, stands the

foundation for this part of the report. An English officer THINKS

it is not so, and several Americans SWEAR it is so; and he finds

it very difficult to reconcile their testimony.--The lightness

with which they seem to have passed over this most important point

of that day's transaction, cannot but be deeply regretted by those

who feel for the unhappy sufferers, when they go on to state, "It

may remain a matter of doubt whether the firing first began in the

square by an ORDER, or whether it was a spontaneous act of the

soldiers themselves; it seemed clear it was continued and renewed

both there and elsewhere, without orders--and that on the

platforms and several places about the prison it was _certainly

commenced without any authority_." We must once more request the

attention of the public to the affidavits already published; it is

there sworn by one of the witnesses, that PREVIOUS to the alarm

bell being rung, and while walking in the yard, _a soldier called

to him from the walls_, and _told him to go in_, as they would

soon be fired upon. How, then, can it be possible, that a soldier

on the walls should know that they would soon be fired upon, if

the order had not been previously given to that effect? And had

the bugle-man been examined, he could have stated that, previous

to the ringing of the alarm bell, he received orders to _sound to

fire_; so that when the soldiers took their stations on the walls,

they were charged and prepared for that purpose. With such

information, we conceive the committee to stand fully justified in

stating in their report, the belief of its being a pre-concerted

plan, on the part of Shortland; and if the commissioners had

possessed themselves with a knowledge of these circumstances,

which they could and ought to have done, would they, then,

reported Shortland as justifiable, even in a _military_ point of

view?

The next thing we have to notice in the report is, that very

singular paragraph, which says, "from the fact of the crowd being

so close, and the firing at _first_ being attended with _very

little injury_, it appears probable, that a large proportion of

the muskets were, as stated by one or two of the witnesses,

levelled over the heads of the prisoners, a circumstance, in some

respects, to be _lamented_." Is it, then, to be _lamented_, that

the soldiers did not level their pieces, on the _first_ fire,

directly into the crowd, which they have stated to be so great and

so close that a soldier declared he could not come fairly down to

a charge? or is it to be _lamented_, that one or two hundred were

not killed at the first discharge, and a thousand or two wounded?

If so, we think it much to be _lamented_, that the reporters were

not there, and placed foremost in the crowd.

The circumstance of so few being hurt at the first discharge is

not strange to those who are acquainted with the situation; and

this occurrence alone corroborates the American evidence, and

ought to have been sufficient proof to the commissioners, that the

prisoners upon being charged upon, retreated through the gates,

and shut them after them, before the firing commenced; and which

circumstance, alone, should have shut the door of justification

against Shortland for commencing a fire upon them, as they were in

their own yards. As this was the actual situation of the prisoners

on the first discharge, and the soldiers having to fire through

the iron paling, and the prisoners retreating on a descending

ground, of course brought the muskets, when down to a level, over

the heads of the prisoners--it was owing to this _fortunate_

circumstance that so few were injured on the first discharge of

the musketry; and it seems the inhuman Shortland was aware of this

circumstance, when he was distinctly heard to order his soldiers

to fire low. This does not appear to correspond with that part of

their report which says, "Captain Shortland was in the market

square, exerting himself in giving orders to stop the firing."

That there was any provocation given to the soldiers to justify

their subsequent brutal conduct, the commissioners themselves seem

to find it very difficult to trace any evidence, although they

say, it appears, that there was some resistance made to the

turnkeys in shutting the prison, and that stones were thrown at

the military. Had they examined the _prisoners_ sufficiently, they

would have been convinced that no resistance was made to the

turnkeys in shutting the doors. As to throwing stones at the

military, while they were chasing them from corner to corner, and

firing at them in every place where they had taken shelter from

the balls, could it be expected but they would seize on something

for self defence, when they saw the soldiers running at them with

their bayonets, and having no possible means of escape, as it has

been before stated, all the doors in the prisons had been

previously closed except one, and that one perhaps, the length of

the prison from him. Is there a man, in such a situation, but

would seize on the first weapon that offered itself, and sell his

life as dear as possible. How can they, then, make that the

slightest justification for such outrageous conduct on the part of

Shortland or the military?

As to most of the officers being absent is erroneous; it could

have been proved that there was an officer in every yard, and in

one instance where he was heard to give the order to fire on a

party of prisoners close by the door, and running and making every

exertion to enter the prison.

As to Captain Shortland being busy in the square with the

turnkeys, receiving and taking care of the wounded, certainly

shows the commissioners' want of correct information, for it is

already before the public, in affidavit, the cruel manner in which

the wounded were treated by him, and of his abuse to the prisoners

who were bearing the wounded to the hospital gate. That part of

the report which relates that the time and commencement of this

transaction was the officers' dinner hour, is too ridiculous for a

comment. We do not believe that there was a prisoner in the depot

that knew when or where the officers dined, and therefore, can be

no ground for an argument, that the prisoners were taking this

opportunity to escape.

The report goes on to state, "the cross fire, which was kept up

from several of the platforms on the walls round the prison, and

directed against straggling parties of prisoners, running about

the yard, endeavoring to enter the prison by the door which the

turnkey left open, according to their usual practice, _does seem_

to have been without object or excuse, and to have been a wanton

attack upon the lives of defenceless, and, at the same time,

unoffending individuals." In answer to this paragraph, we shall

only reply, that had the commissioners examined ALL the American

evidence, and attached the same credit to it, which it appears

they have done to ALL the English evidence, similar expressions

would have been made use of against Shortland's conduct throughout

the whole of their report.

It appears to us, after an attentive examination of this report,

that the commissioners meant to justify Shortland in commencing

his murderous attack upon the prisoners, and to condemn the

soldiers for continuing it. Singular as this idea appears, it is

no less strange to us, how it can be possible they could reconcile

it to their feelings to make up a report containing such a direct

contradiction to reason; for surely if Shortland could be

justified in using coercive measures in the first instance, the

military certainly should be acquitted for the subsequent

massacre, as the whole was conducted under his immediate

command;--and if he had A RIGHT to kill one, on the same ground he

might have extended it to a thousand. And, on the other hand, if

any part of the transaction is to be condemned, Shortland should

answer for the whole; for what necessity could there be made to

attempt identifying any of the soldiers? Surely the commissioners

could not think of bringing them to punishment, as they acted by

the direct orders of Shortland and his officers!--and if any one

could or ought to be made to answer for the outrage, it should be

Shortland.

In addition to the contradictions contained in the commissioners'

joint report, Mr. King, in his letter to his excellency J. Q.

