“We lay down behind the gentle rise of a trodden down field of grain,

and enjoyed a few minutes’ rest to our wearied limbs; but not in

safety from the flying messengers of death, the whistling music of

which was far from lulling us to sleep.

“Afternoon was now far spent, and we were resting in line, without

having equalized the companies, for this would have been extremely

dangerous in so exposed a position; for the field afforded no cover,

and we were in advance of the other regiments. The enemy were at no

great distance, and, I may add, firing very actively upon us.

“Our position being, as I have already observed, without any cover

from the fire of the enemy, we were commanded to retire to the rear

of the farm, where we took up our bivouac on the field for the night.

“Six privates fell into the enemy’s hands; among these was a little

lad (Smith Fyfe) about five feet high. The French general, on seeing

this diminutive looking lad, is said to have lifted him up by the

collar or breech and exclaimed to the soldiers who were near him,

‘Behold the sample of the men of whom you seem afraid!’ This lad

returned a few days afterwards, dressed in the clothing of a French

grenadier, and was saluted by the name of Napoleon, which he retained

until he was discharged.

“The night passed off in silence: no fires were lit; every man lay

down in rear of his arms, and silence was enjoined for the night.

Round us lay the dying and the dead, the latter not yet interred, and

many of the former, wishing to breathe their last where they fell,

slept to death with their heads on the same pillow on which those who

had to toil through the future fortunes of the field reposed.”

The principal loss sustained by the Highlanders was at the first

onset; yet it was by no means so severe as might have been expected.

Lieutenant-colonel Sir Robert Macara, Lieutenant Robert Gordon,

and Ensign William Gerrard, 2 sergeants, and 40 rank and file were

killed. Including officers, there were 243 wounded.

In the battle of Waterloo, in which the regiment was partially

engaged, the 42d had only 5 men killed and 45 wounded. In these last

are included the following officers, viz.: Captain Mungo Macpherson,

Lieutenants John Orr, George Gunn Munro, Hugh Angus Fraser, and James

Brander, and Quarter-master Donald Mackintosh. “They fought like

heroes, and like heroes they fell--an honour to their country. On

many a Highland hill, and through many a Lowland valley, long will

the deeds of these brave men be fondly remembered, and their fate

deeply deplored. Never did a finer body of men take the field, never

did men march to battle that were destined to perform such services

to their country, and to obtain such immortal renown.”

The Duke of Wellington in his public despatches concerning Quatre

Bras and Waterloo paid a high compliment to the 42d. “Among other

regiments, I must particularly mention the 28th, 42d, 79th, and 92d,

and the battalion of Hanoverians.”

The word “Waterloo,” borne on the colours of the regiment, by royal

authority, commemorates the gallantry displayed by the regiment on

this occasion; a medal was conferred on each officer and soldier; and

the privilege of reckoning two years’ service, towards additional pay

and pension on discharge, was also granted to the men. It may not be

uninteresting to give here a list of the officers of the regiment who

were present at the battle of Quatre Bras and Waterloo. It will be

seen that while only 3 were killed, few escaped without a wound.

OFFICERS AT WATERLOO--1815.

Lieut.-Col. Sir Robert Macara, Killed.

Major Robert Henry Dick, Wounded.

Capt. Archibald Menzies, Wounded.

“ George Davidson, Died of Wounds.

“ John Campbell.

“ Mungo Macpherson, Wounded.

“ Donald M’Donald, Wounded.

“ Daniel M’Intosh, Wounded.

“ Robert Boyle, Wounded.

Lieut. Donald Chisholm, Wounded.

“ Duncan Stewart, Wounded.

“ Donald M’Kenzie, Wounded.

“ James Young, Adjutant, Wounded.

“ Hugh A. Fraser, Wounded.

“ John Malcolm, Wounded.

“ Alexander Dunbar, Wounded.

“ James Brander, Wounded.

“ Roger Stewart,

“ Robert Gordon, Killed.

“ James Robertson,

“ Kenneth M’Dougal,

“ Donald M’Kay,

“ Alexander Innes,[337]

“ John Grant,

“ John Orr,[337] Wounded.

“ George Gunn Munro, Wounded.

“ William Fraser, Wounded.

Ensign George Gerard, Killed.

“ Andrew L. Fraser,

“ Alexander Brown, Wounded.

“ Alexander Cumming,

Adjutant James Young, Lieut., Wounded.

Quarter-Master Don. M’Intosh, Wounded.

Surgeon Swinton Macleod,

Assistant Surgeon Donald M’Pherson,

Assistant Surgeon John Stewart,

It has been observed, as a remarkable circumstance in the history

of the Royal Highlanders, that on every occasion when they fired a

shot at an enemy (except at Ticonderoga, where success was almost

impossible), they were successful to such an extent at least, that

whatever the general issue of the battle might be, that part of

the enemy opposed to them never stood their ground, unless the

Highlanders were by insurmountable obstacles prevented from closing

upon them. Fontenoy even does not form an exception; for although the

allies were defeated, the Highlanders carried the points assigned

them, and then, as at Ticonderoga, they were the last to leave the

field.[338]

As the battle of Waterloo terminates a period of active service and

hard fighting in the case of the 42d, as well as of other regiments,

and as it had a rest of many years during the long peace, we shall

here give a summary of the number of men that entered the regiment,

from its formation down to the battle of Waterloo, and the number of

those who were killed, wounded, died of sickness, or were discharged

during that period.

