PERSIA BEFORE THE AGE OF CYRUS.
The origin and early history of both Medes and Persians were similar.
When first the Persians are mentioned in Assyrian annals, they had
migrated to the region east of Assyria, inhabiting an indefinite
district which later became part of the Median state. At this
time--about the ninth century before the Christian era--they were not
united under one king, but each clan followed the leadership of a chosen
chieftain. As a result of an Assyrian attack, more than twenty of these
chiefs brought tribute and acknowledged the supremacy of the great king.
Nothing of importance is again heard of them until shortly before the
fall of the Assyrian capital. They were then united into a kingdom,
serving one ruler, and living in what has been called "Persia Proper,"
to distinguish the original state from the wide empire which was brought
at length under Persian rule. While free to manage their internal
affairs, they paid tribute to Media, now a vigorous and aggressive
nation. It is plain then, that previous to the fall of Nineveh, the
Persian state had taken no part in Asiatic affairs, and furthermore, was
not yet free and independent. However, in less than one hundred years
her people had gained control over the entire western portion of Asia,
extending their rule from the Indus to the valley of the Nile, while
only the little Greek nation held out against them on the west.
Before entering upon a study of this rapid imperial expansion, it would
be well for us to get some general impressions of the comparatively
small territory in which the various Persian tribes became welded into a
united people, and of the conditions in the original kingdom wherein the
principles which were to temporarily dominate the ancient world were
developed.
Persia Proper consisted of an area of about 450 miles in length, and
averaging 250 miles in width. It might have been roughly bounded on the
south and west by the gulf which came to bear its name, while a desert
reached off to the east and north, save where Persian territory touched
upon the Median kingdom. A narrow strip of arid land lay between the
gulf and a mountain range, making up perhaps one eighth of the entire
area. The climate here is hot and dry, the soil marshy, producing little
growth of any sort. The district east of this range was irregularly
divided into highlands and valleys, lofty rocks and winding chasms.
Wherever water was available, vegetation was luxuriant, making the wild
scenery fantastic and attractive. Generally water was scarce, and most
of the year the land lay parched and brown.
"The region east of the range is of varied character. In places richly
fertile, picturesque, and romantic almost beyond imagination, with
lovely wooded dells, green mountain-sides, and broad plains suited for
the production of almost any crops, it has yet on the whole a
predominant character of sterility and barrenness, especially towards
its more northern and eastern portions. The supply of water is
everywhere scanty. Scarcely any of the streams are strong enough to
reach the sea. After short courses they are either absorbed by the sand
or end in small salt lakes, from which the superfluous water is
evaporated. Much of the country is absolutely without streams, and would
be uninhabitable were it not for the subterranean channels of
spring-water.
"The most remarkable feature of the country consists in the
extraordinary gorges which pierce the great mountain-chain, and render
possible the establishment of routes across that tremendous barrier.
Scarped rocks rise almost perpendicularly on either side of the mountain
streams, which descend rapidly with frequent cascades and falls. Along
the slight irregularities of these rocks the roads are carried in
zigzags, often crossing the streams from side to side by bridges of a
single arch, which are thrown over profound chasms where the waters
chafe and roar many hundred feet below. The roads have for the most part
been artificially cut in the sides of the precipices, which rise from
the streams sometimes to the height of 2,000 feet. Thus the country
towards the edge of the plateau is peculiarly safe from attack, being
defended on the north and east by vast deserts, and on the south by a
mountain barrier of unusual strength and difficulty.
"It is in these regions, which combine facility of defence with
pleasantness of climate, that the principal cities of the district have
at all times been placed."[1]
It appears that nearly one-half of the kingdom was practically unsuited
for habitation, being dry and producing little to sustain life. In these
early times only two or three cities existed, small villages making up
the remaining social centers, while peasants farmed limited portions of
the outlying country where the water supply sufficed to maintain crops.
Various fruits abounded in the mountainous regions. Peaches were native
to the soil. Grapes grew in profusion, and corn and vegetables were
plentiful. Along the coast fish might be found in large quantities and
constituted a staple article of food throughout the land. The natural
conditions were not sufficiently favorable to allow heavy yields of
grain or to make agriculture foremost among the nation's activities.
The Persians were active, vivacious people, lacking wholly the repose
and dignified calm so characteristic of the English, for example. They
concealed neither joy nor sorrow, and were immoderate in their
expressions of both.
Learning and education were given little attention. It has become a
trite and well-known saying that "Persian boys were taught to ride, to
shoot, and to speak the truth." The religion of the people placed truth
first among the virtues. Their steadfast fidelity to a promise excited
wonderment among the nations. Physical, rather than mental, development
was sought, and while in the nation's later life the people gave
themselves up to indolence, passing the hours with personal adornment
and feasting, these pastimes did not characterize their early years.