Adams, almost denies the ground on which they have, in part,

founded Shortland's justification, when he says (alluding to have

heard several Americans _swear, positively_, that Shortland did

give the order to fire, and an officer of the guard _thinking_

that he did not, as he should have heard him) "perhaps the bias of

my mind was, that Shortland did give that order; and wishing the

report to go forth under our joint signatures, I forbore to press

some of the points so far as otherwise I MIGHT have done."

If, then, any part has been neglected, or passed over for

accommodation, or any other purpose (and one there certainly has,

in not paying the same attention to the American as was done to

the English evidence) it is to be regretted that Mr. King should

so far forget the sacred duties attached to the appointment of a

commissioner to enquire into the murder of his countrymen, as to

pass over any points which might have brought to light the means

of punishment for the murder, or obtained in some measure an

indemnity for the surviving unhappy sufferers.

Will not the shades of the departed victims haunt him in his

midnight slumbers, and, pointing to their lacerated bodies, say,

these still remain unavenged? Will not the unhappy survivors show

the stumps of their amputated limbs, and say, these wounds fester,

and still remain unatoned? Will not the widow and the helpless

orphan raise their innocent hands to heaven, and cry, why was

justice denied us? Why was the heart so callous to our sufferings?

And why was the bosom shut to sympathy? Let Mr. King point out

some means to appease these bitter complaints, and we shall be

satisfied.

We shall now close these unpleasant remarks, by noticing another

unaccountable error in Mr. King's letter to Mr. Adams, where he

mentions, speaking of Shortland, "and his general conduct,

previous to this occurrence, as far as I could with propriety

enter into such details, appears to have been characterized with

great fairness, and even kindness, in the relation in which he

stood towards the prisoners."--We shall not pretend to ask Mr.

King where he obtained the evidence on which he grounds this

assertion; we are sure it was not from the prisoners, who ought to

have been the best judges of that circumstance; but, instead of

all that, all the Americans who were permitted to express an

opinion on that subject, at the examination, declared, without

reserve, as would all the prisoners in the depot, had they been

asked the question, that Shortland's conduct, from the

commencement of his appointment to that station, had been cruel,

oppressive, and overbearing; and, instead of taking measures to

alleviate the distresses of the wretched objects under him, as a

feeling man would have done, he seemed to take a pleasure in

harrassing them whenever he could find the slightest pretext for

so doing.

_W. Colton_, _Joseph Swain_, _Arch'd Taylor_, _David Ingalls_,

_Reuben Sherman_, _Arch'd I. Mackay_, _Philip Black_, _Homer

Hall_, _James B. Mansfield_, _Abr'm M'Intire_, _Wm. Cochran_,

_Henry Dolliver_, _John Jones_, _B. Weeks_, _Wm. Demerell_,

_Thomas Ward_, _William K. White_.

REMARKS.

In presenting to the world the record of a transaction, probably

the most barbarous which the history of modern warfare can

furnish, we cannot refrain from remarks.--Whatever our feelings

may be, upon a subject so amply calculated to excite the

indignation and abhorrence of every friend to humanity, and every

one who has respect for the laws of civilized and mitigated

warfare, we will, nevertheless, refrain, so far as the

circumstances of outraged humanity will permit, from the violence

of invective, and wholly from unwarranted crimination. Those, into

whose hands these documents may fall, will, however, preserve them

as a monument erected to the memory of their slaughtered

countrymen, and a memento of the unfeeling cruelty of our late

enemy.

Though we are far from believing that there are not persons of

noble and humane minds in the English nation, yet, a uniformity of

conduct, on the part of the Government and its agents, has taught

us to believe that they, at least, are blood thirsty and cruel.

The incarceration of Americans in the Jersey Prison Ship at

New-York, and Mill Prison, in England, in the Revolutionary war,

raised in the minds of the sainted heroes of those times, the most

exalted feelings of indignation and abhorrence. The history of

those prisoners, where hundreds were compelled to wear out an

existence, rendered miserable by the cruelty of an enemy,

professing a reverence for the sublime principles of Christianity,

is already familiarized to the minds of the American people. If

the feelings of Americans were then indignant, what should they

be, on beholding those cruelties renewed with more than ten fold

severity? The conduct of Thomas George Shortland, the agent at

Dartmoor Prison, is such as should "damn him to everlasting fame."

Upon what principles the conduct of this man, precedent to the

ever memorable 6th of April, 1815, can be justified, we cannot

determine. The indiscriminate confinement of both officers and men

in the same prisons, and those the most unfit, decayed, and

loathsome of any which the Government could furnish, was an

infraction of the established laws of civilized nations for the

treatment of prisoners of war. It was equally abhorrent to the

principles of humanity, and only sanctioned by British

governmental agents, and those petty Nations of Savages, whose

known usages of warfare have hitherto kept them beyond the pale of

national law. The history of modern European wars can furnish no

parallel to this part of the history of Dartmoor. But when we

arrive at the slaughter of prisoners on the 6th of April, the

climax of barbarity is complete, and the mind is sated with the

contemplation of principles as shocking to humanity as the

consequences are degrading to the character of the English nation.

An eminent writer upon national law, has formerly extolled the

"English and French for their treatment given to prisoners of

war," and at the same time mentions the case of Charles I. King of

Naples, who, having defeated and taken prisoner Conrade, his

competitor, caused him, together with his fellow-prisoner,

Frederick of Austria, to be beheaded at Naples. Upon this case our

author has the following pertinent remarks:--"This barbarity

raised an universal horror, and Peter the third, King of Arragon,

reproached Charles with it, as a detestable crime, till then

unheard of among Christian princes. However, the case was of a

dangerous rival contending with him for the throne. But, supposing

the claims of his rival were unjust, Charles might have kept him

in prison until he had renounced them, and given security for his

future behavior." If this act of Charles raised an "universal

horror," what should be the excitement produced by the cold

blooded massacre of a number of unarmed and unoffending prisoners

of war in confinement? Humanity shudders at the thought, and

language furnishes no appropriate epithet with which to brand the

infamous perpetrator of so foul, so hitherto unheard of a crime.

Did that writer now live, he would no longer extol the humanity of

the English nation, but in common with the friends of humanity, he

would join in the "universal horror" which British cruelty has

excited.