The grand total of men embodied in the Black

Watch and 42d or Royal Highland regiment,

from its origin at Tay Bridge in April 1740, to

24th June 1815, exclusive of the second

battalion of 1780[339] and that of 1803,[340] was 8792

Of these there were killed, during that

period, exclusive of 35 officers, 816

Wounded during the same period, exclusive

of 133 officers, 2413

Died by sickness, wounds, and various

casualties, including those who were discharged

and those who volunteered into

other regiments, when the 42d left America

in 1767, up to 25th June 1793, 2275

Died by sickness, wounds, and various

casualties, from 25th June 1793 to 24th

June 1815, 1135[341]

Discharged during same period, 1485

Unaccounted for during same period,

having been left sick in an enemy’s country,

prisoners, &c. 138

----

8262

----

Number remaining in the first battalion

on 24th June 1815, 530

When it is considered that out of seventy-five years’ service,

forty-five were spent in active warfare, the trifling loss of the

regiment by the enemy will appear extraordinary; and the smallness

of that loss can only be accounted for by the determined bravery and

firmness of the men, it being now the opinion of military men that

troops, who act vigorously, suffer less than those who are slow and

cautious in their operations.

After spending several months in the vicinity of Paris, the regiment

marched to Calais and embarked for England, arriving at Ramsgate,

December 19th 1815. The regiment proceeded by Deal and Dover to

Hythe, where it lay two weeks, when it marched to Chelmsford.

After staying two weeks in Chelmsford Barracks, the regiment

proceeded northwards to Scotland by easy stages, and was everywhere

received with overwhelming enthusiasm and lavish hospitality. At

Cambridge, for example, Sergeant Anton, in his _Military Life_,

tells us, the bells welcomed the Royal Highlanders with joy; every

table smoked with savoury viands for their entertainment, and every

cellar contributed a liberal supply of its best October for their

refreshment. The same thing occurred at Huntingdon and other towns,

and at several places the men received a donation equal to two day’s

pay. And so it was at every town through which the regiment had

to pass; the men were fêted and petted as if they had saved their

country from destruction.

As they approached Edinburgh, the whole population seemed to have

poured to welcome them to its arms. Preceded by a guard of cavalry,

with its band of music, they entered the city amidst the loud

cheering and congratulatory acclamations of friends; while over their

heads, “from a thousand windows, waved as many banners, plaided

scarfs, or other symbols of courtly greetings.”[342] At Edinburgh

they were entertained in a manner that would have made the men of

any regiment but a “crack” one completely lose their heads; but

the self-possessed Royal Highlanders, while heartily enjoying the

many good things provided for them, and grateful for their hearty

welcome, seem never to have forgotten the high reputation they had to

maintain.[343]

After this, for many years, the Royal Highlanders had a rest from

active service.

V.

1816-1854.

The Highland Society’s Vase--Ireland--The White-boys--Critical

Service--Anecdotes--Old Manœuvres--Bad Management--The Dublin

Medal--Gibraltar--Innovations--Regimental Library--Malta--Ionian

Islands--Lieutenant-Colonel Middleton’s Farewell Order--Scotland

--Ireland--Malta--Corfu--Death of Major-General Sir R. H. Dick

--Bermuda--Halifax--Home.

We have already narrated (p. 374, vol. ii.) the proceedings at

the meeting of the Highland Society, after the Egyptian campaign,

with reference to the 42d. From 1811 to 1817, endeavours had been

frequently made to establish a better feeling between the officers

and the Highland Society, but in vain: the _Egyptians_ would not

yield, and in the meantime the vase remained at the makers.

After the return of the regiment from the Waterloo Campaign in 1816,

H.R.H. The Duke of York became the mediator, and arranged that the

vase should be accepted on the 21st March 1817, the anniversary of

the battle of Alexandria. By this time only two of the officers who

had served in Egypt were in the regiment, therefore the amicable

arrangement was more easily arrived at.

It was at Armagh barracks, on Wednesday the 18th of June 1817, that

the vase was presented to the regiment. At the time 5 companies

were detached to Newry, and several other detachments were absent

from Armagh; therefore not more than about 3 companies were present

at the ceremony. The parade was in review order, in side arms, and

a square of two deep was formed. On a table in the centre was the

vase, covered, and several small kegs of Highland whisky, brought

over from Scotland for the express purpose. A portion of the

correspondence with the Highland Society was read by the Adjutant:

Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Henry Dick addressed the regiment: the

casks of whisky were broached, and the cup filled. The Colonel

drank to the officers and men, the staff officers followed, and

afterwards the captains and officers drank to the health of their

respective companies, and the cup, held by both hands, and kept well

replenished, went three times down the ranks. All was happiness and

hilarity, not only on the parade, but for the remainder of the day.

Thus was introduced to the regiment the beautiful vase, which, for

elegance and design, is hardly to be surpassed.

[Illustration: Vase presented to 42d Royal Highlanders by the

Highland Society of London.]

Of the officers and men present on the occasion, Lieutenant-Colonel

Wheatley cannot bring to his recollection any now alive but himself

and another, viz., Alexander Grant, a pensioner, living at Granton,

Inverness-shire (in 1873). Of the officers in the regiment at the

time, the last of them, Captain Donald M’Donald, died at Musselburgh,

on the 24th September 1865, aged 82.

The day of “the Cup” was long remembered amongst the men, and it was

always enthusiastically spoken of as to the quality and quantity of

the whisky. The vase has lately (1869) been renovated, and placed on

an ebony stand, which has given additional grandeur to its elegance.

