If we contemplate the character of the l_A journal, of a young man of Massachusetts, late a surgeon on board an American privateer, who was captured at sea by the British in May, eighteen hundred and thirteen and was confined first, at Melville Island, Halifax, then at Chatham, in England, and last at Dartmoor prison

put into office, and still support Governor Strong, and with whom he

has co-operated, we cannot clear this gentleman of reproach.

Previously to our late contest with Britain, it was the unceasing

endeavor of the leaders of the federal party to bring into discredit,

and contempt, the worthiest and best men of the nation; to ridicule

and degrade every thing American, or that reflected honor on the

American Independence. So bitter was their animosity; so insatiate

their thirst for power, and high places, that they did not hesitate to

advocate measures for the accomplishment of their grand object, which

was _to get into the places of those now in power_. How often have we

seen the party declaring in their venal prints, that the American

administration was base, and cowardly, and tamely suffering the

outrages, abuses and contempt of the nations of Europe, without

possessing the spirit to resent, or the power to resist them; and that

"_we could not be kicked into a war_." Yet after the administration

had exhausted every effort to bring England to do justice, and war was

declared, these very federalists called the act wicked and inhuman;

and denounced the President for plunging the country into hostilities

with the mistress of the ocean, the most powerful nation of the

earth! They called this _act_ of Congress, "_Madison's War_," and did

every thing in their power to render that upright man odious in the

eyes of the unthinking part of the community. This was not all; these

arrogant men, assumed to themselves "_all the talents_," and "_all the

virtues_" of the country, used every mean in their power to paralyze

the arm of government, and reduce the energies of the nation, in the

face and front of our adversary. By arguments and threats, they

induced the monied men in Massachusetts, very generally, _to refuse

loans of money to government_; and to ruin our resources. Did not this

party, denominated _federalists_, exult at the disasters of our arms;

and did they not vote in the Senate of Massachusetts, that "it was

unworthy a religious and moral people, to rejoice at the immortal

achievements of our gallant seamen?" In the midst of our difficulties,

when this powerful enemy threatened us by sea and land, with an army

force from Penobscot, another through Lake Champlain, another at the

Chesapeake, while nothing but resistance and insurgency was talked of

and hinted at within! Did they not in this state of things, and with

these circumstances, did not Governor Strong, and the federal party

generally, seize hold of this alarming state of our affairs, to call

the _Convention at Hartford_, and that not merely to perplex the

government, but to be the organ of communication between the enemy and

the malcontents? Did they not _then_ talk loudly of our worm eaten

Constitution; and did they not call the Union "_a rope of sand_," that

could no longer hold together? If there be a line of transgression,

beyond the bounds of forgiveness, the _leaders_ of that party, who put

Mr. Strong up for Governor, have attained it. These things I gather

from the papers, and from the history of the day, as I have collected

them since my return home. And to all this must be added the damning

fact of _Te Deums_, orations, toasts, and processions of the clergy,

and the judges, with all the leaders of the federal, or opposition

party, in celebration of the success of the Spaniards in restoring the

_Inquisition_, and recalling the _reign of superstition_ and _terror_;

against which _we_ have been preaching and praying ever since the

first settlement of our country.

Our American newspapers, if they are not so correctly written as the

London papers, are informing and amusing.--They show the enterprize,

the activity, and the daring thoughts of a free and an intrepid

people; while the London papers are filled with a catalogue of

nobles, and noblesses, who were assembled to bow, to flatter, to

cringe, and to prink at the levee of the _Great Prince Regent_, the

presumptive George the IVth, with now and then some account of his

wandering wife, the _Princess of Wales_. We are there also entertained

with a daily account of the health and gestation of _Joanna

Southcote_; for whose reputation and welfare, "thinking Johnny Bull"

is vastly anxious; insomuch that were any continental nation to run

obstinately counter to the popular opinion respecting her, we do deem

it not impossible that the majority of the nation might be led to sign

addresses to the Prince to go to war with them, in honor of Saint

Joanna! Their papers, likewise, contain a particular account of the

examination of rogues by the Bow-street officers, highway robberies,

and executions; together with quack puffs, and miraculous cures.

These, together with the _most glorious_ and _unparalleled_ bravery of

their _officers_ and _seamen_, and of their _generals_ and _soldiers_,

with the highest encomiums on the _religion_, the learning, the

generosity, _contentment_, and _happiness_ of the people of Britain

and _Ireland_, make up the sum and substance of all the London papers,

_William Cobbett's_ alone excepted; and he speaks with a bridle in his

mouth!

This month (February) Captain Shortland stopped the market for six

days, in consequence of some unruly fellows taking away certain wooden

stanchions from Prison No. 6. But the old market women, conceiving

that the Captain encroached upon their copy-hold, would not quietly

submit to it. They told him that as the men were going away soon, it

was cruel to curtail their traffic. We always believed that these

market women, and the shop and stall keepers, and Jews, purchased, in

some way or other, the unequal traffic between them and us. Be that as

it may, Shortland could not resist the commercial interest, so that

he, like good Mr. Jefferson, listened to the clamor of the merchants,

and raised the embargo.

No sooner was quiet restored, and the old women and Jews pacified, but

a serious discontent arose among the prisoners, on discovering that

these Jews, of all complexions, had raised the price of their

articles, on the idea, we supposed, that we should not much longer

remain the subjects of their impositions. The _rough allies_, a sort

of regulators, who were too stout, and most commonly too insolent, to

be governed by our regular and moderate committees, turned out in a

great rage, and tore down several of the small shops, or stalls, where

slops were exposed for sale. These fellows, at length, organized

themselves into a company of plunderers. I have seen men run from

their sleeping births, in which they spent nearly their whole time,

and plunder these little shop keepers, and carry the articles they

plundered, and secrete them in their beds. These mobs, or gangs of

robbers, were a scandal to the American character; and strongly

reprobated by every man of honor in the prisons. Some of these little

British merchants found themselves stripped of all they possessed in a

few minutes, on the charge of exorbitant prices. We never rested, nor

allowed these culprits to rest, until we saw the cat laid well on

their backs. These plunderings were in consequence of informers, and

there was no name, not even that of _a federalist_, was so odious with

all the prisoners, as that of an _informer_. We never failed to punish

an informer. Nothing but the advanced age of a man, (who was sixty

years old) prevented him from being whipped for informing Captain

Shortland of what the old man considered an injury, and for which he

put the man accused, into the black hole. An informer, a traitor, and

an avowed federalist, were objects of detestation at Dartmoor.

During the time that passed between the news of peace, and that of its

ratification, an uneasy and mob-like disposition, more than once

betrayed itself. Three impressed American seamen had been sent in here

from a British ship of war, since the peace. They were on board the

Pelican, in the action with the American ship Argus, when fell our

brave Captain Allen. One day, when all three were a little

intoxicated, they boasted of the feats they performed, in fighting

against their own countrymen; and even boasted of the prize money they

had shared for capturing the Argus. This our prisoners could not

endure; and it soon reached the ears of the _rough allies_, who seized

them, and kicked and cuffed them about unmercifully; and they took one

of them, who had talked more imprudently than the rest, and led him to

the lamp iron that projected from one of the prisons, and would, in

all probability, have hanged him thereon, had not Shortland rescued

him by an armed force. They had fixed a paper on the fellow's breast,

on which was written, in large letters, _a Traitor_ and _a

Federalist_.

It may seem strange to some, but I am confident that there is no class

of people among us more strongly attached to the American soil, than

our seamen, who are floating about the world, and seldom tread on the

ground. The sailor who roams about the world, marks the difference of

treatment, and exults in the superior advantages of his countrymen.

The American custom of allowing on board merchant ships the common

sailors to traffic a little in adventures, enlarges their views, makes

them think and enquire, and excites an interest in the sales of the

whole cargo. The common sailor here feels a sort of unity of interest;

and he is habituated to feel as a member of the floating store-house

which he is navigating. It is doubtful whether the British sailor

feels any thing of this.

I have had occasion often to remark on the tyrannical conduct, and

unfeeling behaviour of Captain Shortland, but he had for it the excuse

of an enemy; but the neglect of Mr. Beasley, with his supercilious

behaviour towards his countrymen here confined, admits of no excuse.

He was bound to assist us and befriend us, and to listen to our

reasonable complaints. When _negro John_ wrote to his Royal Highness

the Duke of Kent, son of king George the 3d, and brother of the Prince

Regent, he received an answer in terms of kindness and reason; but Mr.

Beasley, who was paid by our government for being our agent, and

official friend, never condescended to answer our letters, and if they

ever were noticed, it was in the style of reproof.--His conduct is

here condemned by _six thousand_ of his countrymen; and as many curses

are daily uttered on him in this prison. It is almost treason in this

our dismal Commonwealth, or rather common misery, to speak in his

favour. If Shortland and Beasley were both drowning, and one only

could be taken out by the prisoners of Dartmoor, I believe in my soul,

that _that_ one would be Shortland; for, as I said before, he has the

excuse of an enemy.