The complexion of this transaction is rendered still more dark and

barbarous, and its criminality most shockingly enhanced, by the

circumstances under which many of those unfortunate men became

prisoners, and finally were offered up as victims to gratify the

cruel and insatiate feeling of the British agent. They were

American Citizens, who had been impressed into the service and

bondage of Great Britain, in time of peace. They had served that

government from a necessity, arising from the assumed principle of

a right to search neutral vessels for British seamen, and the

practice of taking Americans and compelling them to service. We

cannot, however, too much applaud the magnanimity of those men, in

refusing to fight against and slaughter their countrymen; nor can

we too much detest the conduct of Great Britain, in confining them

as prisoners of war.

This practice assumed as a right in the first moments of our

existence as an independent and commercial nation, has "grown with

our growth," and the evil thereof has increased in proportion as

our commercial rivalship has become more alarming to the pride and

injustice of Great Britain. It is a practice which cannot be

traced to any principle of justification; and yet we have seen

the legislators of Massachusetts, clothed with a garb of official

sanctity, send to the world a report, amounting almost to a

denial, that such a practice was in existence! We pretend not to

judge of their motives: but we remark, how soon they are

confounded by the report of Shortland and Magrath. By that

instrument it appears, that of thirty-eight who were killed or

wounded, twelve were of the number of Impressed Americans, who had

given themselves up as prisoners of war, upon the commencement of

hostilities. If this be the correct proportion of their prisoners,

who have been impressed from American vessels, and as it is an

official document of British authority, we cannot believe the

ratio to be less, we see the advocates of British magnanimity

confounded and put to shame, by the testimony of those same

British agents, whose justification they have so eagerly, though

unsuccessfully attempted. It might, indeed, have been supposed,

that after having so frequently been treated with the same

contempt, they might have learned sufficient caution, at least, to

stay their measures until the pleasure of their transatlantic

friends should be known. But their overweening anxiety has only

tended to plunge them in deeper embarrassments, and should teach

them, that more prudence and less zeal in the cause of a national

enemy, might secure them a safer retreat in the moments when those

whose friendship they had so anxiously sought, had deserted, and

condemned them.

By the report of the Legislature of Massachusetts upon the subject

of impressments, it would appear that no more than sixteen had

been impressed from this Commonwealth. What must be our conclusion

upon a comparison of this report, with that of Messrs. Shortland

and Magrath? It is irresistable, either that the former did not

report the full number of impressments, or that the latter have

aggravated their guilt and condemnation, by swelling the number to

a degree beyond what the facts would justify, from some cause,

unknown to their American advocates, and in favor of the facts and

principles, for which the American government have uniformly

contended. A few of those assumed as facts, by the present

dominant party in New-England, may aid us in this enquiry, and

perhaps conduct us to a correct conclusion. They have repeatedly

told us, that New-England, and more particularly Massachusetts,

has ever been the nursery of our seamen. That this section had

furnished more than the whole remaining part of the United States.

Admitting the correctness of the report of Shortland and Magrath,

we are wholly unable to reconcile the report of our Legislature

with those which they assume as facts, and upon which the

principles of their report were, in part, predicated. It exhibits

to our view a disposition to fritter away the enormities of the

British Government, and a determination to justify them in every

act of barbarity, however unjustifiable in its circumstances, or

however shocking in its operation.

The report of Messrs. King and Larpent may here claim a portion of

our attention. Unpleasant as the task may be, to reflect, even

indirectly upon the conduct of one of our countrymen, acting in

the high and solemn capacity to which Mr. King was called, we

cannot, however, without doing violence to our own feelings, and

criminating numbers of our countrymen, perhaps equally entitled to

credibility with Mr. King himself, afford our credence to his

singular report; especially when we see it contradicted

unconditionally, by the unfortunate witnesses of the unhappy and

barbarous transaction.

Even Mr. King himself, in his letter to Mr. Adams, furnishes a

tardy acknowledgment, that he had not completed the duties to

which he had been called. "Considering it of much importance (he

says) that the report, whatever it might be, should go forth under

our joint signatures, I have forborne to press some of the points

which it involves as far as otherwise I might have done." And why

did Mr. King forbear to press every point involved in the report?

Was it from a disposition to perform his whole duty to his

country; or, rather, from a too common admiration of British

principles and British characters.

The numerous affidavits accompanying the report made by the

committee of the prisoners, together with the reply to the report

of Messrs. King and Larpent, afford the most positive testimony in

contradiction to many of its prominent features. We can form no

other opinion respecting this report, than either that Mr. King

was overreached by his colleague, or that he was pre-determined to

fritter down the abuses which the British Government and its

agents had lavished upon their American prisoners. Why either

Messrs. King or Larpent should decline the examination of all the

witnesses offered by the prisoners, is wholly inexplicable, unless

we attribute to them a mutual and fixed determination to justify

the conduct of Shortland and his accomplices, at the expense of

criminating hundreds of Americans, who were no less entitled to

credibility than either of themselves. Hereafter "let no such men

be trusted."

The treatment of the prisoners appears to have proceeded from the

same principles of inhumanity, which have given rise to the

hostile operations of the British Commanders upon our maritime and

inland frontiers, during the continuance of the late contest. Such

principles belong only to Savages or their allies. The outrages at

the river Raisin, Hampton, Havre de Grace, Washington, and those

attempted at New-Orleans, it was thought, might have filled the

measure of British barbarities. But to the prisons of Dartmoor was

transferred the scene of its completion. Americans, armed in

defence of their soil, their Constitution, and natural rights,

were too invincible to the "veteran" conquerors of the East.

Prisoners of war in confinement, and without arms, were selected

as the objects upon which they might glut their malice.

We have heard much from a certain class of our politicians of the

burning of Newark and St. David's; but little have they said of

the destruction of Buffalo, of Washington City, or the massacre of

our unfortunate countrymen at Dartmoor; and that little has been

directed to the justification of the perpetrators. The

conflagration of our Capitol, with the appendages of art and

taste, and even the slaughter of our countrymen, could not excite

in those minds one feeling of indignation; whilst the unauthorized

destruction of a few houses, within the territorial limits of our

enemy, not only excited their warmest sympathies for the enemy,

but their foulest denunciations of our own Government.

We might here attempt a comparison of the treatment of each

Government to their prisoners. But the contrast is so evident,

that we shall commit it to our readers without remark.

Where is the American, whose feelings do not become indignant,

after a full and dispassionate view of all the circumstances

connected with this savage transaction. Though we may again be

told, that Great Britain is the 'Bulwark of our Religion;' yet it

may be hoped, that few, indeed, will be found to worship in a

temple stained with the blood of their countrymen, or consign

their consciences to the keeping of the upholders of the temple of

Juggernaut, or the restorers of Papal power.