The regiment left Glasgow in April of this year, and proceeded to

Ireland, landing at Donaghadee, marching thence to Armagh, and

detaching parties to all the adjacent towns. The regiment remained in

Ireland till 1825, moving about from place to place, and occasionally

taking part in the duties to which the troops were liable, on account

of the disturbed state of the country. Many of these duties were

far from pleasant, yet the 42d discharged them in such a manner as

to gain the respect and goodwill of the natives among whom they

sojourned.

In June 1818, the regiment marched to Dundalk; and in May 1819,

to Dublin, where it remained upwards of twelve months, receiving

highly commendatory notices in orders, from Major-General White,

Major-General Bulwer, and Major-General Sir Colquhoun Grant.

On the 29th of January 1820, the colonelcy of the regiment was

conferred on Lieutenant-General John Earl of Hopetoun, G.C.B., from

the 92d Highlanders, in succession to General the Marquis of Huntly.

From Dublin the regiment marched, in August, to Kilkenny and

Clonmel, and while at these stations its appearance and discipline

were commended in orders by Major-General Sir Thomas Brisbane, and

Major-General Egerton.

The regiment marched, in October 1821, to Rathkeale, and took part in

the harassing duties to which the troops in the county of Limerick

were exposed during the disturbed state of the country, and its

conduct procured the unqualified approbation of the general officers

under whom it served.

In July 1822, the regiment marched to Limerick, and the orders issued

after the usual half-yearly inspections, by Major-General Sir John

Lambert, and Major-General Sir John Elley, were highly commendatory.

From Limerick the regiment proceeded to Buttevant, in July 1823, and

afterwards occupied many detached stations in the county of Cork,

where it preserved its high reputation for correct discipline, and

for general efficiency, which procured for it the encomiums of the

inspecting generals.

On the death of General the Earl of Hopetoun, G.C.B., the colonelcy

was conferred on Major-General Sir George Murray, G.C.B., G.C.H. (see

portrait in steel plate of Colonels of 42d), from the 72d, or the

Duke of Albany’s Own Highlanders, by commission, dated the 6th of

September 1823.

The following details, for which we are indebted to

Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley, will give the reader a vivid idea of the

state of Ireland at this time, as well as of the critical nature of

the duties which the 42d had to perform:--

The 42d, which was quartered at Rathkeale, were joined in these

duties by the 79th and 93d; the former quartered at Limerick, and the

latter at Ennis, County Clare. All three regiments were highly and

deservedly popular with the inhabitants.

Detachments were posted all over the country in every village or

hamlet, where a house could be hired to hold from 12 to 30 men. But

little could be done towards putting the White-boys down, as the

only offence against the law was being caught in arms. But as soon

as the Parliament met, the “Insurrection Act” was hurried through

both houses, and became law on the night of the 28th February 1822.

By the Act transportation for seven years was the punishment awarded

to any one found out of his dwelling-place any time between one hour

after sunset and sunrise. It was harassing duty patrolling over the

country, sometimes all night, calling the rolls, and apprehending

such as had been found absent on former occasions. The law was

carried out by what was called a “Bench of Magistrates,” two or more,

with a Sergeant-at-Law as president. All field officers and captains

were magistrates, and seven years’ transportation was the only

sentence the bench could give; the prisoner had either to be let off

with an admonition or transported. When the prisoner was brought in,

evidence was simply taken that he was found out of his dwelling-place

at an unlawful hour, or that he was absent from his habitation on

such a night when the roll was called. The local magistrates knew the

character he bore, a few minutes consultation was held, when sentence

was given, and an escort being already at the court-house door, the

prisoner was handcuffed and put on a cart. The words were given “with

cartridge prime and load, quick march,” and off to the Cove of Cork,

where a ship was at anchor to receive them. This summary procedure

soon put an end to the nightly depredations which had kept the

country in terror and alarm for months previous. The convicted were

at once sent off to Sydney,--“Botany Bay” at this time. Here is one

instance of how the act was put in force.

Every road leading out of Rathkeale had a guard or outpost to

prevent a surprise, and near to the Askeaton-road guard lived a

character known as “the red haired man,” a noted White-boy (so named

from wearing shirts over their clothes when on their nocturnal

excursions), who had taken care of himself from the passing of the

Insurrection Act, although still a leader and director of their

doings. His house was close to the guard, and there were special

orders to watch him, and at uncertain hours to visit the house, to

find him absent, if possible. On an evening in June, the sentry

called to the sergeant of the guard that “the red haired man,” half

an hour back, had gone into a house where he was still. The sergeant

walked about, the retreat beat, and watch in hand, he kept his

look-out; one hour after sunset “the red haired man” came out without

his hat, and laughing heartily: he was taken prisoner, and next day

was on his way to the Cove of Cork!!

Pages could be filled with anecdotes connected with the doings of

the several portions of the regiment in their various quarters. One

more, to show the natural inborn Irish inclination for fighting.--The

major commanding at Shannogalden, while standing on the street on

a fair-day, was thus accosted by a tall, gaunt, wiry man, of some

60 years of age. “Good morning to your honour.” “Good morning, Mr

Sullivan.” “I’ve a favour to ask of you, Major.” “Well, Mr Sullivan,

what can I do for you?” “Well, your honour knows that I’ve been a

loyal man, that during them disturbed times I always advised the boys

to give up the foolish night-work; that I’ve caused a great many

arms to be given up to yourself, Major.” Mr Sullivan’s detail of his

services and his appreciation of them being much too long to go over,

it ended in:--“It’s a long time, Major, since the boys have had a

fight, and all that I want is, that yourself and your men will just

keep out of sight, and remain at this end of the town, till me and

my boys go up to the fair, and stretch a few of the Whichgeralds.”