The prisoners have been long determined to testify their feelings

towards Mr. Beasley, before they left Dartmoor; and the time for it

has arrived. The most ingenious of our countrymen are now making a

figure resemblance, or effigy of this distinguished personage. One has

contributed a coat, another pantaloons, another a shirt-bosom or

frill, another a stuffed-out-cravat; and so they have made up a pretty

genteel, haughty-looking-gentleman-agent, with heart and brains full

equal, they think, to the person whom they wish to represent. They

called this figure Mr. B----. They then brought him to trial. He was

indicted for many crimes towards them, and towards the character of

the United States. The jury declared him to be guilty of each and

every charge; and he was sentenced by an unanimous decree of his

judges, to be hanged by the neck until he was dead, and after that to

be burnt. They proceeded with him to the place of execution, which was

from the roof of prison No. 7, where a pole was rigged out, to which

was attached an halter. After silence was proclaimed, the halter was

fastened round the neck of the effigy; and then a solemn pause ensued;

which apparent solemnity was befitting the character of men who were

convinced of the necessity of the punishment of the guilty, while they

felt for the sufferings and shame of a fellow mortal. After hanging

the proper time, the hangman, who was a negro, cut him down; and then

the _rough allies_ took possession of him, and conducted him to a

convenient spot in the yard, where they burnt him to ashes. This was

not, like the plunder of the shop-keepers, the conduct of an infuriate

mob; but it was begun and carried through by some of the steadiest men

within the walls of Dartmoor prison.--They said they had no other way

of testifying their contempt of a man, who they supposed had injured

them all, and disgraced their country. Such was the fact; as to the

justness of their charges, I have nothing to say. I hope Mr. B. can

vindicate his conduct to the world; and I hope this publication may

lead to a thing so much wished for. The accusations of the multitude

are commonly well founded, but often too high coloured. If this

gentleman has never been censured by our government, we may conclude

that he has not been quite so faulty as has been represented.

During all this solemn farce, poor Shortland looked like a culprit

under sentence of death. Some of the rogues had written, with chalk,

on the walls, BE YOU ALSO READY!--This commander's situation could not

be an enviable one. He was, probably, as courageous a man as the

ordinary run of British officers; but it was plainly discoverable that

he was, half his time, in dread, and during the scene just described,

in terror, which was perceivable amidst his affected smiles, and

assumed gaiety. He told a _gentleman_, belonging to this depot, that

he never saw, nor ever read, or heard of such a set of _Devil-daring,

God-provoking fellows, as these same Yankees_. And he added, _I had

rather have the charge of five thousand Frenchmen, than FIVE HUNDRED

of these sons of liberty; and yet_, said he, _I love the dogs better

than I do the damn'd frog-eaters_.

On the 30th of March we received the heart-cheering news of the total

defeat of the British army before NEW-ORLEANS, with the death of its

commander in chief, Sir _Edward Pakenham_, and Generals _Gibs_ and

_Kean_, with a great number of other officers, and about five thousand

rank and file killed and wounded; and what appeared to be absolutely

incredible, this unexampled slaughter of the enemy was achieved with

the loss of less than twenty killed and wounded on our side. Instead

of shouting and rejoicing, as in ordinary victories, we seemed mute

with astonishment. Yes! when we saw the Englishmen walking with folded

arms, looking down on the ground, we had not the heart to exult,

especially as the war was now ended. I speak for myself--there was no

event that tended so much to reconciliation and forgiveness as this

immense slaughter of the English. We felt that this victory was too

bloody not to stifle loud exultation.

We had heard of Generals Dearborn, Brown, Scott, Ripley, Gaines and

Miller, but no one knew who _General Andrew Jackson_ was; but we said

that it was a New-England name, and we had no doubt but he was a full

blooded yankee, there being many of that name in New-Hampshire,

Massachusetts, Vermont, Rhode Island and Connecticut.--But I have

since heard that he was a village lawyer in Tennessee, and a native of

South Carolina.

The more particulars we hear of this extraordinary victory, the more

we were astonished. We cannot be too grateful to Heaven for allowing

us, a people of yesterday, to wind up the war with the great and

terrible nation, the mistress of the ocean, in a manner and style that

will inspire respect from the present and future race of men. Nothing

now is thought of or talked of, but _New-Orleans_ and _Jackson_, and

_Jackson_ and _New-Orleans_. We already perceive that we are treated

with more respect, and our country spoken of in honorable terms. The

language now is "we are all one and the same people. You have all

English blood in your veins, and it is no wonder that you fight

bravely!" Sometimes they have uttered the slang of "_The Times_," and

cast reflections on the government, and on President Madison, but we

have always resented it, nor do we ever allow any one to speak

disrespectfully of our illustrious chief magistrate.

About the middle of the present month, (March) we received the news of

the landing of _Napoleon_ in France, while every one here supposed him

snug at Elba. The news came to England, and passed through it like

thunder and lightning, carrying with it astonishment and dismay. But

as much as they dread, and of course hate Bonaparte, the British

cannot but admire his fortune and his glory. There are a number of

Frenchmen yet here; and it is impossible for man to shew more joy at

this news from France. They collected together and shouted _Vive

l'Empereur!_ and the yankees joined them, with _huzza_ for Bonaparte;

and this we kept up incessantly, to plague the British. The English

bear any thing from us with more patience, than our expressions of

affection for the Emperor Napoleon. Now the fact is, we care no more

for the French, than they do for us; and there is but little love

between us; yet we _pretend_ great respect and affection for that

nation, and their chief, principally to torment overbearing surly John

Bull, who thinks that we ought to love nobody but him, while he

himself never does any thing to inspire that love.

About the 20th of this month, we received the heart cheering tidings

of the RATIFICATION OF THE TREATY OF PEACE, by the PRESIDENT OF THE

UNITED STATES. This long expected event threw us all into such a

rapturous roar of joy, that we made old Dartmoor shake under us, with

our shouts; and to testify our satisfaction we illuminated this depot

of misery. Even Shortland affected joy, and was seen more than once,

like Milton's Devil, to "_grin horribly a ghastly smile_."

As there can be now no longer a doubt of our being soon set at

liberty, our attention is directed to the agent for prisoners for

fixing the time, and arranging the means. Mr. Beasley had written that

as soon as the Treaty was ratified, he would make every exertion for

our speedy departure. He must be aware of our extreme impatience to

leave this dreary spot, whose brown and grassless surface renders it a

place more proper for convicts, than an assemblage of patriots.

We are all watching the countenance and conduct of our surly keeper,

Shortland: and it is the general opinion that he is deeply chagrined

at the idea of no longer domineering over us. It may be, also, that

the peace may reduce him to half pay. I, myself, am of opinion, that

he is dissatisfied at the idea of our escaping his fangs, with whole

skins; and his dark and sullen countenance gathers every day

additional blackness.

_April 4th._--The contractor's clerk being desirous to get off his

hands the hard biscuit, which had been held in reserve in case of bad

weather, attempted to serve it out to the prisoners at this time; but

the committee refused to receive it. Nothing but _hard_ bread was

served out to them this day. In the evening, several hundred of the

prisoners entered the market square, and demanded their _soft_ bread;

but it was refused. The officers persuaded them to retire, but they

would not, before they received their usual soft bread. The military

officers, finding that it was in vain to appease them, as they had but

about three hundred militia to guard five or six thousand, complied

with their request, and all was quietness and contentment.

During this little commotion, Captain Shortland was gone from home. He

returned next day, when he expressed his dissatisfaction at the

conduct of the military, who he said, should not have complied with

the demand of the prisoners. As it was, however, past, and the

prisoners were tranquil, and no signs of disturbance remaining, he

grew pacified.

On the 4th of April, we received intelligence, which we supposed

correct, that seven cartel ships were to sail from the Thames for

Plymouth, to transport us home, and that several more were in

preparation. This inspired us with high spirits, and good humor; and I

distinctly remember that the prisoners appeared to enjoy their

amusements, such as playing ball and the like, beyond what I had ever

before observed. We all, in fact, felt light hearted, from the

expectation of soon leaving this dreary abode, to return to our dear

homes, and adored country. But how was the scene changed before the

light of another day! Dead and wounded men, blood and horror, made up

the scenery of this fatal evening!

The best account that could possibly be given, is that of a

respectable committee, selected from among the best characters in this

large assemblage of American prisoners. The greater part of this

committee, were men of no mean talents. They were not young men, but

had arrived at that period of life, when judgment is the soundest, and

when passion does not betray reason. The anxiety of all to know the

truth, and the solemn manner in which the evidence was collected and

given, stamped the transaction with the characters of truth. I did not

see the beginning of this affray. I was, with most of the other

prisoners, eating my evening's meal in the building, when I heard the

alarm bell, and soon after a volley of musketry. There were, I

believe, before the alarm bell rung, a few hundred prisoners,

scattered here and there about the yards, as usual; but I had no idea

of any particular collection of them, nor had I any suspicion of any

commotion existing, or meditated. But I forbear; and will here insert

the report of the committee, in the correctness of which I place an

entire confidence.