Though our policy as an Independent Republic is pacific, yet

should our rights again be assailed, and future wars ensue, WE

WILL REMEMBER DARTMOOR!

* * * * *

We here subjoin a letter from the Right Honorable Lord Castlereagh

to our Commissioners at Ghent, with their answer, together with

the reply of our Secretary of State to the British charge des

affairs at Washington:

_Lord Castlereagh to Messrs. Clay and Gallatin._

Foreign Office, May 22, 1815.

GENTLEMEN--I lost no time in laying before the Prince Regent the

report made by Mr. Larpent and Mr. King, respectfully appointed on

the part of his majesty's government, and that of the United

States of America, to enquire into the circumstances of the late

unfortunate occurrence at Dartmoor Prison.

His Royal Highness has commanded me to express, through you, to

the government of America, how deeply he laments the consequences

of this unhappy affair.

If any thing can tend to relieve the distress which his Royal

Highness feels on this occasion, it is the consideration, that the

conduct of the soldiers was not actuated from any spirit of

animosity towards the prisoners, and that the inactivity of the

officers may be attributed rather to the inexperience of militia

forces, than to any want of zeal or inclination to afford that

liberal protection which is ever due to prisoners of war.

But as his Royal Highness has observed, at the same time, with

sincere regret, that although the firing of the troops upon the

prisoners may have been justified at its commencement, by the

turbulent conduct of the latter, yet that the extent of the

calamity must be ascribed to a want of steadiness in the troops,

and of exertion in the officers, calling for the most severe

animadversion. His Royal Highness has been pleased to direct the

commander in chief to address to the commanding officer of the

Somerset militia, his disapprobation of the conduct of the troops,

which it is trusted will make a due impression on the minds of the

officers and men who were engaged in this unfortunate transaction.

As an additional proof of the sentiments which animate the Prince

Regent on this occasion, I am further commanded to express his

Royal Highness' desire to make a compensation to the widows and

families of the sufferers; and I have to request that you,

gentlemen, would make this known to your government, inviting

them, at the same time, to co-operate with his majesty's charge

d'affairs in the United States, in investigating the respective

claims, for the purpose of fulfilling his Royal Highness'

benevolent intentions upon this painful occasion.

I request that you will accept the assurance of the distinguished

consideration with which I have the honor to be, &c.

(Signed)

CASTLEREAGH.

To Henry Clay, Esq. and Albert Gallatin, Esq.

_Copy of a letter from Messrs. Clay and Gallatin, to Lord

Castlereagh._

Hanover Street, Hanover Square, March 24, 1815.

MY LORD--We have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your

lordship's official note of the 22d inst.

Having, as we have already informed your lordship, no powers on

the subject to which it refers, we will lose no time in

transmitting it to our government.--We will also place in the

possession of the American minister, near his Britannic majesty's

government, whose arrival here we daily expect, a copy of your

lordship's note, together with a statement of what had previously

passed respecting the unfortunate event at Dartmoor.

We embrace the opportunity of tendering, &c.

(Signed)

H. CLAY,

ALBERT GALLATIN.

The Right Honorable Viscount Castlereagh, Secretary of State for

the Foreign Department, &c. &c.

_The Secretary of State to Anthony St. John Baker, Esq. his

Britannic majesty's charge d'affairs._

Washington, Department of State, December 11, 1815.

SIR--I have the honor to receive your letter of the 3d of August,

communicating a proposition of your government to make provision

for the widows and families of the sufferers in the much to be

lamented occurrence at Dartmoor.

It is painful to touch on this unfortunate event, from the deep

distress it has caused to the whole American people. This

repugnance is increased by the consideration that our governments,

though penetrated with regret, do not agree in sentiment,

respecting the conduct of the parties engaged in it.

Whilst the President declines accepting the provision contemplated

by his royal highness, the Prince Regent, he nevertheless does

full justice to the motives which dictated it. I have the honor to

be, &c.

(Signed)

JAMES MONROE.

Anthony St. John Baker, Esq. his Britannic majesty's charge

d'affairs.

From all which it appears that nothing further can now be done

relative to this shocking transaction. The government and the people

of America have similar feelings. His Royal Highness the Prince Regent

of England offers to give money by way of compensating the widows and

families of the slain, as was offered in the affair of the Chesapeake;

but the PRESIDENT very properly refused the price of blood. There is

now no constituted earthly tribunal before which this deed can be

tried and punished, it is therefore left, like some other atrocities

from the same quarter, with the feelings of Christian people. They

have already tried it, and brought in their verdict.--But, "_vengeance

is mine, and I will repay saith the Lord_;"--and to HIM we leave it.

The night following the shocking massacre was spent in deep

disquietude. As we knew not what had actually occasioned this, in some

degree, deliberate slaughter, so we were filled with anxiety as to its

final termination.--The horrors of Paris, under Robespiere, rose to

view, and deprived us of sleep; or if wearied nature got a moment's

relief, many waked up screaming with the impression, that they were

under the hands of a murderer dressed in red.

The gates of our prison were closed up in the morning, and each one

seemed describing to his neighbor what he had seen and heard; and

every one execrating the villain who had occasioned the massacre. In

the course of the day, a British colonel, whom we had never before

seen, appeared at the inner gate, attended by the detestable

Shortland, who was pale and haggard like ordinary murderers. The

colonel asked us, generally, _What was the cause of this unhappy state

of things?_ We related some particulars as well as we could; but all

united in accusing captain Thomas Shortland of deliberate murder. On

Shortland's denying some of the accusations, the colonel turned round

to him, and said, in a very serious tone, "_Sir, you have no right to

speak at this time._" Upon which I thought the valiant captain would

have fainted. He, doubtless, thought of a halter. The colonel went to

the other yards, and received, as we were informed, statements not

materially differing from what he first heard. The colonel's manner

left an agreeable impression on our minds. He appeared to be seriously

grieved, and desirous to find out the truth.