(Fitzgeralds, the opposite faction.) “Oh, then, Major, we’ll not be

long about it, just to stretch a dozen or two of them Whichgeralds,

and then I’ll engage we’ll go home quietly.” Much to Mr Sullivan’s

disappointment, the Major replied that he could not allow the peace

to be broken, and grievously crest-fallen, Mr S. went to report the

failure of his request to the fine set of young Sullivans who were

in sight, waiting the issue of the singular application, and ready

to be let loose on the Fitzgeralds. A Mr V----, a local magistrate,

who was standing with the Major, said that it would tend much to

break up the combination of Whiteboyism to let the factions fight

among themselves, and that he could not do better than to wink at the

Sullivans having a turn with their opponents; but the Major would not

entertain the idea of having, possibly, half-a-dozen murders to think

of.

In 1821, on the day the head-quarters division marched out of the

city of Limerick for Rathkeale, a man dropped out of the ranks

without leave, to take leave of some friends belonging to the 79th

(quartered at Limerick), when the rear guard came up; poor David

Hill was found senseless on the road, with a deep cut on the back of

his head, and his musket gone. On reaching Rathkeale, he was tried

by a Court Martial held in a square, formed there and then, before

the regiment was dismissed. He was sentenced to 300 lashes, and to

pay for his musket. It was what would rightly now be considered an

unnecessarily cruel individual suffering, though the most stringent

discipline was required, as the regiment was virtually in an enemy’s

country.

About three months afterwards an officer of the 79th was out snipe

shooting, near to the scene of poor Hill’s misfortune. A countryman

entered into conversation with the officer, watched his opportunity,

knocked him over, and was off with the gun. Two of the 3d light

dragoons on dispatch duty, from Rathkeale for Limerick, saw it;

one of them leaped wall after wall, and apprehended the culprit. A

special commission was at the time sitting in Limerick, by which he

was tried next day, and hanged a day or two after. On the scaffold

he confessed that it was he who had knocked over the Highlander, and

told the priest where the gun was to be found. When it was recovered

it was found cut down to make it a “handy gun.” It was given over to

Hill.

Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley, who was with the 42d at this time, was

himself an ear-witness to the following:--About ten minutes after he

and his comrade reached their billets at Rathkeale, the man of the

house came in from his work, evidently not aware of the soldiers’

presence. From the kitchen and stable, one apartment, the latter

overheard the following catechism between the father and a child

about four years old:--“Well Dan, have you been a good boy all day?”

“Yes, father.” “Come to my knee, Dan; now tell me, what will you do

to the peeler, Dan?” “I’ll shoot him, father, I will.” “You’ll shoot

him, will you?” “Yes, father, when I’m big like brother Phill.” “Ah,

you’re a fine fellow, Dan; there’s a penny for you to buy bread.”

Comment is unnecessary.[344]

In September 1823 the 42d, along with the other regiments in the

Munster district, was taught the “Torrance” system of drill,

which this year superseded the cumbrous old “Dundas.” This system

effected an entire change in the drill, particularly in the field

movements and the platoon exercise. Before this the wheeling or

counter-marching of a column was unknown. He was a rash commanding

officer who attempted an echelon movement in quick time, and it was

not to be presumed upon before a general officer. The marching past

in slow time was such a curiosity, that it is worthy of record. At

every angle, the command “Halt, left wheel, halt, dress, march,”

was given, and such work it was again to step off in time with the

preceding company; about one in twenty could do it. Altogether, a

drill book of “Dundas’s 18 manœuvres” would be a curious study for

the present day; and that corps was to be admired whose Colonel could

put them through “the 18 manœuvres.” At present the whole could be

done in 20 minutes, and as to skirmishing it was almost unknown,

except in rifle and light infantry corps.

Long marches were common in those days. The following account of a

long march while in Ireland, illustrates well the sad want of system

at this time in connection with the army, and the little attention

paid to the men’s welfare.

In the month of May 1819, the regiment was ordered from Dundalk

to Dublin. The detachment (of one subaltern and twenty men) at

Cootehill, in County Cavan, was ordered, when relieved, to march

to Ardee, and thence to Drogheda, to join a division under a field

officer for Dublin. The relieving party of the 3d Buffs did not

arrive until after mid-day on the 21st of May, when the detachment of

the 42d marched by Shercock under the belief that they would halt at

Kingscourt for the night, 18 miles from Cootehill. But, alas! they

marched on amidst pelting rain, and reached Ardee between 11 and

12 o’clock at night, 13 miles from Kingscourt, with the pipe-clay

so thoroughly washed from their belts (cross in those days), that

they were quite brown. The question will naturally arise, why did

they not stop at Kingscourt? even that distance being a long day’s

march. There was a reason. The end of the month was the 24th day at

this time, and from some neglect or mistake the officer was short of

money to keep the men all night at Kingscourt. But 42d soldiers made

no complaints, on any occasion, in those days. With the consolatory

saying, “what we march to-day we will not have to march to-morrow,”

the march was, with few exceptions, made cheerfully, although every

man carried his full kit.