DARTMOOR MASSACRE.

Having seen in print several different statements of the massacre

of the American prisoners of war at Dartmoor, and, on perusal,

finding, that, though they corroborate each other, as to the

leading facts, yet it seems the public are not in possession of

all the particulars necessary to form a proper judgement of the

same.

While in prison, we having been members of the committee through

whom was transacted all their public business, and through whose

hands passed all their correspondence with their agent in London,

and having in our possession several documents relating to the

before mentioned brutal butchery, we deem it a duty we owe to our

murdered countrymen and fellow-citizens in general to have them

published.

Respecting the conduct of T. G. SHORTLAND, (commander-of the depot

of Dartmoor) prior to the bloody and ever memorable sixth of

April, it was a series of continued insult, injury and vexation to

the prisoners generally. Incapable of appreciating the beneficial

effects of the liberal policy of a gentleman, his sole study

appeared to be devising means to render the situation of the

prisoners as disagreeable as possible. To instance a few of his

proceedings will sufficiently warrant the foregoing assertion. His

conduct to the American officers was marked with peculiar baseness

and indignity. In the construction of the depot at Dartmoor, there

was a separate prison, built and enclosed for the more commodious

accommodation of those officers (prisoners of war) who were not

considered by them entitled to a parole. Instead of Shortland

allowing those officers to occupy that prison, they were turned

into the other prisons promiscuously, with their men. His conduct

to the prisoners generally was of the same stamp. There not being,

at any time, a sufficient number to occupy all the prisons, he

kept the two best, which were built by the Frenchmen during their

confinement, and more conveniently fitted for the accommodation of

prisoners, shut and unoccupied, while the upper stories of those

prisons in which the Americans were put, were in such a state

that on every rain storm the floors were nearly inundated. The

pernicious effect this had on the health of the prisoners may be

easily judged of by the great mortality that prevailed among them

during the last winter season.

Another instance of his murderous disposition, was his ordering

his guards to fire into the prisons, when, at any time, a light

was seen burning during the night, as specified in the general

report. While the Frenchmen were confined in that depot, it was a

custom for the turnkey, with a sentry, to go into each prison, and

see the lights extinguished at a stated hour; although frequently

lighted again there was no further molestation. Instead of

pursuing this plan with the Americans, Shortland gave orders for

the guards to fire into the prisons whenever there should be a

light burning. Frequently, on the most trivial occasions, he would

prevent the prisoners, for ten days at a time, from purchasing, in

the market, of the country people, such articles of comfort and

convenience as their scanty means would admit of. His last act of

this kind, was but a short time previous to the massacre, and his

alledged reason for it was, that the prisoners would not deliver

up to him a man who had made his escape from the black hole, (a

place of confinement for criminals) and had taken refuge among the

prisoners in general. This man was one of a prize-crew, who was

confined in that dark and loathsome cell, on a short allowance of

provisions, from June, 1814, until the ratification of the treaty.

On that man being demanded, the prisoners stated to Shortland,

that they did not presume that the British government would expect

them to stand sentry over each other--that he might send his

turnkeys and soldiers in and look for the man, but they would not

seek him and deliver him up--upon which he ordered the military to

fire upon the prisoners, but owing to the coolness and

deliberation of the then commanding military officer, in

restraining them, this order was not obeyed.

To sum up the whole in a few words, his conduct, throughout, was

marked by the same illiberal prejudice, overbearing insult, and

savage barbarity, which characterizes the majority of English

officers when they have Americans in their power.

The enclosed papers, from No. 1 to 16 inclusive, are the

depositions taken by the committee of investigation on the 7th.

Colonel AYRE arrived from Plymouth and took command of this depot.

Shortland sent in a message to the committee, requesting their

attendance at his office, to which was returned for answer, that

considering him a murderer, they were determined to have no

communication with him--but added, if the commanding officer from

Plymouth had any thing to communicate, they would wait on him;

and, at his request, they went up to the gate, where they stated

to him all the particulars of the affair.

He expressed great regret for what had occurred, and assured the

prisoners that no further violence should be used upon them. In

the mean time Shortland made his appearance. Instantly the

indignant cry of murderer, scoundrel, villain, burst from the lips

of hundreds. The guilty wretch stood appalled, not daring to offer

a syllable in vindication of his conduct; but with a pallid visage

and trembling step, returned to his guard-house, from whence he

was never seen to emerge while we remained there. In the course of

the day, a rear-admiral and post captain arrived from Plymouth,

sent by Sir J. T. Duckworth, commander in chief on that station,

to enquire into the transaction; to whom we likewise fully stated,

by the committee, all the particulars, together with Shortland's

previous infamous conduct. Their scandalous misrepresentation of

the same to the admiralty board, as will be seen in their

statement No. 20, is truly characteristic of the British official

accounts. We likewise wrote to Mr. Beasly on that day, giving him

a short history of the affair, but as he did not acknowledge the

receipt of the letter, we concluded it had been intercepted. On

the 14th we received a letter from him dated the 12th, of which

No. 18 is a copy--in answer to which No. 19 is a copy. On the 16th

we received another from him, of which No. 20 is a copy; in the

interim he had seen a copy of our report, sent by a private

conveyance, which seemed to have greatly altered his opinion

concerning the affair. In his letter of the 14th was an extract

from the statement or report sent him by the admiralty board. On

receiving which we wrote to admiral Duckworth, of which No. 21 is

a copy.

On the 22d of April, Mr. King, appointed by the American agents at

London, and a Mr. Larpent on the part of the government, with a

magistrate of the county of Devon, arrived at the depot to

investigate the affair; they were employed the greater part of

three days in taking the deposition, respecting the same; and

though we would not hastily prejudge Mr. King's report, we deem it

necessary to state, that our anticipations of it are not of the

most favourable nature, from his not appearing to take that

interest in the affair which the injuries his countrymen had

received demanded, as far the greater part of their time was

employed in taking the depositions of Shortland's witnesses, most

of whom were the principal actors, on that day, and of course were

implicated with him in his guilt. On learning Mr. King was about

leaving the depot, we addressed a note to him, stating, that we

had a number of witnesses waiting, whose depositions we conceived

would be of importance, and requested him to have them taken; we

received to this note no answer, and he immediately left the

depot. The particular points on which those depositions would have

born, related to the picking the hole in the wall and breaking the

locks of the gate leading into the market-square--they would have

exonerated the prisoners generally from having any share in those

acts, or even a knowledge of their having been committed. As these

were the two principal points on which Shortland rested his plea

of justification, we deemed it highly necessary that they should

have been placed in a proper point of view. As for an idea of the

prisoners attempting to break out, a moment's reflection would

convince any impartial man of its improbability. Every prisoner

that had a sufficiency of money to defray his expenses, could

obtain his release and a passport, by applying to Mr. Beasly, or

through their correspondence in England; those who had not funds

would not have left the depot had the gates been thrown open,

having no means of subsistence in a foreign country, and there

being a very hot press of seamen at that time, they knew their

risk of being kidnapped was great, and when, by staying a few

days longer, they were assured they would be embarked for their

native country. The infamous falsehoods circulated in the English

prints, of the prisoners having armed themselves with knives,

clubs, stones, &c. seized a part of the guard and disarmed them,

and other similar reports, are unworthy of notice; for when the

disturbance occurred on the fourth of April, concerning bread, the

prisoners having burst open the inner gates, had they the least

disposition, they might have immolated the whole garrison, as they

were completely surprised and panic struck.

The artful policy of the British officers in coupling the

transactions of the 6th of April with that of burning Mr. Beasly's

effigy, may easily be seen through; the latter was done a

fortnight previous, by a few individuals, without its being

generally known, or the least disturbance concerning it; and we

deem it but justice to state, that whatever negligence Mr. Beasly

may have been guilty of, respecting the affairs of the prisoners,

he should be totally exonerated from all blame respecting the

massacre.

There was an instance that occurred on the evening of the 6th,

which reflects so much credit on the Americans, it should not be

passed over in silence. When the brutal soldiery were following

the prisoners in the yards, stabbing and firing among them, a lamp

lighter, who had come in a few moments previous, ran into No. 3

prison, to escape being murdered by his own countrymen; on being

recognized, a rope was fixed for hanging him immediately. In this

moment of irritation, when their slaughtered and bleeding

countrymen lay groaning around them in the agonies of dissolution,

such an act of vengeance, at that time would not have been

singular--but on its being represented to them, by some

influential characters, that such a deed would stain the American

name, to their honour be it recorded, that humanity triumphed over

vengeance, the trembling wretch was released, and told to go--"_We

disdain to copy after your countrymen, and murder you at this

advantage, we will seek a more noble revenge._"

We deem it necessary here to remark, as some editors have

manifested a disposition to vindicate Shortland's conduct, that,

allowing every circumstance to be placed in the most unfavourable

point of view for the prisoners, suppose, for a moment, it was

their intention to break out, and a number had collected in the

market square for that purpose, when, being charged upon by the

military, they retreated out of the square into their respective

prison-yards, and shut the gates after them without making any

resistance whatever; under such circumstances no further

opposition could have been expected, and, consequently, their

intention must have been completely defeated. What justification

can there then be made to appear for the subsequent brutal,

unprecedented butchery and mutilation? NONE! The most shameless

and barefaced advocates and apologizers for British injustice

cannot produce any.