The next day major general Brown came up from Plymouth in the

forenoon, and made some trifling enquiries in the afternoon. Soon

after came admiral Rowley, and a captain in the navy, whose name I do

not remember. They went into the military walk over the gates, when

the space below was soon filled with prisoners. The admiral did not

impress us quite so agreeably as the colonel, who seemed to speak and

look his own good feelings; while the former appeared to have got his

lesson, and have come prepared to question us like an attorney, rather

than like a frank and open seaman. The admiral informed the prisoners

that he was appointed by the commander in chief at Plymouth, to

inquire, _whether the prisoners had any cause for complaint against

the British government, as to their PROVISIONS_?--There ensued a short

silence, until our countryman, Mr. _Colton_, a man who was neither

intimidated by rank, nor disconcerted by parade, answered him and

said, that "the affair of _provisions_ was not the occasion of their

present distress and anxiety, but that it was the horrid massacre of

their unoffending and unresisting countrymen, whose blood cried from

the ground, like the blood of Abel, for justice. We have nothing now

to say about our provisions; that is but a secondary concern. Our cry

is for due vengeance on the murderer, Shortland, to expiate the

horrors of the 6th of April. We all complain of his haughty, unfeeling

and tyrannical conduct at all times, and on all occasions."--"THAT WE

HAVE NOTHING TO DO WITH," said the admiral, and then repeated the

former question, relative to the British government and the

provisions; to which Mr. Colton replied in a still more exasperated

tone of accusation against the murderer and the murder. "_Then you do

not_," said the admiral, "_complain of the British government for

detaining you here_?" "By no means," said our spokesman, "the

prisoners, one and all, ascribe our undue attention here, to a neglect

of duty in our own agent, Mr. Beasly." "_Then I hope_," said the

admiral, "_that you will all remain tranquil. I lament AS MUCH AS YOU,

the unfortunate occurrence that has taken place._" Upon this Mr.

Colton mentioned particularly the murder of the boy who was shut up in

No. 4, after the prisoners were all driven in through the doors, and

averred that he was killed by the direct order of a British officer,

who came to the door with some of the guard. "_That is the

lobster-backed villain_," exclaimed a young man, "_that stands behind

you, sir! who, I heard deliberately order his men to fire on the

prisoners, after they had all got into the building. I saw him, and

heard him give the orders, and had like to have been bayoneted myself

by his soldiers._"--The admiral looked round on the officer, who

reddened almost to a purple, and sneaked away, and was seen no more;

and thus was ended what was probably called Admiral R's examination

into the _causes_ of the massacre!

I know of no examination after this, if such an interview may be

called an examination; for, on the ---- of April, myself and a few

others were set at liberty. We had made application the night before,

and passed the night in sleepless anxiety. At 10 o'clock orders were

sent down to collect our things. We dare not call our wretched

baggage, by any other than the beggarly name of "_duds_." In

consequence of this order, the turnkey conveyed us to the upper gate,

where we remained a while fluttering between fear and hope. At length

the sergeant of the guard came, and opened the gate, and conducted us

to the guard room, where our fears began to dissipate and our hopes to

brighten.--When the clerk entered, he must have seen anxiety in our

countenances, and was disposed to sport with our feelings. He put on a

grave and solemn phiz, mixed with a portion of the insolence of

office, as if he were about to read our death-warrants, while we cast

a look of misery at each other. At length, with apparent reluctance,

he vouchsafed to hand to each of us, like a miser paying a debt, the

dear delicious paper, the evidence of our liberty! on which was

written, "by order of the transport board." This was enough, we

devoured it with our eyes, clinched it fast in our fists, laughed,

capered, jumped, screamed, and kicked up the dirt like so many mad

men; and away we started for Princetown, looking back as we ran, every

minute, to see if our ceroebrus, with his bloody jaws, was not at our

heels. At every step we took from the hateful prison, our enlarged

souls expanded our lately cramped bodies. At length we attained a

rising ground; and O, how our hearts did swell within us at the sight

of the OCEAN! that ocean that washed the shores of our dear America,

as well as those of England! After taking breath, we talked in strains

of rapture to each other. "This ground, said I, belongs to the

British; but that _ocean_, and this air, and that sun, are as much

ours as theirs; or as any other nations. They are blessings to that

nation which knows best how to deserve and enjoy them. May the arm of

bravery secure them all to us, and to our children forever!" Long and

dismal as our captivity has been, we declared, with one voice, that

should our government again arm and declare war, for "_free trade and

sailors' rights_," we would, in a moment, try again the tug of war,

with the _hard hearted Britons_; but with the fixed resolution of

never being taken by them alive; or, at least, unwounded, or

unmutilated. I see, I feel that the _love of country_ is our "ruling

passion;" and it is this that has and will give us the superiority in

battle, by land and by sea, while the want of it will cause _some

folks_ to recoil before the American bayonet and bullets, as the

British did at Chippewa, Erie, Plattsburg and New Orleans.

While the British prisoner retires from our places of confinement in

good health, and with unwilling and reluctant step, we, half famished

Americans, fly from theirs as from a pestilence, or a mine just ready

to explode. If the British cannot alter these feelings in the two

nations, her power will desert her, while that of America will

increase.

After treading the air, instead of touching the ground, we found

ourselves at the Devonshire arms, in Princetown, where the comely

bar-maid appeared more than mortal. The sight of her rosy cheeks,

shining hair, bright eyes, and pouting lips wafted our imaginations,

in the twinkling of an eye, across the Atlantic to our own dear

country of pretty girls. I struck the fist of my right hand into the

palm of my left, and cried out--"_O, for an horse with wings!_" The

girl stared with amazement, and concluded, I guess, that I was mad;

for she looked as if she said to herself--"poor crazy lad! who ever

saw a horse with wings?"

We called for some wine, and filling our glasses, drank to the

_power_, _glory_, and _honor_, and _everlasting happiness of our

beloved country_; and after that to all the _pretty girls_ in America.

During this, we now and then looked around us, to be certain all this

was not a dream, and asked each other if they were sure there was no

_red coat_ watching our movements, or surly turnkey listening to our

conversation? and whether what we saw were really the walls of an

house, where ingress and egress were equally free? It is inconceivable

how we are changed by habit. Situations and circumstances ennoble the

mind, or debase it.

From what I myself experienced, and saw in others, on the day we left

our hateful prison, I do not wonder that sudden transitions from the

depressing effects of imprisonment, sorrow, chagrin, impatience, or

feelings bordering on despair, to that of liberty and joy, should so

affect the vital organs, as to bring on a fatal spasm; or that the

sudden exhilarations of the animal spirits, might produce phrenzy. We

were animated anew with a moderate portion of generous liquor; but

absolutely intoxicated with joy. We asked a thousand questions without

waiting for an answer. In the midst of our rapture we had a message

from Shortland, who seemed to be afraid that we should be so near him,

and yet out of his power, that if we did not hasten our march on to

Plymouth, he would have us brought back to prison. At the sound of his

hateful name, and the idea of his person, we started off like so many

wild Zebras. We, however, stepped a little out of the road to an

eminence, to take another, and a last look of the Dartmoor depot of

misery, when we saw waving over it, the _American flag_, like the

colors _sans tache_, waving over the walls of Sodom and Gomorrha. We

gave three cheers, and then resumed our road to Plymouth, where we

soon after arrived.