At this period there was a lamentable want of organisation and good

management in many particulars. For instance, there was a garrison

field day every Thursday (in Dublin 1819-20), and the guards who went

on at ten o’clock the previous day had nothing sent to them in the

way of food from the scanty dinner of Wednesday, till they reached

their barracks about seven or eight the following evening.

Pay-sergeants were always consulted in all matters of interior

economy, whether it regarded the supply of necessaries or

improvements in messing, and they looked upon it as an innovation on

their _rights_ to propose any plan for the good of the soldiers, by

which the smallest portion of the pay would have been diverted from

passing through their (the pay sergeants’) hands; and thus a great

portion of the men were always in debt. A baneful system it was,

when men were allowed to be in debt to the sergeant to the extent of

several pounds.

During the time the regiment was quartered in Dublin in 1819, a

breakfast mess was established, much to the benefit of the soldier,

who until this time had pleased himself regarding that meal. Bread

and water satisfied some, while others indulged themselves according

to their taste or ability to procure what was agreeable to them.

In 1819 a regimental medal (bearing on one side the names Corunna,

Fuentes D’Onor, Pyrenees, Nevelle, Nive, Orthés, Toulouse, Peninsula)

was struck in Dublin, and issued to those entitled to wear it--at

their own expense. The authority of His Royal Highness the Duke of

York, at the time commander-in-chief, was obtained for the wearing

of it. Many good and gallant soldiers wore them in the regiment

for years, but they quickly disappeared, although few of them were

discharged under 19 and 20 years’ service. The last of them were

discharged between 1830 and 1834. Many inquiries have been made

concerning this medal, which has puzzled collectors, but on the

authority of Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley, the above is a correct

account of its origin and history.

Leaving the province of Munster, in June 1825, the regiment received

a highly commendatory communication from Lieutenant-General Sir John

Lambert, expressing the high sense he entertained of the discipline

and conduct of the corps. It afterwards marched to Dublin, where it

was stationed three months.

The regiment was divided into six service and four depôt companies,

and the service companies received orders to proceed to the

celebrated fortress of Gibraltar. They accordingly marched from

Dublin, for embarkation at the Cove of Cork, on board His Majesty’s

ship “Albion,” and the “Sovereign” and “Numa” transports: the last

division arrived at Gibraltar in the middle of December. The depôt

companies were removed from Ireland to Scotland.

On arrival at Gibraltar, the regiment occupied Windmill-hill

Barracks, and was afterwards removed to Rosia, where it was stationed

during the year 1827.

In February 1828, the regiment took possession of a wing of the grand

casemates. As an epidemic fever prevailed in the garrison, from

which the regiment suffered severely, it encamped, in September,

on the neutral ground. Its loss from the fever was, Ensign Charles

Stewart, 6 sergeants, and 53 rank and file.

The regiment returned to the grand casemates on the 9th of January

1829; again encamped in the neutral ground in July, leaving in

barracks the men who had recovered from the fever. It returned within

the fortress in October.

As there is little or nothing to record with regard to the doings

of the regiment during the six years it was at Gibraltar, where it

took its share of the usual garrison work, we shall again recur to

Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley’s memoranda, and present the reader

with some interesting notes on the manners, customs, &c., of the

regiment about this time. Let us, however, note here, that in 1825,

the regiment was armed with “The Long Land Tower” musket, being the

only corps of the line to which it was issued; and again, in 1840, it

was the first corps to receive the percussion musket, in both cases,

through the interest of Sir George Murray, its colonel.

The bugle, for barrack duty, was introduced in 1828, whilst the 42d

was encamped on the neutral ground, Gibraltar, during the epidemic

fever. Before this the solitary bugler of the regiment sounded part

of “quick march” for the guard, and had about half-a-dozen calls for

the light company, whose knowledge of skirmishing barely extended to

the covering of an advance in line. In the following year, and 1830,

it was taken up in reality, and the corps soon became famous for

their skirmishing: not that either the bugle calls for barracks or

the light infantry drill was without its enemies. Indeed, in general,

the officers were averse to the “new fangled innovations,” and, in

some instances, complained that they could not understand the bugle

even for the men’s breakfast, dinner, &c., and wished a return to the

drum! However, the innovations, with numerous others, were supported

by the commanding officers, and in due time the 42d became equal to

its neighbours.

While at Gibraltar, in 1830, a regimental library was started, and

continued in a flourishing condition for many years. Its history,

as told by one of its originators, Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley,

is extremely interesting. It deserves to be recorded, as it was

creditable to the corps, and equally so to the men who so nobly

supported it. At this time, such institutions were unknown in the

army; indeed, if anything, they were discouraged.

The regiment was quartered with the 43d in the grand casemates, in

February 1830. The sergeant-major of that corps had a small library,

his private property, collected at sales of books from time to time,

from the famous garrison library; he from that formed a circulating

library, lending books at a certain rate per month. It was spoken

of in the orderly room one day, after the finish of the morning’s

duty, and Sir Charles Gordon expressed his surprise that in a Scotch

regiment nothing of the kind had been instituted. As soon as he

left, the pay sergeants were called, and desired, by nine o’clock

the following morning, to give a return of the number of subscribers

willing to pay six days’ pay of their rank, to be levied in three

monthly instalments, and after the third month, to pay a subscription

of sixpence a month. A return of 224 was given in, and it having

willingly been approved of by Sir Charles, immediate steps were taken

to establish the library. A large order was sent off to the Messrs

Tegg, of London, and within a month, what from a purchase of cast

works from the garrison library, and donations of books from the

officers, the regiment was in good reading order. The officers were

most liberal in their donations. The members continued to increase,

and various alterations were made from time to time, and in 1836 the

subscriptions were reduced to fourpence. The funds were always fully

able to meet any charge of conveyance whilst at home, from 1836 to

1841, and again from 1852 to 1854. On being ordered to Turkey in

1854, the whole of the books were disposed of, because the Government

reading-rooms and libraries had been in force some time before this,

and some corps had been ordered to do away with the regimental ones.