WALTER COLTON, } _Members of_

THOS. B. MOTT, } _the_

WM. HOBART, } _Committee._

DEPOSITION No. I.

I, _Addison Holmes_, being solemnly sworn on the holy evangelists

of Almighty God, depose and say--

That on the 6th of April, about 6 o'clock in the evening, I was in

the market-square, where the soldiers were drawn up. There was a

number of Americans in the square--to the best of my judgment,

between fifty and a hundred. I distinctly heard Captain Shortland

order the soldiers to charge on the prisoners, which they did not

do till the order was repeated by their own officers, when they

charged, and the prisoners retreated through the gates, which they

shut to after them. In this interim I had got behind a sentry box,

in the square, and the soldiers went past me. I saw Captain

Shortland open the gates, and distinctly heard him give the word

to fire, which was not immediately obeyed, the commanding officer

of the soldiers observing, that he would not order the men to

fire, but that he (Shortland) might do as he pleased. I then saw

Captain Shortland seize hold of a musket, in the hands of a

soldier, which was immediately fired--but I am not able to say

whether he or the soldier pulled the trigger. At this time I was

endeavouring to get through the gate to the prison-yard--in so

doing several stabs were made at me with bayonets, which I evaded.

Immediately after the firing became general, and I retreated, with

the remainder of the prisoners, down the yard, the soldiers

following and firing on the prisoners; after I had got into No. 3

prison, I heard two vollies fired into the prison, that killed one

man and wounded another--and further the deponent saith not.

ADDISON HOLMES.

We, the undersigned, being duly appointed and sworn as a committee

to take the depositions of those persons who were eye witnesses of

the late horrid massacre, certify that the above deponents, being

duly and solemnly sworn on the holy evangelists of Almighty God,

did depose and say as before written, which was severally read to

each one who subscribed the same.

_William B. Orne_,

_Francis Joseph_,

_Walter Colton_,

_Wm. Hobart_,

_James Adams_,

_James Boggs_.

[A certificate similar to the foregoing, is attached to each of

the depositions. The originals are now in our hands.]

No. II.

We, the undersigned, being each severally sworn on the holy

evangelists of Almighty God, depose and say--

That on the 6th of April, about six o'clock in the evening, as we

were walking in the yard of No. 1 and No. 3 prisons, just before

the usual time of turning in, we heard the alarm bell ring. At

this time most of the prisoners were in the prisons; a number with

us ran up the market square, out of curiosity, to see what was the

matter; there were about one hundred collected in the square, and

a number were standing by the gates inside the prison yard; the

soldiers were drawn up in the upper part of the square; orders

were given them to charge, on which the prisoners retreated out of

the square, and some of the last which came through the gates,

shut them to; the soldiers then commenced firing on them through

the iron pailings, and fired several vollies in succession. The

prisoners were, at this time endeavouring to get into their

respective prisons, when the soldiers perceived that they were all

dispersed from the gates, they followed them into the yard, and

continued firing on them; and after all the prisoners had got into

the prisons, a party of soldiers pursuing them, came up to the

door of No. 3 prison, and fired two vollies into the prison, which

killed one man and mortally wounded another.

We further solemnly declare, that there was no pre-concerted plan

or intention among the prisoners to make an attempt to break out,

or to resist, in any manner, the authority of the government of

the depot.

_John T. Foster_,

_Elisha Whitten_,

_Isaac L. Burr_,

_Charles Perry_,

_James Grennlaw_,

_Wm. B. Orne_,

_Geo. Stinchecomb_,

_William Perry_,

_Richard Downing_.

Done at Dartmoor Prison, this 7th day of April 1815.

No. III.

I, _Andrew Davis, jun._ being solemnly sworn upon the holy

evangelists of Almighty God, depose and say--

That on the 6th of April, about six o'clock in the evening, while

walking in the yard of No. 3 prison, I heard the alarm bell ring,

and I went up towards the gate: I saw several men bearing a

wounded man towards the gate, whom it appeared had been wounded by

the soldiers' bayonets; when the prisoners were retreating out of

the square, I heard Captain Shortland order a part of them to let

go the wounded man, which some of them did; one of the remaining

remonstrated to Captain Shortland, saying that the man was so

badly wounded that it required several to support him; on which

Captain Shortland struck him several blows with his fists, and he

appeared to me, from the whole of his conduct, to be much

intoxicated with liquor--and further the deponent saith not.

ANDREW DAVIS, JUN.

No. IV.

We, the undersigned, depose and say--

That on the 6th of April, in the evening, we were in the yard of

No. 1 and No. 3 prisons, when we heard the firing at the gates,

and saw the prisoners all endeavoring to get into their respective

prisons. In going down towards the lower door of the prisons, we

saw a party of soldiers, who were posted on the walls, commence

firing on the prisoners, and we saw a man fall, who immediately

died, and several others were badly wounded before they were able

to get into the prisons.

_Amos Cheeney_,

_Washington Fox_,

_John Smith_,

_Harris Keeney_,

_James Coffen_,

_Thomas Williams_,

_Henry Casey_.

No. V.

_Homer Hull_, after being duly sworn on the holy evangelists of

Almighty God, deposeth and saith--

On the 6th of April, about six o'clock in the evening, I was

walking in the yard of No. 7 prison; all being as tranquil among

the prisoners as usual; I observed an unusual number of soldiers

mounting the walls; and one of them called to one of the

prisoners, and told him he (the prisoner) _had better go into the

prison, as the prisoners would soon be charged upon_. While he was

asking the cause of such a proceeding, I heard the alarm bell

ringing. I immediately run to the gates leading to the square,

when I saw Captain Shortland at the head of the armed soldiery

marching down to the gratings, the prisoners at the same time

running to see what was the matter; on the soldiers coming to the

gratings, Capt. Shortland ordered them to charge, which they did;

the prisoners immediately run to their respective prisons; on

passing through the inner gate they closed it after them. Then I

heard Captain Shortland order the soldiers to FIRE, which they

commenced to do in every direction of the yard, when the prisoners

were making every effort to reach their prisons. I did not see any

violence used on the part of the prisoners, nor do I believe any

violence was intended or premeditated.

HOMER HULL.

I, _Joseph C. Morgan_, having been duly sworn, and having read the

foregoing deposition, do declare the statement therein mentioned,

to be true.

J. C. MORGAN.

No. VI.

We, the undersigned, depose and say--

That, on the 6th of April, about 6 o'clock in the evening, we were

in the market square--we distinctly heard Captain Shortland give

orders to the soldiers to charge on the prisoners--and after we

retreated through the gates, we heard him give orders to the

soldiers to FIRE, which, on his repeating several times, was

executed.

_Joseph Reeves_,

_James Greenlaw_,

_Isaac L. Burr_,

_Thomas Tindal_.

No. VII.

We, the undersigned, depose and say--

That on the 6th of April, in the evening, after all the prisoners

in No. 1 and 3 yards had got into their respective prisons, a

party of soldiers came up to the door of No. 3 prison--we were

standing near the door at the time, and saw them fire TWO VOLLIES

into the prison, which killed one man and wounded another.

_William Scanck_,

_James Greenlaw_,

_John Latham_,

_John Glass_.

No. VIII.

_Enoch Burnham_, having been duly sworn, deposeth--

That he was standing at the market gate at the time Capt.

Shortland came into the market square with a large party of

soldiers (it being then about 6 o'clock.) They immediately formed

a line in the square--at that time a number of prisoners got into

the square from the yard of No. 1 prison, and had advanced a few

steps; the soldiers then charged, and the prisoners immediately

retreated to their prisons, without the least resistance. After

the prisoners had retired to the yards of the prison, the soldiery

formed a line, and commenced firing in the yards, the prison gates

being closed by the prisoners; shortly after they kept up a heavy

fire, and I saw one man fall. I immediately hastened to No. 5

prison, but on reaching No. 7, I found there was a party of

soldiers on the wall, firing from every direction. I then got safe

in No. 7, where, after remaining at the north end window for a few

moments, _I saw a man (a prisoner) leaning against the wall,

apparently wounded, with his hands in a supplicating posture--at

the same time, I saw several soldiers present and fire at the

prisoner, and he fell dead on the spot_.

ENOCH BURNHAM.

No. IX.

_Edward Coffin_, being duly sworn, deposed, that on the sixth of

April, about six o'clock in the afternoon, a few prisoners

belonging to No. 5 and 7 prisons, broke a hole through the wall

opposite No. 7 prison, as they said, to get a ball out of the

barrack yard, which they had lost in their play. After they had

broke through the wall, the officers and soldiers that were in the

barrack yard, told them to desist, or they would fire upon them.