Like the Medes, Persian nobles had several wives, and polygamy was the
rule rather than the exception. Women were kept in well-nigh complete
seclusion, and no mention is made of them, nor are they seen in pictures
adorning the palaces.
The attitude assumed toward the sovereign influenced the very character
of the people. "The Persian king held the same rank and position in the
eyes of his subjects which the great monarch of Western Asia, whoever he
might be, had always occupied from time immemorial. He was the lord and
master, absolute disposer of their lives, liberties, and property; the
sole fountain of law and right, incapable himself of doing wrong,
irresponsible, irresistible--a sort of God on earth; one whose favor was
happiness, at whose frown men trembled, before whom all bowed themselves
down with the lowest and humblest obeisance.
"The feeling of the Persian towards his king is one of which moderns can
with difficulty form a conception. In Persia the monarch was so much the
State, that patriotism itself was, as it were, swallowed up in loyalty;
and an unquestioning submission, not only to the deliberate will, but to
the merest caprice of the sovereign, was, by habit and education, so
ingrained into the nature of the people that a contrary spirit scarcely
ever manifested itself. In war the safety of the sovereign was the first
thought, and the principal care of all. If the king suffered, all was
lost; if the king escaped, the greatest calamities seemed light and
could be endured with patience. The same cheerful submission
characterized times of peace. It was here that their loyalty became a
defect rather than a virtue. The voice of remonstrance, of rebuke, of
warning, was unheard at Court. Tyranny was allowed to indulge unchecked
in the wildest caprices and extravagances. The father, whose innocent
son was shot before his eyes by the king in pure wantonness, instead of
raising an indignant protest against the crime, felicitated him upon the
excellence of his archery. Thus a tone of servility was engendered
which, sapping self-respect, tended fatally to lower and corrupt the
entire character of the people."[2]
Such were the tendencies of the embryo state which under the leadership
of a great ruler was soon to burst into sudden and brilliant flower,
absorbing in a single campaign nations which had never before been
united.
CYRUS THE GREAT AND THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.
In ages when monarchs were absolute in the foremost countries of the
world, the personal ability of the king was a matter of far greater
concern than we today realize. In modern times, political and social
changes have had their beginnings in the conditions and desires of the
people. In the remote years we are now studying, the people were less
considered, and their wishes seldom heard. The personal character of the
king determined the policy of the ancient state. We have already seen
how the welfare--the very fate of Egypt, Babylonia and Assyria depended
upon their rulers. Even more pronounced was this in Persia, where
subjects, including nobles and princes, acted in unthinking submission
to a degree unknown in other lands.
In taking up the career of Cyrus the Great we are largely dependent upon
the writings of Herodotus and Xenophon. Of Herodotus we have learned
something, and concerning Xenophon we may note that besides being a
writer and a traveller, he was also an experienced and able general.
Herodotus lived some fifty years after the death of Cyrus, and Xenophon
was thirty years younger than Herodotus. Both Greeks wrote at length of
the great Persian King.
When Astyages ascended the throne of Media, Persia was a mere
tribute-paying kingdom, insignificant not only in political strength,
but in social life, wealth, and culture. It is supposed that Cyrus was
sent to the Median court as a hostage from a tribute land. His father
ruled in Persia, and we are told that he was greatly impressed as a boy
by the difference between the two countries. The subjects over whom his
father ruled were many of them soldiers whose days were spent with
training and physical exercise. They ate and drank moderately, and while
they lacked the culture and refinement of the northern kingdom, they
were just coming into the strength and vigour which the Medians lost
upon their conquest of Assyria and subsequent abundance of wealth.
Tradition pictures the youth clinging to the simple habits of his early
life, and caring little for the pomp and ceremony around him. He
delighted in riding and liked the hunt best of all amusements, while he
shortly became the companion of Astyages during the king's leisure
hours, bringing refreshing life and boyish candor into a degenerate
court.
Some years later Cyrus returned home and, shortly after, a faction of
the Medes who had become devoted to the Persian prince and felt
dissatisfied with the tyranny of their king, informed Cyrus that if he
would bring an army against the Medes, they would cause the Median
forces to desert to him. Another account says that Cyrus himself planned
the conquest while at the Median court, and having feasted his
attendants and led them to drink heavily, escaped to Persia, where he
soon persuaded his father to march against the Medes. In either case, it
would seem that the prince had learned the true condition of degenerated
Media, and determined to free his own land from the hated tribute
service--establishing its independence.
In the battle which was waged against the two people, Astyages was taken
captive, and when the majority of the soldiers went over to the Persian
side, the remaining soldiers fled. Cyrus allowed Astyages to retain his
own personal attendants, and permitted him to live in a style befitting
his recent position. Under guard of Persian soldiers, he was free to go
about at will.