At the time of its being broken up, it contained nearly 3000 volumes,

and during its existence was highly creditable to the regiment.

In 1832, the regiment received orders to leave Gibraltar and proceed

to Malta, embarking on the 13th January, when the governor, Sir

William Houston, expressed in garrison orders “that the 42d Royal

Highlanders had embarked in a manner fully supporting their high

character for discipline and good conduct, and he regretted their

departure.” After remaining at Malta till December 1834, the regiment

was removed to the Ionian Islands, where it stayed till June 1836,

having by that time completed a period of ten years and six months’

service in the Mediterranean.

The 42d left Corfu for Britain on the 30th of June, and was

accompanied to the place of embarkation by the Lord High

Commissioner, Major-General Sir Howard Douglas, who, on its being

formed on the esplanade, addressed it in the following terms:--

_“Colonel Middleton, Officers, Non-Commissioned Officers, and

Soldiers of the Royal-Highlanders_,

“I have come hither to assure you, that the conduct of the

Forty-second has given me the highest degree of satisfaction during

the time it has been under my orders, and I wish to express to

you the deep regret I feel at the departure of this gallant and

distinguished corps from the station under my command.

“The highest professional obligation of a regiment, is so to act

as to render itself dreaded as well as respected by enemies. This

the Forty-second has hitherto nobly and effectually done; and that

power, though it exists unimpaired in the condition of this regiment,

reposes for the present happily in peace.

“It is peculiarly the duty of a British soldier to conciliate, by

personal demeanour and individual conduct, the esteem and regard of

his fellow-subjects at home, and wherever he may be serving abroad,

to cultivate the best terms, and gain the respect and good will

of all classes of persons in the community of the place where he

may be quartered. This, too, Forty-second, you have well done! The

good terms which so happily subsist between the protector and the

protected here, have not only been undisturbed, but cemented by your

good conduct; and it affords me the greatest pleasure to have heard

it declared by the highest authorities here, that you take with

you the regard, respect, and good wishes of this population. As I

was honoured by having this regiment placed under my orders, and

I am highly satisfied with the conduct of the corps to the moment

of its departure, so should I feel gratified if I should have the

good fortune to have you again under my command. If this should

be in peace, I shall have the pleasure of renewing the agreeable

intercourse I have had with the officers, and the pleasing duties I

have had to discharge with you. Should a renewal of the connection

take place in war, it will afford me much delight and satisfaction,

and I shall feel great honour conferred upon me by being again

associated with a corps, which, I well know, would acquire fresh

inscriptions to its own renown, and to the honour of our country,

on the banners which have braved many a hard-fought battle-field,

and which have waved triumphantly over many a victory! Forty-second,

_farewell_!”

The regiment, on landing at Leith, on the 7th September 1836, was

joined by the depôt companies waiting it in Edinburgh Castle. It

remained in Scotland till the spring of 1838, when it embarked from

Glasgow for Dublin, where it remained until the beginning of 1841.

While in Ireland, new colours were presented to the regiment on March

7th, 1839.

While in Ireland, Lieutenant-Colonel Middleton was reluctantly

compelled to resign his command, on doing which he issued the

following pathetic farewell order:--

“NEW BARRACKS, LIMERICK,

_12th August, 1839_.

“_Regimental Order._

“The Lieutenant-Colonel is persuaded that the officers,

non-commissioned officers, and the soldiers of the regiment will

enter into his feelings, and easily believe that it caused him

many a heart-rending struggle before he brought himself to the

sad conclusion of severing ties which connected his destiny for

thirty-six years with that of the 42d, and which, but for one

consideration, nothing on this side the grave could have induced him

to do. That consideration they cannot be ignorant of, and which he is

sure they will duly appreciate.

“It remains with him, therefore, only to return them, collectively

and individually, the warmest expression of his thanks for the

cordial and unremitting manner with which they co-operated with him

in the various duties connected with his command, which made his

situation truly an envious one; indeed, he may with truth assert

without alloy, until now, when bidding the regiment farewell. In his

sorrow, however, it affords him consolation to think that he resigns

his proud and enviable charge into the hands of Major Johnstone, so

capable in every way of maintaining their discipline, and watching

over the best interest of the regiment. The Lieutenant-Colonel hopes

the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers, will give the

same undeviating support to him that they have on every occasion

given the Lieutenant-Colonel, the recollection of which can never be

banished from his mind; and wherever his future lot may be cast, his

heart will always be with the Royal Highlanders; in saying which,

should a tablet be over his tomb, the only epitaph he would wish

engraved upon it would be, that he once belonged to the 42d.”

In January 1841, the six service companies left Ireland for the

Ionian Islands, and in May following, the depôt companies left Dublin

for Scotland, being stationed at Stirling, which they quitted in

March 1842, for Aberdeen.