Immediately after that the drum beat to arms, and the square was

filled with soldiers, and without telling the prisoners to go to

their prison, immediately commenced to charge and fire upon them.

I immediately started to go to No. 5 prison, and the soldiers on

the platforms on the walls commenced firing, and I should think

near forty fired at myself and three others, as I am sure there

were no other men in sight at that time between Nos. 5 and 6

prisons. In going round No. 5 cook house, a prisoner was shot and

killed very near me.

EDWARD COFFIN.

_Attest_, HENRY ALLEN.

No. X.

_Thomas B. Mott_, having been duly sworn, deposed--

About six o'clock in the evening of the 6th of April, I was called

on by a number of persons, requesting me as one of the committee,

to put a stop to some boys, whom they said were picking a hole

through an inner wall, for which, they said, our provisions would

be stopped to pay for. I asked what was their intentions in making

the hole? They said it was for the purpose of obtaining a ball

which they had lost in their play. I then repaired, with a number

of respectable men, to make them desist; but before we got into

the yard, a quick firing commenced. On my walking up the yard, was

met by a number of prisoners retreating to their prisons, much

alarmed; one of which I observed was badly wounded; he was

bleeding freely from his wound--I could see the yard was clear of

prisoners, or not more than two or three to be seen, and they

retiring fast. I requested the wounded man to lean upon me, and I

would assist him in some medical aid.--We had not advanced but a

few steps, when we were fired on. I advanced, assuring the

soldiery we had no hostile intentions. I then took the fainting

man in my arms, when a volley of musketry was discharged full at

us. I then retired immediately; there was but one of my prison

doors unlocked, which was on the back of the prison. On turning

the corner of the cook house, I found myself unexpectedly open to

the fire of soldiers on the ramparts of the south wall;--their

fire was kept up in so brisk a manner, that it appeared almost

impossible to enter without being shot; but finding my situation

very dangerous, I was determined to enter the prison, or die in

the attempt. For that purpose, myself, with a number of others

that had been standing behind the wing of the cook house, sallied

out for the purpose of gaining our prison door, when a volley of

musket balls showered in amongst us, killing two, and wounding

others. On our entering the prison our doors were shut to keep

them from firing in. Some little time after, the turnkey enquired

for me; I went forward to the window; he requested me to deliver

up the dead and wounded; I requested him to open the door, which

he did, for that purpose. On passing out the dead and wounded, I

was insulted by the soldiery, and on my replying, was charged

upon, and with difficulty escaped, without being butchered; they

likewise insulted the wounded as I gave them up, and threw the

dead down in the mud, and spurned at them in a very unfeeling

manner.

THOS. B. MOTT.

No. XI.

I, _William Mitchell_, being duly sworn upon the holy evangelists

of Almighty God, depose and say--

That, on the evening of the 6th of April, when the alarm

commenced, I was in the lower part of No. 1 yard. I walked up

towards the gate to learn the cause; when I had got about half

way, I heard a single musket fired, and immediately after a whole

volley. I then saw several men carrying one that was wounded, the

soldiers keeping up the whole time a steady fire, and the

prisoners all endeavoring to get into the prisons; the lower doors

being closed in the interim; it was with much difficulty they

could get in, the soldiers pursuing them the whole time, and

charging them with bayonets; and after getting into the prison, I

heard the firing of musketry in all directions round the prison:

and further the deponent saith not.

WILLIAM MITCHELL.

No. XII.

I, _John G. Gatchell_, having been duly sworn, depose and say--

That I was walking in the yard, towards the gate. The first I

knew, was the soldiers coming into the yard, with Capt. Shortland

at their head, when an immediate fire began from the soldiers, and

one man fell within six feet of me. While in the act of rendering

this man assistance, I heard Captain Shortland order the soldiers

to kill the damn'd rascal--meaning me; immediately the soldiers

came and pricked me with their bayonets, and I was forced to run

to the prison at the hazard of my life, and leave the man that was

wounded.

JOHN G. GATCHELL.

No. XIII.

_James Taylor_, having been duly sworn, deposeth, that he was

standing at the gate in the market square, at the time Captain

Shortland, with a file of soldiers, entered the square. Captain

Shortland ordered a prisoner in the square to go into the prison,

when he immediately complied. He then ordered the soldiers to

charge; and instantly observed to the commanding officer of the

military--"It is no use to charge on the damn'd Yankee

rascals--FIRE"--when this commenced immediately. The prisoners at

that time were rushing in the prisons as fast as possible, and

principally out of the square.--After the prisoners were mostly in

the prison of No. 4, a boy, of ten years of age, was shot through

the body and killed, while in the door passage trying to get in,

by the soldiers in the yard, in my presence, I being inside the

prison; likewise one other man was shot through the thigh.

JAMES TAYLOR.

No. XIV.

_Samuel Lowdy_ having been duly sworn, deposeth as follows:

That he was in the yard of prison No. 4, at the time Robert

Haywood was shot by the soldiery. He immediately took him up, for

the purpose of carrying him to the hospital. In the square he met

Capt. Shortland, and said, Capt. Shortland, this man is very badly

wounded--I want to carry him to the hospital. Capt. Shortland

replied, you damn'd son of a bitch, carry him back to the prison;

and he was obliged to comply. After getting to the prison, one of

the soldiers called him back, and he went up to the square with

the man, and met Capt. Shortland, who said, heave him down there,

(pointing to a sentry box) and away with you to the prison. At

that time they were firing in the different yards. On leaving the

square, we found the man was dead.

SAMUEL LOWDY.

_John Battice_ having been sworn, corroborates the evidence of

Samuel Lowdy.

JOHN BATTICE.

No. XV.

_William Potter_, having been duly sworn, deposed--

That while passing between No. 5 and 6 prisons, the soldiers

commenced firing from the walls in three divisions, at a few of

us; at that time there were only four prisoners in sight. After

advancing a few steps, I found a man badly wounded. I stopped and

picked the man up; during which time the soldiers kept an

incessant fire at us, as likewise till we got to the prison of No.

WILLIAM POTTER.

No. XVI.

I, _David S. Warren_, being duly sworn on the holy evangelists of

Almighty God, depose and say--

That, on the evening of the 6th of April, when the alarm

commenced, I was in the lower part of the yard No. 1 prison. I

walked up to the gate to learn the cause. I there saw there were a

number of prisoners in the market square, and a great number of

soldiers drawn up across the same; soon after they charged on the

prisoners, who retreated out of the square into their respective

prison yards, and shut the gates after them. I saw the soldiers

advance up to the gates, and heard Capt. Shortland order them to

fire, which they not immediately obeying, I saw him seize hold of

a musket in the hands of a soldier, and direct it towards a

prisoner, and heard him again repeat--"_fire; God damn you,

fire_." Immediately afterwards the firing became general; the

prisoners were all endeavoring to get into the prisons, which was

attended with much difficulty, all the doors but one being

closed--and further the deponent saith not.

DAVID S. WARREN.

No. XVII.

We, the undersigned, being each severally sworn on the holy

evangelists of Almighty God, for the investigation of the

circumstances attending the late horrid massacre, and having heard

the depositions of a great number of witnesses, from our own

personal knowledge, and from the depositions given in as

aforesaid,

=REPORT AS FOLLOWS:=

That on the 6th of April, about six o'clock in the evening, when

the prisoners were all quiet in their respective yards, it being

about the usual time of turning in for night, and the greater part

of the prisoners being then in the prisons, the alarm bell was

rung, and many of the prisoners ran up to the market square to

learn the occasion of the alarm. There were then drawn up in the

square several hundred soldiers, with Capt. Shortland (the agent)

at their head; it was likewise observed at the same time, that

additional numbers of soldiers were posting themselves on the

walls round the prison yards. One of them observed to the

prisoners, that they had better go into the prisons, for they

would be charged upon directly. This, of course, occasioned

considerable alarm among them. In this moment of uncertainty, they

were running in different directions, enquiring the cause of the

alarm; some toward their respective prisons, and some toward the

market square. When about one hundred were collected in the

square, Capt. Shortland ordered the soldiers to charge upon them,

which order the soldiers were reluctant in obeying, as the

prisoners were using no violence; but on the order being repeated,

they made a charge, and the prisoners retreated out of the square,

into their prison yards, and shut the gate after them. Capt.

Shortland, himself, opened the gates, and ordered the soldiers to

fire in among the prisoners, who were all retreating in different

directions towards their respective prisons. It appears there was

some hesitation in the minds of the officers, whether or not it

was proper to fire upon the prisoners in that situation; on which

Shortland seized a musket out of the hands of a soldier, which he

fired. Immediately after the fire became general, and many of the

prisoners were either killed or wounded. The remainder were

endeavoring to get into the prisons; when going towards the lower

doors, the soldiers on the walls commenced firing on them from

that quarter, which killed some and wounded others. After much

difficulty, (all the doors being closed in the entrance, but one

in each prison) the survivors succeeded in gaining the prisons;

immediately after which, parties of soldiers came to the doors of

Nos. 8 and 4 prisons, and fired several vollies into them through

the windows and doors, which killed one man in each prison, and

severely wounded others.