While dining at the inn, an old man, in the next room, hearing we were

Americans, came in and asked us if we knew his son who lived in

America, and mentioned his name. "Yes," said one of my companions; "he

is a mechanic; I think a carpenter--I know him very well, and he is a

very clever fellow." The old man caught hold of him, and shook him by

the hand as if he would shake his arm off. "Yes, yes, you are right,

my son is a ship carpenter, and it almost broke my heart when he went

off to seek his fortune in a far country." In the fulness of his

heart, the poor old man offered to treat us with the best liquor the

house afforded; but we all excused ourselves and declined his

generosity. This would have been carrying the joke too far, for

neither of us ever had any knowledge of his son. We felt happy; and we

thought, if we thought at all, that we would make the old man happy

also. The English and Americans are equally addicted to _bantering_,

_hoaxing_, _quizzing_, _humming_, or by whatever ridiculous name we

may denote this more than ridiculous folly. I never heard that the

French, Germans, Spaniards, or Italians, were addicted to this

_unbenevolent_ wit, if cowardly imposition can merit that name.

As we strolled through Plymouth, we gazed at every thing we saw, as if

we had just fallen into it from the moon. In staring about we lost

our way, and accosted a grave looking, elderly man, who directed us.

As we asked him several questions, he thought he had a right to ask

one of us; when, to our surprise, he asked us _if we had any gold to

sell?_ We now perceived that we had taken for our director one of the

sons of Abraham, whose home is no where; and that he took us to be

either privateersmen or pick-pockets. Piqued at this, we thought we

would be even with him, and we asked him if his name was not

_Shortland_? He said no. We asked him if he had no relations of that

name. He enquired if "dit Shortland vas Jew or Christian?" We told him

he was neither one nor the other. "Den," said Moses, "he must be

_Turk_; for dere be but three sort of peoples in the world;" and this

set us a laughing at the expense of the despised Israelite, until we

lost him in some of the dirty alleys of this noisy seaport.

I slept that night at the Exchange Coffee House. It was so long since

I had been cut off from the decencies of life, that I could hardly be

said to enjoy them. I could not, at first, reconcile myself to the

civil attention of servants and waiters. At the hour of sleep, I was

shown to such a bed as I used to sleep on in my father's house. But

who would believe it, that my predominant misery during this night,

was a _feather bed_ and a _pillow_, rendered uneasy because it was

soft as down! Yes, astonished reader! I felt about as uneasy in a

feather bed, as Mr. Beasly, or any other fine London gentleman would,

at laying on a plank, or the ballast of a transport. Such is the power

of habit, and such the effect of custom.

The next morning before I left my bed, I pondered over the events and

conduct of the preceding day, but not with satisfaction, or self

approbation. The seventh chapter of Ecclesiastes came fresh to my

mind. I said to myself, adversity and constraint are more favorable to

wisdom, than liberty and prosperity; or to express it in better

words--"_sorrow is better than laughter, for by the sadness of the

countenance the heart is made better_;" and for this maxim of wisdom

we are indebted to a Jew.

We remained a fortnight longer in Plymouth, and learnt by degrees to

relish civility. We were kindly noticed by several good people who

seemed to be rather partial to us, Americans, than otherwise. While

there, I heard but very little uttered against America, or Americans.

We were spoken to, and treated infinitely better than at Halifax. By

the time of our embarkation, which was the 23d of April, 1815, we felt

considerable attachment to the people about us. We arrived at New-York

the 7th of June following, without any thing occurring in the passage

worth committing to paper, unless it be to record the striking

contrast in our feelings in our passage _to_ and FROM England.

My sensations on first setting my foot once more on my native soil,

were such as I have not power to describe. Tears gushed from my eyes,

and had I not been ashamed, I should have kneeled down and kissed the

earth of the UNITED STATES. I believe similar sensations, more or less

fervent, fill the bosom of every American, on returning to his own

country from British captivity. It is hardly possible that I shall, so

long as my faculties remain entire, forget the horrors of the British

transports, and several scenes and sufferings at Dartmoor Prison: yet

I hope to be able, before I quit this world of contention, to forgive

the contempts, the contumely, the starvations and filthiness inflicted

on me, and on my countrymen, by an unfeeling enemy, while we remained

in his power as prisoners of war.

"Return we, from this gloomy view,

To native scenes of fairer hue.

Land of our sires! the Hero's home!

Weary and sick, to thee we come;

The heart fatigued with foreign woes,

On thy fair bosom seeks repose.

COLUMBIA! hope of future times!

Thou wonder of surrounding climes!

Thou last and only resting place

Of Freedom's persecuted race!

Hail to thy consecrated domes!

Thy fruitful fields and peaceful homes.

The hunter, thus, who long has toil'd

O'er mountain rude, and forest wild,

Turns from the dark and cheerless way,

Where howls the savage beast of prey,

To where yon curls of smoke aspire,

Where briskly burns his crackling fire;

Towards his cot delighted moves,

Cheer'd by the voice of those he loves,

And welcom'd by domestic smiles,

Sings cheerly, and forgets his toils."

POSTSCRIPT.

Some, to whom I had shown my Journal in manuscript, have thought that

I had, now and then, expressed my feelings too unguardedly against

some of the subjects of Great Britain, and some of my own countrymen.

In consequence of this friendly remark, I have struck out a few

passages, but have not been able to comply with all the wishes of my

connexions. But, after all, had a political cant phrase or two been

omitted, some good people would have been gratified, and the

publication not the worse for it. I have severely suffered, felt

keenly, and expressed myself honestly, and without malice. I may not

have made due allowance for the conduct of certain officers and

agents. I may not have entered, as far as I ought, into their

situations; and there might have been reasons and excuses, that my

chafed feelings prevented me from attending to. If so, the cool and

candid reader, both here, and on the other side the Atlantic, will

make that allowance which I could hardly make myself. I must,

nevertheless, maintain, that I have expressed the feelings of the

moment, and cannot now honestly alter my language; for whenever my

soul calls up many occurrences in my captivity, my tongue and my pen

will be found the faithful organs of my feelings.