The 42d and eight other regiments[345] having been augmented to an

establishment of 1 lieutenant-colonel, 2 majors, 12 captains, 14

lieutenants, 10 ensigns, 6 staff officers, 67 sergeants, 25 drummers,

and 1200 rank and file; the Royal Highlanders received upwards of 400

Scots volunteers from other corps (180 of whom were furnished by the

72d, 79th, 92d, and 93d Highland regiments), towards the completion

of their new establishment; and the depôt was moved to Aberdeen in

May, where it was formed into 6 companies, to be termed the _Reserve

Battalion_, and its organisation rapidly proceeded.

In August 1842, when her Majesty the Queen Victoria visited Scotland,

the reserve battalion of the Royal Highlanders furnished a guard of

honour for Her Majesty at Dupplin, Taymouth, Drummond, and Stirling

Castles, and the brevet rank of lieutenant-colonel was conferred on

the commanding officer, Major James Macdougall.

In November 1842, the reserve battalion embarked from Gosport for

Malta, to be joined by the first battalion from the Ionian Islands.

The head-quarters and three companies of the first battalion, under

the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Johnstone, embarked at Cephalonia,

and landed at Malta on the 20th February; the other three companies

arrived at Malta from Zante on the 27th March.

When the regiment embarked at Cephalonia, the Regent, the Bishop,

and all the dignitaries saw Colonel Johnstone, the officers and men

to the boats, and the leave-taking was nearly as touching as the one

at Corfu in 1841. The Regent of the Island and the Civil authorities

subsequently sent a large gold medal to Colonel Johnstone, with

Cephalos and his dog on one side of it, and the Colonel’s name on the

other.[346]

[Illustration: Colonel Johnstone’s Medal.]

On the 29th of December 1843, General the Right Honourable Sir

George Murray, G.C.B., was removed to the 1st, or the Royal

Regiment of Foot, in succession to General Lord Lynedoch, deceased;

and the colonelcy of the 42d Royal Highlanders was conferred on

Lieutenant-General Sir John Macdonald, K.C.B. (Adjutant-General

of the Forces), from the 67th regiment. Sir George Murray on his

removal, addressed a letter to Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron, commanding

the regiment, from which the following are extracts:--

“I cannot leave the command of the Forty-second Royal Highlanders

without requesting you to express to them, in the strongest terms,

how high an honour I shall always esteem it to have been for upwards

of twenty years the colonel of a regiment, which, by its exemplary

conduct in every situation, and by its distinguished valour in many a

well-fought field, has earned for itself so large a share of esteem

and of renown as that which belongs to the FORTY-SECOND regiment.

“Wherever the military service of our country may hereafter require

the presence of the Royal Highlanders, my most friendly wishes

and best hopes will always accompany them, and it will afford me

the greatest pleasure to learn that harmony and mutual goodwill

continue, as heretofore, to prevail throughout their ranks; and that

discipline, so essential to the honour and success of every military

body, is upheld amongst them, not more by the vigilance and the good

example of those in command, than by the desire of all to discharge

regularly, faithfully, and zealously, the several duties which it

belongs to each respectively to perform. Whilst the Royal Highlanders

persevere (as I feel confident, by my long acquaintance with them,

both before and during the period of my having the honour to command

them, that they always will) in the same path of duty which they

have hitherto followed, they will never cease to add to that high

reputation which they have already achieved for themselves, and for

their native land.”

Until the 42d went to Corfu, in December 1834, according to

Lieutenant-Colonel Wheatley, no Highland regiment had ever been seen

there, and the natives flocked from all parts of the island to see

the wonderful soldiers. Many of the natives, no doubt, had heard

something of the dress, but could only think of it as being like

the Albanian kilt, nor would they believe that the knees were bare.

The Greeks, says the Colonel, are very stoical, but at the parade

next day (Sunday), on the esplanade, they could not conceal their

excitement. Both the officers and men of the 42d were very popular at

Corfu; and when, after an absence of four years and a-half on home

service, the regiment returned to the island in 1841, the islanders

regarded it as a compliment, and declared that “the regiment had only

been sent to England to get percussion muskets.”

On February 10th, 1846, was killed in action at Sobraon in India,

Major-General Sir R. H. Dick, who had entered the 42d as ensign in

1800. He served with the second battalion of the 78th in Sicily in

1806; was wounded at the battle of Maida; was in Calabria and Egypt,

in 1807; and was severely wounded at Rosetta. He was in the Peninsula

from 1809, and was wounded at Waterloo. In the entrance of St Giles’

Church, Edinburgh, is a tablet to his memory, erected by the officers

of the 42d in 1846.

The two battalions remained at Malta until 1847, when both were

ordered to Bermuda. The first sailed on the 27th February, and landed

three companies (head-quarters) at Hamilton, and three companies at

Ireland Island on the 16th April. The reserve battalion embarked in

March, and landed at St. George’s Island on the 24th of April.

On the 1st April 1850, the reserve battalion was consolidated into

the first, forming a regiment of ten companies of 1000 rank and file.

In May 1851, three companies were separated from the regiment to be

sent to Scotland, to be joined by the depôt company from the Isle of

Wight, and on 4th June, the six service companies embarked on board

the “Resistance,” and on the following day sailed for Halifax, where

they arrived on the 12th, sending out detachments to Prince Edward’s

Island, Cape Breton, and Annapolis, in all 200 men.

The regiment was relieved by the 56th at Bermuda, and replaced the

88th at Halifax, ordered home. The depôt left Bermuda for Aberdeen on

13th July.