It is probable that Cyrus had at first no greater ambition than to free
Persia from tribute imposed by Media, but the desire for conquest once
awakened never ceases while lands remain unwon. In conquering Media, all
territories of Assyria fell to Cyrus' portion. The Medes had held lands
to the river Halys on the northwest. Beyond this boundary stream the
empire of Lydia had been growing under the rule of Croesus.
Croesus has become proverbial for his wealth. As he extended the
boundaries of Lydia, he grew wealthier still, until his resources
exceeded all estimate. Having lost a favorite son, he lived in seclusion
until a sense of approaching danger roused him to defend his kingdom.
The river Halys was a narrow stream--too small by far to prove a lasting
barrier against an aggressive nation. To spare his land the ravages of
war, Croesus determined to invade the land of his rival. He thought best
to consult the oracle at Delphi before entering upon such a serious
campaign. Having sent costly presents to Delphi, Croesus inquired
whether or not it would be safe for him to proceed against Persia. The
reply was that if Croesus crossed the Halys and carried war into Persia,
a mighty kingdom would be overthrown, and that he would do well to form
an alliance with the strongest Greek state.
Regarding the answer as favorable, he sent word to Sparta that, since
he was advised by the Delphian oracle to seek the strongest Greek state
as an ally, he solicitated their assistance. These Spartans were unlike
any soldiers we have yet met; they fought for glory, not for plunder.
They were glad, of course, to be considered the strongest Grecian state,
and sent the assistance asked. With such re-enforcements, Croesus
crossed the Halys and met Cyrus who had known of the Lydian movement and
was ready for an attack. The battle was fought near Pterie; both sides
lost heavily, and Croesus thought Cyrus was too crippled to longer
advance, so he himself returned to Sardis, his capital, to make plans
for a new campaign the following year. Cyrus waited until the Lydian
troops were largely disbanded, and then suddenly appeared before Sardis.
Consternation swept over the Lydians, but they trusted to their cavalry
which was numerous and well disciplined. Cyrus had also taken the Lydian
cavalry into account, and had ordered his camels which carried the
equipment of war, to face the horse, and if possible, to put them to
flight. In the battle fought such was the result--the horses turned in
confusion upon the charge of the camels, and the Lydian army withdrew
into Sardis to undergo a siege. They expected to win in the long run,
for they had sufficient stores of all kinds, and they hoped that outside
aid would come sooner or later. Cyrus understood the danger of delay,
and determined to carry the city by assault. By scaling a nearly
perpendicular embankment, entrance to Sardis was gained, and Croesus
fell into the hands of the great Persian conqueror. He was given
considerate treatment. Few cruelties disfigure the pages of Persian
history, and never were severe punishments meted out wholesale to
captives in war. Those who betrayed confidence were harshly dealt with,
and rebels seldom escaped, but the Persians were generally fair-minded.
Cyrus was uniformly mild and generous, lacking the inordinate pride of
most Oriental monarchs, treating his subjects with kindness. Croesus
became one of his trusted companions, and accompanied him upon his later
campaigns. The story of the funeral pyre is probably an invention of the
Greeks, or, if it had any foundation whatever, it may be that Croesus
requested such an honorable end in preference to swearing allegiance to
an unknown conqueror.
When measures had been taken for the government of Lydia, attention
turned to Babylonia. There, as we have seen, the crown was worn by a
king who was more interested in the temples of the gods than in the
immediate welfare of his nation. His son Belshazzar made some defense
outside the capital, but a faction within the city, out of sympathy with
the existing government, allowed the Persians to take possession. Cyrus
now allowed the Jews to return to Jerusalem and there to rebuild their
temple and to make their homes in the land of their fathers. For this
reason the Hebrews had only words of praise for Cyrus. To the number of
49,697, with their property and possessions, they set upon their long
march--a peaceful band which encountered no opposition throughout its
course. The event stands unparalleled in history.
Had Cyrus lived, he would doubtless have added Egypt to his empire. This
was left for his son to accomplish. The great king fell fighting for
territories in the north.
In conclusion, it may be said that Cyrus is the first great conqueror we
have so far met who was kind and humane. His policy towards the
conquered stands out in marked relief to the butcheries and punishments
which characterized Assyria. Notwithstanding, all charges of selfish
motives which have belonged to those who have sought to become
world-conquerors, attach to Cyrus. Urged on by personal vanity and hope
of becoming supreme, he considered only the final issue and allowed his
ambition to triumph over his nobler nature. Some years later Alexander
emulated his example, and one hundred years ago Napoleon undertook the
same gigantic task--greater in his day--of building up a world-empire.
The motives prompting all three were the same, and in each case the
empires, so quickly brought into being, vanished as quickly as they
arose.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Rawlinson: Persia.
[2] Rawlinson: Persia.