It likewise appears, that the preceding butchery was followed up

with a disposition of peculiar inveteracy and barbarity.

One man who was severely wounded in No. 7 prison yard, and being

unable to make his way to the prison, was come up with by the

soldiers, whom he implored for mercy, but in vain; five of the

hardened wretches immediately levelled their pieces at him, and

shot him dead on the spot. The soldiers who were on the walls,

manifested equal cruelty, by keeping up a constant fire on every

prisoner they could see in the yards endeavoring to get into the

prisons, when their numbers were very few, and when not the least

shadow of resistance could be made or expected. Several of them

had got into No. 3 prison cook house, which was pointed out by

the soldiers on the walls, to those who were marching in from the

square. They immediately went up and fired into the same, which

wounded several. One of the prisoners ran out, with the intention

of gaining his prison, but was killed before he reached the door.

On an impartial consideration of all circumstances of the case, we

are induced to believe that it was a premeditated scheme in the

mind of Capt. Shortland, for reasons which we will now proceed to

give.--As an illucidation of its origin, we will recur back to an

event which happened some days previous. Captain Shortland was at

the time, absent at Plymouth; but before going, he ordered the

contractor, or his clerk, to serve out one pound of indifferent,

hard bread, instead of one pound and a half of soft bread, their

usual allowance. This the prisoners refused to receive. They

waited all day in expectation of their usual allowance being

served out; but at sun-set, finding this would not be the case,

burst open the lower gates, and went up to the store, demanding to

have their bread.

The officers of the garrison, on being alarmed, and informed of

these proceedings, observed that it was no more than right the

prisoners should have their usual allowance, and strongly

reprobated Captain Shortland, in withholding it from them. They

were accordingly served with their bread, and quietly returned to

their prison. This circumstance, with the censures that were

thrown on his conduct, reached the ears of Shortland, on his

return home, and he must then have determined on the diabolical

plan of seizing the first slight pretext to turn in the military,

to butcher the prisoners for the gratification of his malice and

revenge. It unfortunately happened, that in the afternoon of the

6th of April, some boys who were playing ball in No. 7 yard,

knocked their ball over into the barrack yard, and on the sentry

in that yard refusing to throw it back to them, they picked a hole

in the wall, to get in after it.

This afforded Shortland his wished for pretext, and he took his

measures accordingly. He had all the garrison drawn up in the

military walk, additional numbers posted on the walls, and every

thing prepared, _before the alarm bell was rung_; this he

naturally concluded would draw the attention of a great number of

prisoners towards the gates, to learn the cause of the alarm,

while the turnkeys were dispatched into the yards to lock all the

doors but one, of each prison, to prevent the prisoners retreating

out of the way, before he had sufficiently wreaked his vengeance.

What adds peculiar weight to the belief of its being a

premeditated, determined massacre, are,

_First_--The sanguinary disposition manifested on every occasion

by Shortland, he having prior to this time, ordered the soldiers

to fire into the prisons, through the prison windows, upon unarmed

prisoners asleep in their hammocks, on account of a light being

seen in the prisons; which barbarous act was repeated several

nights successively. That murder was not then committed, was owing

to an overruling Providence alone; for the balls were picked up in

the prisons, where they passed through the hammocks of men then

asleep in them. He having also ordered the soldiers to fire upon

the prisoners in the yard of No. 7 prison, because they would not

deliver up to him a man who had escaped from his _cachot_, which

order the commanding officer of the soldiers refused to obey; and

generally, he having seized on every slight pretext to injure the

prisoners, by stopping their marketing for ten days repeatedly,

and once, a third part of their provisions for the same length of

time.

_Secondly_--He having been heard to say, when the boys had picked

the hole in the wall, and some time before the alarm bell was

rung, while all the prisoners were quiet as usual in their

respective yards--"_I'll fix the damn'd rascals directly._"

_Thirdly_--His having all the soldiers on their posts, and the

garrison fully prepared before the alarm bell rang. It could not

then, of course, be rung to assemble the soldiers, but to alarm

the prisoners, and create confusion among them.

_Fourthly_--The soldiers upon the wall, previous to the alarm bell

being rung, informing the prisoners that they would be charged

upon directly.

_Fifthly_--The turnkeys going into the yard and closing all the

doors but one, in each prison, while the attention of the

prisoners was attracted by the alarm bell. This was done about

fifteen minutes sooner than usual, and without informing the

prisoners it was time to shut up. It was ever the invariable

practice of the turnkeys, from which they never deviated before

that night, when coming into the yard to shut up, to halloo to the

prisoners, so loud as to be heard throughout the yard, "_turn in,

turn in!_" while on that night it was done so secretly, that not

one man in a hundred knew they were shut; and in particular, their

shutting the door of No. 7, prisoners usually go in and out at,

and which was formerly always closed last, and leaving one open in

the other end of the prison, which was exposed to a cross fire

from the soldiers on the walls, and which the prisoners had to

pass in gaining the prisons.

It appears to us that the foregoing reasons sufficiently warrant

the conclusion we have drawn therefrom.

We likewise believe, from the depositions of men who were eye

witnesses of a part of Shortland's conduct, on the evening of the

6th of April, that he was intoxicated with liquor at the time;

from his brutality in beating a prisoner then supporting another

severely wounded, from the blackguard and abusive language he made

use of, and from his frequently having been seen in the same

state. His being drunk was, of course, the means of inflaming his

bitter enmity against the prisoners, and no doubt was the cause of

the indiscriminate butchery, and of no quarter being given.

We here solemnly aver, that there was no pre-concerted plan to

attempt a breaking out. There cannot be produced the least shadow

of a reason or inducement for that intention, because the

prisoners were daily expecting to be released, and to embark on

board cartels for their native country. And we likewise solemnly

assert, that there was no intention of resisting, in any manner,

the authority of this depot.

N. B. Seven were killed, thirty dangerously wounded, and thirty

slightly do. Total, sixty-seven killed and wounded.

_Wm. B. Orne_, }

_James Boggs_, }

_J. F. Trowbridge_, } SIGNED,

_John Rust_, }

_Walter Colton_, }

_Wm. Hobart_, }

_James Adams_, }

_Francis Joseph_, } _Committee_.

_Henry Allen_, }

_Thomas B. Mott_, }

No. XVIII.

Letter from Mr. Beasly, agent for American prisoners of war at

London, to the Committee of American prisoners of war in Dartmoor

prison.

_Agency for American prisoners of war_, }

_London, April 12, 1815_. }

GENTLEMEN--It having been stated in some of the newspapers

published here, that the American government intended to send some

ships of war bound to the Mediterranean, to this country, for the

purpose of completing their crews from among the prisoners; and

having been informed that this idea has got among the prisoners,

it becomes my duty to request, that you will inform them that the

fact is not so.

I have already informed you of the measures which had been taken

to provide conveyances for the prisoners. You will let them know,

that eight large transports have been engaged, some of which must

be now at Plymouth; others will follow, until the whole of the

prisoners are sent off.

It is much to be lamented, that at a moment when every exertion

was making to restore them to their country, _they should have

fallen into an excess which has proved fatal to some_. And I am at

a loss to conceive how they could, under such circumstances,

pretend to say, that the cause of this unfortunate but shameful

conduct, was the neglect of their government or its agent. This, I

am informed, they have stated to the officers who were sent to

examine into the affair. I am, gentlemen, your obedient servant,

R. G. BEASLY.

_The Committee of the American prisoners, Dartmoor._

No. XIX.

DARTMOOR, April 14, 1815.

SIR--Yours, of the 12th inst. came to hand this morning. It is

with astonishment we note its contents, that the officers who came

to inquire into the circumstances of the late unfortunate affair,

should have informed you, that the prisoners stated to them the

cause of that event was that their government or its agent had

neglected them. This is a most deliberate falsehood, let your

authors be who they may. We deny not that the anxiety of the

prisoners to get released from here, has been great; they have

even censured you as being dilatory in your preparations for that

purpose--but their government they have never implicated--and you

may rest assured, that they have too much of the genuine spirit of

Americans, to apply to the officer of a foreign government for

relief, or to make them a party in any dispute with the government

or its agents.

We solemnly assure you, that whatever anxiety among the prisoners,

or want of confidence in your exertions, as above stated, may have

existed among them, that it can in no way be construed to have any

collusion or connection with the late event, and was expressly so

stated to the admiral, who came here from Plymouth.

We, on the contrary, in the name of the five thousand prisoners

confined here, accuse Shortland of a deliberate, pre-determined

act of atrocious murder--we have sufficient evidence in our

possession to prove it to the world, and we call on you (there

being at present no accredited minister, or charge des affairs at

the court of London) to make strict inquiries into the

circumstances of the case, and procure all the evidence necessary

for a proper investigation into the same; for well do we feel

assured, that our government will not thus suffer its citizens to

be sacrificed, for the gratification of national prejudice, malice

or revenge, of the petty officers of a foreign state.