I have endeavored to give due credit to the humane conduct of several

sailors, soldiers, and private subjects of the enemy. But, if, at this

period of peace, when it may be supposed that resentment was cooled

down, I try to obliterate the impressions made by cruelty and by

_contempt_, and find I cannot, then must the reader take it as a trait

of the imperfect character of a young man, on whose mind adversity has

not had its best effect.

If an animosity actually exists between the English and Americans, do

you mend the matter by denying the fact? This animosity has been

avowed to exist, within a few months past, in the parliament of

England. The following article is extracted from a London paper.--In a

debate, (Feb. 14th, 1816) a member said, "the spirit of animosity in

America, would justify an increase of the naval force in the West

Indies." This called up Lord Castlereagh, who said--"As to America, if

it is said great prejudices exist there against us, it must be

recollected that great prejudices exist here against her. It was," he

said, "his most ardent wish to discountenance this feeling on both

sides, and to promote between the two nations feeling of reciprocal

amity and regard."

What has occasioned this avowed animosity in us towards the British?

Our merchants, generally, feel not this animosity; neither is it to be

found, in a great degree, amongst our legislators. _How came we by

it?_ Our sailors and our soldiers, who have been in British prisons,

and on board British men of war, and _transports_, have brought with

them this animosity home to their families and their friends. They

tell them their own stories, in their own artless, and sometimes

exaggerated way; and these are reported with, probably, high coloring;

whereas, I have made it a point of honor, a matter of conscience, and

a rule of justice, to adhere to truth; and am contented that the

British reader should say all that fairness admits, to soften down the

coloring of some of the pictures of British barbarity, provided he

does not attempt to impeach my veracity.

Beside individual animosity, there may possibly be a lurking national

one, thinly covered over with the fashionable mantle of courtesy. The

conflicting interests of the two nations may endanger peace.--The

source of national aggrandizement in both nations, is commerce; and

the high road to them the ocean. We and the British are travelling the

same way, in keen pursuit of the same object; and it is scarcely

probable, that we shall be preserved in a state of peace, by abstract

love of justice.

I have been disposed to allow that the conduct of our countrymen,

while on board the prison ships, and at Dartmoor, was, at times,

provoking to the British officers set over them; but never malignant,

much less, bloody. It could be always traced to a spirit of _fun_ and

frolic, which our people indulge in beyond all others in the world;

and this ought to be considered as one of the luxuriant shoots of our

_tree of liberty_; for it is too harsh to call it an excrescence. It

shows the strength, depth and extent of its roots, and the richness of

the soil.

This Journal has not been published to increase the animosity now

subsisting between the American and British people. So far from it,

the writer pleases himself with the idea that this publication may

remedy the evils complained of, or mitigate them; and cut off the

source of deep complaint against the English, for their treatment of

prisoners, should war rage again between the two nations. If the

present race of Britons have not become indifferent to a sense of

national character, their government will take measures to wipe off

this stain from her garments. Let the nations of Europe inquire how

the Americans treat their prisoners of war. If we treat them with

barbarity, publish our disgrace to the wide world, and speak of us

accordingly. But let them, at the same time, inquire how the English

treated those of us who have had the great misfortune of falling into

their hands; and let them be spoken of accordingly. My serious opinion

is, that this little book will aid the great cause of humanity.

Although I, with some thousands of my countrymen, were inclosed in a

large prison during the greater part of the war, it fared with us as

with those people who seldom go out of their houses, who hear more

news than those who are abroad in the world. It was, however, pretty

much all of one sort; for we seldom saw any other American newspapers,

than those of the fault finding, or opposition party. These were

generally filled with abuse of the PRESIDENT, and of the government

generally, and with praises of the English, which, in our situation,

produced a strong sensation; as our support, our protection, our

pride, our _honor_, were identified in the person of the President,

and his administration. The efforts of the federal party in

Massachusetts to embarrass and tie the hands of our government, and

disgrace its brave officers, created in us _all_, a hatred of the very

name of _federalism_. _I record the fact, and appeal to all the

prisoners who have now returned home, to confirm my assertion_; and I

declare I have erased not a little on this head, out of courtesy to a

large and sanguine party; who have erred, and strayed from the right

way, by not knowing the true character of the English.

I feel no animosity, or disrespect to any gentleman of the federal, or

fault finding party; but they must excuse me for remarking, that their

conduct, and their sentiments, as they appeared in messages,

proclamations, speeches and resolves; and their combinations for

_withholding loans of money from government_, with their denunciations

of a war, waged professedly, and as we knew, really, for "_Sailors'

Rights_," made an impression on our minds so decidedly against the

federalists, that the very term _federalism_, was with us _all_,

without one single exception, a term of deep reproach. Let him who

doubts it, ask any prisoner who made a part of the six thousand

confined in England during the two years of our late bitter war with

the English, and he will be satisfied that I have "_nothing

extenuated, or set down aught in malice_."

I hope and pray for UNION among ourselves; and that all party names

and distinctions may be lost in that of AMERICANS.

"Henceforth, let _Whig_ and _Tory_ cease,

And turn all party rage to peace;

Rouse, and revive your ancient glory,

UNITE, and _drive the world before you_!"

FOOTNOTES:

[A] _Bivouacked_ is laying, sleeping, eating, and drinking on the

ground with their arms, without tents, or any covering, and is only

voluntarily resorted to, when the greatest danger is apprehended.

[B] By what I have just seen in the newspapers, I have reason for

believing that Nova Scotia is like to be blessed with this gentleman

for a governor.

[C] The Emperor _Maurice_ being, says _Montaigne_, advised by dreams

and several prognostics, that one _Phoeas_, an obscure soldier, should

kill him, questioned his son-in-law, Philip, who this Phoeas was, and

what was his nature, qualities, and manners; and as soon as Philip,

amongst other things, had told him that he was "_cowardly and

timorous_," the Emperor immediately thence concluded that _he was

cruel and a murderer_. What is it, says Montaigne, that makes tyrants

so bloody? 'Tis the solicitude for their own safety, and their _faint_

hearts can furnish them with no other means of securing themselves,

than in exterminating those who may hurt them. See his Essay entitled,

_Cowardice the Mother of Cruelty_.--Vol. 2d, chap. xxvii.

[D] _Fire places_ gave rank among the Romans. It was a privilege to be

a Roman soldier, and in the best days of Rome no man was allowed to be

in the ranks of their army, who had not a _fire place_ in his house.

In the reign prior to Queen Elizabeth, there were scarcely any beds,

or brick fire places in the houses of the common people of London.

[E] What Mr. Adams has written on this subject, has put _impressment_,

or _man-stealing_, beyond all future controversy. His masterly

pamphlet was a warlike trumpet in the ears of our nation.