We are at no loss to impute the misrepresentation of the British

officers to their proper motives. They artfully wish to excite in

your breast a spirit of enmity and resentment against the

prisoners, that you might use less perseverance, or feel yourself

less interested in making the proper inquiries into the late

affair.

With much respect, we remain, Sir, your most obedient and humble

servants,

WILLIAM HOBART,

WALTER COLTON,

HENRY ALLEN.

_R. G. Beasly, Esq. Agent for Prisoners, London._

No. XX.

Second Letter from Mr. Beasly to the American Committee.

_Agency for American Prisoners of War_, }

_London, April 14, 1815_. }

GENTLEMEN--My letter to you of the 12th inst. on the subject of

the melancholy event, was written under an impression which I

received from a report of it, transmitted to me by this

government: I have since received your report of the

circumstances. Had I been in possession of the information therein

contained, the letter would have been differently expressed. I am,

gentlemen, your obedient servant,

R. G. BEASLY.

_Committee of American Prisoners, Dartmoor._

P. S. I subjoin an extract of the report alluded to from the Lords

Commissioners of the Admiralty:

"The rioters, it appears, endeavored to OVERPOWER the guard, to

force the prison, and had actually seized the arms of some of the

soldiers, and made a breach in the walls of the depot, when the

guard found itself obliged to have recourse to their fire arms,

and five of the rioters were killed, and thirty-four wounded,

after which the tumult subsided, and the depot was placed in a

state of tranquillity and security.

"Admiral Sir J. T. Duckworth, Commander in Chief at Plymouth,

having received information of this unfortunate event, lost no

time in directing Rear Admiral Sir Josias Rowley, Baronet, K. C.

B. and Schornberg, the two senior officers at that port, to

proceed to Dartmoor, and to inquire into the circumstances. Those

officers accordingly repaired to the depot, where they found, on

examination of the officers of the depot, and _all the American

prisoners who were called before them_, that the circumstances of

the riot were as before stated; but that no excuse could be

assigned for the conduct of the prisoners, but their impatience to

be released; and the Americans unanimously declared, that their

complaint of delay was not against the British government, but

against their own, which ought to have sent means for their early

conveyance home, and in replies to distinct questions to that

effect they declared they had no ground of complaint whatsoever."

No. XXI.

DARTMOOR, April 17, 1815.

_To Rear Admiral Sir J. T. Duckworth._

SIR--The officers whom you sent to this place to inquire into the

circumstance of the unfortunate occurrence of the 6th inst.

whatever right they had to represent the conduct of Captain

Shortland in the most favorable manner, we conceive it an act of

gross injustice that they should have given to you such a false

and scandalous representation of what they were told by the

prisoners.

In the report from the admiralty board to Mr. Beasly, (a copy of

which he has transmitted to us) it is stated that the prisoners,

when called upon to give an account of the circumstances of the

6th, exonerated Captain Shortland and the English government from

any blame respecting the same, and accused their own government

and its agent of being the cause.

We, on the contrary, solemnly declare, that it was expressly

stated to Admiral Rowley, that whatever anxiety might have existed

among the prisoners for a speedy release, could, in no way

whatever, be construed to have had any collusion or connection

with that event.--That the prisoners, so far from having any idea

of attempting to break out, if the gates had been opened, and

every one suffered to go who might wish to do so, not one in a

hundred would have left the prison, having no means of subsistence

in a foreign country, and being likewise liable to IMPRESSMENT,

when by staying a few days longer, they would, probably, be

embarked for their native country.

They, on the contrary, accused Captain Shortland of being the sole

mover and principal perpetrator of the unprovoked and horrid

butchery.

Conceiving, from your well known character in the British navy for

integrity and candor, that you would not wish to have your name

the medium of imposing such a gross misrepresentation and such

direct falsehoods on the admiralty board and the British public,

we have taken the liberty of thus addressing you, and have the

honor to subscribe ourselves, your most obedient and very humble

servants,

_Wm. Hobart_, _Walter Colton_, _Henry Allen_,

_Thomas B. Mott_, _Wm. B. Orne_,

Committee of American Prisoners, Dartmoor.

[In addition to the documents furnished by the committee of the

Dartmoor prisoners, we lay the following affidavit of Archibald

Taylor before the public. Will people doubt this evidence also? Is

it likely that common soldiers, hired assassins, would make use of

similar expressions from their own impulses? or is it not much

more conformable to common sense to believe that this was the

language held by their officers, and that they echoed it.]

_City of New York, ss._

_Archibald Taylor_, late commander of the Paul Jones, private

armed vessel of war, being duly sworn, doth depose and say--

That he was a prisoner in Dartmoor prison at the time of the late

massacre of Americans; that after the affair of the 6th of April,

and on the night of the same day, he was in the prison No. 3,

assisting Thomas Smith, late his boatswain, who was shot through

his leg by the soldiers in the yard, when an order was received to

have all the wounded removed from the prisons to the hospital; and

while this deponent was carrying the said Thomas Smith to the door

of the prison, to deliver him to the guards selected to receive

him, some of the soldiers observed to this deponent, "this is in

turn for the affair at New Orleans, where you killed our men, and

now we have our revenge"--and further this deponent saith not.

ARCHIBALD TAYLOR.

Sworn before me, this 28th June, 1815.

AARON H. PALMER, _Notary Public_.

* * * * *

KING AND LARPENT'S REPORT.

_Plymouth, 18th April, 1815._

We the undersigned commissioners, appointed on behalf of our

respective governments, to inquire into and report upon, the

unfortunate occurrence of the 6th April inst. at Dartmoor Prison;

having carefully perused the proceedings of the several courts of

inquiry, instituted immediately after that event, by the orders of

Admiral Sir John T. Duckworth and Major-General Brown,

respectively, as well as the depositions taken at the coroner's

inquest upon the bodies of the prisoners, who lost their lives

upon that melancholy occasion; upon which inquest the jury found a

verdict of justifiable homicide; proceeded immediately to the

examination upon oath in the presence of one or more of the

magistrates of the vicinity, of all the witnesses, both American

and English, who offered themselves for that purpose; or who could

be discovered as likely to afford any material information on the

subject, as well as those who had been previously examined before

the coroner, as otherwise, to the number in the whole of about

eighty. We further proceeded to a minute examination of the

prisons, for the purpose of clearing up some points which, upon

the evidence alone, were scarcely intelligible; obtaining from the

prisoners, and from the officers of the depot, all the necessary

assistance and explanation; and premising, that we have been from

necessity compelled to draw many of our conclusions from

statements and evidence highly contradictory, we do now make upon

the whole proceedings the following report:--

During the period which has elapsed since the arrival in this

country of the account of the ratification of the treaty of Ghent,

an increased degree of restlessness and impatience of confinement

appears to have prevailed amongst the American prisoners at

Dartmoor, which, though not exhibited in the shape of any violent

excesses, has been principally indicated by threats of breaking

out if not soon released.

On the 4th of this month in particular, only two days previous to

the events which are the subject of this inquiry, a large body of

the prisoners rushed into the market-square, from whence, by the

regulations of the prison they are excluded, demanded bread

instead of biscuit, which had on that day been issued by the

officers of the depot; their demands having been then almost

immediately complied with, they returned to their own yards, and

the employment of force on that occasion became unnecessary.

On the evening of the 6th, about 6 o'clock, it was clearly proved

to us, that a breach or hole had been made in one of the prison

walls, sufficient for a full sized man to pass, and that others

had been commenced in the course of the day near the same spot,

though never completed.

That a number of the prisoners were over the railing erected to

prevent them from communicating with the sentinels on the walls,

which was of course forbidden by the regulations of the prison,

and that in the space between the railing and those walls they

were tearing up pieces of turf, and wantonly pelting each other in

a noisy and disorderly manner.

That a much more considerable number of the prisoners was

collected together at that time in one of their yards near the

place where the breach was effected, and that although such

collection of prisoners was not unusual at other times (the

Gambling Tables being commonly kept in that part of the yard) yet,

when connected with the circumstances of the breach, and the time

of the day, which was after the hour the signal for the prisoners

to retire to their respective prisons had ceased to sound, it

became a natural and just ground of alarm to those who had charge

of the depot.

It was also in evidence that in the building formerly the petty

officers' prison, but now the guard barrack, which stands in the

yard to which the hole in the wall would serve as a communication,

a part of the arms of the guard who were off duty, were usually

kept in the racks, and though there was no evidence that this was,

in any respect, the motive which induced the prisoners to make the

opening in the wall, or even that they were ever acquainted with

the fact, it naturally became at least a further cause of

suspicion and alarm, and an additional reason for precaution.

Upon these grounds captain Shortland appears to us to have been

justified in giving the order, which about this time he seems to

have given, to sound the alarm bell, the usual signal for

collecting the officers of the depot and putting the military on

the alert.