[F] If any man wishes to see the true character of the English, let

him read the 8th chapter of HUME'S History of England, especially

where it treats of severities and barbarities toward the virtuous Mr.

PRYM.

[G] Our youngest readers need not be told, that by _John Bull_, we

mean the English nation _personified_. See Dean Swift's admirable

history of _John Bull_, his _wife_, and his _mother_, and his mangy

sister Peg.

[H] Queen Elizabeth.

[I] The letter writer, we suspect, had not studied, carefully, the

laws and customs of England, where all landed property belongs to the

king; who allows the _eldest male_ of a family to possess it _during

his good behaviour_.

[J] _This Oration was first printed in England._

[K] _The celebrated Earl of Chatham._

[L] An Irish word, meaning: a distraction of attention by reason of

words striking our intellect through _both ears_ confusedly.

[M] Some of these were so exquisitely wrought, as not to disgrace the

first cabinets in the world.

[N] _Shirk_--Shift, turn, twist, accommodate, and make the best of a

disagreeable situation. It also means contrivance, cunning and

evasion.

[O] See the Journals of English Navigators generally; and Captain

Porter's Journal of his cruise in the U. S. frigate Essex.

[P] The Yankees first taught the British soldiery to brew _spruce_

beer at the siege of Louisbourg. The reader may find directions for

making it in general orders issued by General Amherst in Sept. 1758.

See Captain John Knox's Historical Journal, Vol. I, page 184, where it

says that one gallon of this beer costs, molasses and all, less than a

penny sterling a gallon.

[Q] Lest some might suspect that I have recorded this rough treatment

of the sick by an individual, as casting unjustly a reflection on

many, I shall here subjoin a passage from a Journal of a tour and

residence in Great Britain during the years 1810 and 1811 by a French

Traveller--a very popular work in England and much commended by the

Reviews there. The reader will perceive that he is much severer than

we are. I have been carried, says the Traveller, to one of the

Hospitals of this great town, supported by voluntary contributions. I

shall relate what I saw. The physician seated at a table in a large

hall on the ground floor, with a register before him ordered the doors

to be opened; a crowd of miserable objects, women, pushed in, and

ranged themselves along the wall; he looked into his book, and called

them to him successively.--Such a one! The poor wretch leaving her

wall, crowded to the table. "How is your catarrh?"--"Please your

honour, no offence, I hope, it is the Asthma. I have no rest night and

day, and"--Ah, so it is the Asthma; it is somebody else that has the

Catarrh. Well you have been ordered to take, &c.--"Yes, Sir, but I

grow worse and worse, and"--That is nothing, you must go on with it.

"But Sir, indeed, I cannot." Enough, enough, good woman, I cannot

listen to you any more; many patients to get through this

morning--never do to hear them talk--go and take your draught.--The

Catarrh woman made way for a long train of victims of corruption,

cases of fever, dropsy, scrofula, and some disorders peculiar to

women, detailed without any ceremony before young students. This

melancholy review of human infirmities was suddenly interrupted by the

unexpected entrance of a surgeon, followed by several young men,

carrying a piece of bloody flesh on a dish. "_A curious case_," they

exclaimed, placing the dish on the table; "an ossification of the

lungs!--Such a one, who died yesterday--just opened. This is the state

of his lungs.--See these white needles, like fish bones, shooting

through here and there; most curious indeed."--Then they handled, and

cut open, and held up between the eye and the light, these almost

palpitating remains of an human creature who breathed yesterday. The

symptoms of his disorder, and the circumstances of his death, were

freely talked over, and accurately described in the hearing of the

consumptive patients, who felt, I dare say, the bony needles pricking

their own lungs at every breath they drew, and seemed to hear their

own sentence of death pronounced.

The women being dispatched, 20 or 30 male spectres came in, and

underwent the same sort of summary examination. The only case I

recollect was that of a man attacked with violent palpitations,

accompanied with great pain in the shoulders. His heart was felt

beating hard through the sternum, or even under the ribs on the right

side. "His heart has moved from its place!" The unhappy man thrown

back on an arm chair--his breast uncovered--pale as death--fixed his

fearful eyes on the physicians, who successively came to feel the

pulsations of the breast, and reason on the cause. They seemed to me

to agree among themselves, that the heart had been pushed on one side,

by the augmentation of the bulk of the viscera; and that the action of

the Aorta was impeded thereby. The case excited much attention, but no

great appearance of compassion. They reasoned long on the cause,

without adverting to the remedy till after the patient had departed,

when he was called back from the door, and cupping prescribed!

The medical men next proceeded to visit the resident patients, I

followed. The apartments were clean and spacious, and the sick not

crowded, which is no doubt of the greatest importance. I was shocked,

however, with the same appearance of insensibility and precipitation.

_La le long de ses lits ou gemit le malheur,

Victimes des secours plus que de la douleur,

L'ignorance en courant fait sa ronde homicide,

L'indifference observe et le hazard decide._

These are the sentiments and feelings of a sensible French gentleman

who had resided 20 years in the U. S. and whose journal of his Travels

through England has been highly praised by the British Reviewers for

its liberality, candor, justness and good sense. "By the mouth of two

witnesses all things shall be established."

[R] Two celebrated American Frigates.

[S] When we have read in the American newspapers, which sometimes

reached Dartmoor prison, the speeches and proclamations of the

governor of Massachusetts, some of us have blushed at the degradation

of our native state. That state which once took the lead in the

opposition to Britain; and that Boston, once considered the cradle of

liberty, has become among us, a name of reproach. Such are the effects

of an unprincipled faction--a faction that are despised even by these

Britons, who expected their assistance in dividing the Union; and

founding "_the kingdom of New-England_."

[T] The mention of this celebrated member of the _Essex Junto_ brings

to our mind a fact in chemistry, viz. that the best of wine, when kept

too long _in a hot place_, turns to the sharpest vinegar. Pickering's

"_fast anchor'd isle_," is now (autumn of 1816) entirely afloat in an

ocean that deserves not the name of _pacific_.

TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE.

The pointing finger symbol has been transcribed as '-->'.

The engraving of Dartmoor Prison referred to within the text is

missing.

A journal, of a young man of Massachusetts, late a surgeon on board an American privateer, who was captured at sea by the British in May, eighteen hundred and thirteen and was confined first, at Melville Island, Halifax, then at Chatham, in England, and last at Dartmoor prison · 第 10 / 10 章

Under these impressions, we used every endeavor to ascertain if