However reasonable and justifiable this was as a measure of

precaution, the effects produced thereby in the prisons, but which

could not have been intended, were most unfortunate, and deeply to

be regretted. A considerable number of the prisoners in the yards

where no disturbance existed before, and who were either already

within their respective prisons, or quietly retiring as usual

towards them, immediately upon the sound of the bell rushed back

from curiosity (as it appears) towards the gates, where, by that

time, the crowd had assembled, and many who were at the time

absent from their yards, were also from the plan of the prison,

compelled, in order to reach their own homes, to pass the same

spot, and thus that which was merely a measure of precaution, in

its operation increased the evil it was intended to prevent.

Almost at the same instant that the alarm bell rung, (but whether

before or subsequent is upon the evidence doubtful, though captain

Shortland states it positively as one of his further reasons for

causing it to ring) some one or more of the prisoners broke the

iron chain, which was the only fastening of No. 1 gate, leading

into market square by means of an iron bar; and a very

considerable number of the prisoners immediately rushed towards

that gate; and many of them began to press forwards as fast as the

opening would permit into the square.

There was no direct proof before us of previous concert or

preparation on the part of the prisoners, and no evidence of their

intention or disposition to effect their escape on this occasion,

excepting that which arose by inference from the whole of the

above detailed circumstances connected together.

The natural and almost irresistible inference to be drawn,

however, from the conduct of the prisoners by captain Shortland

and the military was, that an intention on the part of the

prisoners to escape was on the point of being carried into

execution, and it was at least certain that they were by force

passing beyond the limits prescribed to them at a time when they

ought to have been quietly going in for the night. It was also in

evidence that the outer gates of the market square were usually

opened about this time to let the bread waggons pass and repass to

the store, although at the period in question they were in fact

closed.

Under these circumstances, and with these impressions necessarily

operating upon his mind, and a knowledge that if the prisoners

once penetrated through the square, the power of escape was almost

to a certainty afforded to them, if they should be so disposed;

captain Shortland in the first instance proceeded down the square

towards the prisoners, having ordered a part of the different

guards, to the number of about fifty only at first, (though they

were increased afterwards) to follow him. For some time both he

and Dr. Magrath endeavored by quiet means and persuasion, to

induce the prisoners to return to their own yards, explaining to

them the fatal consequences which must ensue if they refused, as

the military would in that case be necessarily compelled to employ

force. The guard was by this time formed in the rear of captain

Shortland, about two thirds of the way down the square--the latter

is about one hundred feet broad, and the guard extended nearly all

across. Captain Shortland, finding that persuasion was all in

vain, and that although some were induced by it to make an effort

to retire, others pressed on in considerable numbers, at last

ordered about 15 file of the guard, nearly in front of the gate

which had been forced, to charge the prisoners back to their own

yards.

The prisoners were in some places so near the military, that one

of the soldiers states that he could not come fairly down to the

charge; and the military were unwilling to set against an enemy.

Some struggling ensued between the parties, arising partly from

intention, but mainly from the pressure of those behind preventing

those in front from getting back. After some little time, however,

this charge appears to have been so far effective, and that with

little or no injury to the prisoners, as to have driven them for

the most part quite down out of the square, with the exception of

a small number who continued their resistance about No. 1 gate.

A great crowd still remained collected after this in the passage

between the square and the prisoners' yards, and in the part of

those yards in the vicinity of the gates.--This assemblage still

refused to withdraw, and according to most of the English

witnesses and some of the American, was making a noise, hallowing,

insulting and provoking, and daring the military to fire, and

according to the testimony of several of the soldiers, and some

others, were pelting the military with large stones, by which some

of them were actually struck. This circumstance is, however,

denied by many of the American witnesses; and some of the English,

upon having the question put to them, stated that they saw no

stones thrown previously to the firing, although their situation

at the time was such as to enable them to see most of the

proceedings in the square.

Under these circumstances the firing commenced.--With regard to

any order having been given to fire the evidence is very

contradictory. Several of the Americans swear positively, that

captain Shortland gave that order; but the manner in which from

the confusion of the moment, they described this part of the

transaction, is so different in its details that it is very

difficult to reconcile their testimony. Many of the soldiers and

other English witnesses, heard the word given by some one, but no

one of them can swear it was by captain Shortland, or by any one

in particular, and some, amongst whom is the officer commanding

the guard, think, if captain Shortland had given such an order

that they must have heard it, which they did not. In addition to

this captain Shortland denies the fact; and from the situation

which he appears to have been placed at the time, even according

to the American witnesses, in front of the soldiers, it may appear

somewhat improbable that he should then have given such an order.

But, however, it may remain a matter of doubt whether the firing

first began in the square by order, or was a spontaneous act of

the soldiers themselves, it seemed clear that it was continued and

renewed both there and elsewhere without orders; and that on the

platforms, and in several places about the prison, it was

certainly commenced without any authority.

The fact of an order having been given at first, provided the

firing was under the existing circumstances justifiable, does not

appear very material in any other point of view, than as shewing a

want of self possession and discipline in the troops if they

should have fired without order.

With regard to the above most important consideration, of whether

the firing was justifiable or not, we are of opinion, under all

the circumstances of the case, from the apprehension which the

soldiers might fairly entertain, owing to the numbers and conduct

of the prisoners, that this firing to a certain extent was

justifiable in a military point of view, in order to intimidate

the prisoners, and compel them thereby to desist from all acts of

violence, and to retire as they were ordered, from a situation in

which the responsibility of the agents, and the military, could

not permit them with safety to remain.

From the fact of the crowd being so close and the firing at first

being attended with very little injury, it appears probable that a

large proportion of the muskets were, as stated by one or two of

the witnesses, levelled over the heads of the prisoners; a

circumstance in some respects to be lamented, as it induced them

to cry out "blank cartridges," and merely irritated and encouraged

them to renew their insults to the soldiery, which produced a

repetition of the firing in a manner much more destructive.

The firing in the square having continued for some time, by which

several of the prisoners sustained injuries, the greater part of

them appear to have been running back with the utmost

precipitation and confusion to their respective prisons, and the

cause for further firing seems at this period to have ceased. It

appears, accordingly, that captain Shortland was in the market

square exerting himself and giving orders to that effect, and that

lieutenant Fortye had succeeded in stopping the fire of his part

of the guard.

Under these circumstances, it is very difficult to find any

justification for the further continuance and renewal of the

firing, which certainly took place both in the prison yards and

elsewhere; though we have some evidence of subsequent provocation

given to the military, and resistance to the turnkeys in shutting

the prisons, and of stones being thrown out from within the prison

doors.

The subsequent firing rather appears to have arisen from the state

of individual irritation and exasperation on the part of the

soldiers, who followed the prisoners into their yards, and from

the absence of nearly all of the officers who might have

restrained it as well as from the great difficulty of putting an

end to a firing when once commenced under such circumstances.

Captain Shortland was from this time busily occupied with the

turnkeys in the square, receiving and taking care of the wounded.

Ensign White remained with his guard at the breach, and

lieutenants Ayelyne and Fortye, the only other subalterns known to

have been present, continued with the main bodies of their

respective guards.

The time of the day, which was the officers' dinner hour, will in

some measure explain this, as it caused the absence of every

officer from the prison whose presence was not indispensable

there. And this circumstance which has been urged as an argument

to prove the intention of the prisoners to take this opportunity

to escape, tended to increase the confusion, and to prevent those

great exertions being made which might perhaps have obviated a

portion at least of the mischief which ensued.

At the same time that the firing was going on in the square, a

cross fire was also kept up from several of the platforms on the

walls round the prisoners where the sentries stand, by straggling

parties of soldiers who ran up there for that purpose. As far as

this fire was directed to disperse the men assembled round the

breach, for which purpose it was most effectual, it seems to stand

upon the same ground as that in the first instance in the

square.--That part which it is positively sworn was directed

against straggling parties of prisoners running about the yards

and endeavoring to enter in the few doors which the turnkeys,

according to their usual practice, had left open, does seem, as

stated, to have been wholly without object or excuse, and to have

been a wanton attack upon the lives of defenceless, and at that

time, unoffending individuals.

In the same, or even more severe terms, we must remark upon what

was proved as to the firing in the door-ways of the prisons, more

particularly into that of No. 3 prison, at a time when the men

were in crowds at the entrance. From the position of the prison

and the door, and from the marks of the balls which were pointed

out to us, as well as from the evidence, it was clear this firing

must have proceeded from soldiers a very few feet from the door

way; and although it was certainly sworn that the prisoners were

at the time of part of the firing at least, continuing to insult

and occasionally to throw stones at the soldiers, and that they

were standing in the way of, and impeding the turnkey, who was

there for the purpose of closing the door, yet still there was

nothing stated which could, in our view, at all justify such

excessively harsh and severe treatment of helpless and unarmed

prisoners, when all idea of escape was at an end.

A journal, of a young man of Massachusetts, late a surgeon on board an American privateer, who was captured at sea by the British in May, eighteen hundred and thirteen and was confined first, at Melville Island, Halifax, then at Chatham, in England, and last at Dartmoor prison · 第 9 / 10 章

If we contemplate the character of the leading men of that party which