Before leaving, a letter, complimenting the regiment highly on its

commendable conduct while in Bermuda, was forwarded to Colonel

Cameron by his Excellency the governor. We give the following address

from “the Corporation and other inhabitants of the town and parish of

St. George,” which was presented to Colonel Cameron on June 3d, 1851.

“_To Lieutenant-Colonel D. A. Cameron_,

_42d R. H. Commandant, &c., &c., &c._,

“SIR,--As Her Majesty’s 42d regiment under your command is about to

leave these Islands, we cannot allow its departure without expressing

our esteem for the kindly feelings which have existed between the

inhabitants and the 42d, during the four years’ residence in this

garrison. The urbanity and affability of the officers, the steady and

upright conduct of the non-commissioned officers and men, have been

eminently conspicuous. To our knowledge, not a man of your gallant

and distinguished corps has been convicted of any crime before the

civil authorities of this colony; a very gratifying circumstance, and

bespeaking the high state of discipline of the regiment.

“To yourself, Sir, officers, and men, we sincerely tender our best

wishes for your future welfare; and assured are we, that should the

time arrive for the ‘Forty-second’ to be called into active service,

they will display that loyalty and valour for which they are so

justly renowned. Wishing you a safe and pleasant passage,--We have

the honour to be, Sir, your obedient, humble servants:--

“(Signed by the Mayor, Corporation, and other Inhabitants of the town

and parish of St George.)”

To this Colonel Cameron made a suitable reply.

This shows the esteem in which the regiment was held by the

inhabitants of Bermuda, and it was well deserved. Not a man had been

convicted before the civil authorities; it was something new to the

Bermudans, and a subject which they often dwelt upon.

The mean strength of the regiment in the Islands for four years and

two months, viz:--April 1847 to June 1857, was 1090; and the deaths,

including accidents, &c., were only 31, being much less than the

usual mortality at home. The regiment that the 42d had relieved (1st

and reserve battalions of the 20th) sustained a heavy loss--several

hundreds--from cholera; and the 56th, which replaced it, lost 6

officers and 224 men, in the autumn of 1853.

Early in 1852, the several detachments rejoined at Halifax, and on

the 29th May the regiment (again in the “Resistance”) embarked to

return home, and on July 16th anchored at Greenock. They landed on

the 19th, and proceeded by rail to Stirling, three companies going to

Perth, and two to Dundee. The depôt was waiting the arrival of the

service companies in Stirling Castle. The regiment had been absent

from Scotland upwards of 14 years, viz., since embarking at Glasgow

for Dublin in 1838.

Early in April 1853, the regiment was ordered to be in readiness

to proceed to England. On the 22d headquarters left Stirling, and

proceeded to Weedon, detaching two companies to Northampton. On

the 14th of June left Weedon for Chobham. It was there encamped

with the 1st Life Guards; 6th Dragoon Guards; 13th Light Dragoons;

17th Lancers; 1st Battalion Grenadier Guards; 1st Battalion Scots

Fusiliers; 1st Battalion Coldstreams; 38th, 50th, 93d, and 95th

regiments; and 2d Battalion Rifle Brigade, &c., &c.

On the 14th July, the whole of the troops were replaced, and the

regiment proceeded to Haslar and Gosport (Fort Monckton), detaching

three companies, under Major Cumberland, to Weymouth.

VI.

1854-1856.

Regiment Embarks for Crimea--Landing at Kalamita Bay--March to

the Alma--Russian Position--Battle of the Alma--The Highland

Brigade--Sir Colin Campbell--Work done by the 42d--Sir Colin’s

Bonnet--Work of the 42d before Sebastopol--Sir Colin Campbell’s

Addresses--The Kertch Expedition--Return Home.

Early in 1854, the regiment was removed to Portsea, preparatory to

embarking for Turkey, in consequence of hostilities with Russia.

About 200 Volunteers were received from depôts in Ireland, and for

the first time for upwards of 45 years, without regard to country.

The ten service companies embarked in the hired screw ship the

“Hydaspes,” Captain John Baker, on the 20th May, and sailed next

morning. They consisted of 32 officers, 45 sergeants, 20 Drummers and

Pipers, and 850 Rank and File. On 1st June they went into Malta, and

on the 7th anchored off Scutari. They landed and encamped on the 9th,

joining in Brigade with the 79th and 93d.

On the 13th the division, consisting of the Brigade of Guards and the

Highlanders, embarked and reached Varna next day, and disembarked

on 15th, encamping near to Varna. On the 1st of July they moved to

Aladyne; on the 28th to Gevrekler (“The three springs”); and on 16th

August repassed Varna to Galatabourna,[347] where the regiment was in

camp until the embarkation of the army on the 29th, on which day it

went on board the ss. “Emeu,” and sailed with the expedition on the

5th September.

The British force consisted of 27,000 men of all arms; the French

about 30,000; and the Turks 7000; making a total of 63,000 men, with

128 guns. Lord Raglan was the chief of the British forces, while

Marshal St Arnaud commanded the army of France. The English infantry

consisted of four divisions; the Light, First, Second, and Third

Divisions. The First Division, under the command of H. R. H. the

Duke of Cambridge, consisted of the third battalion of the Grenadier

Guards, and the first battalions of the Coldstream and Scotch

Fusilier Guards, commanded by Major-General Bentinck. Major-General

Sir Colin Campbell (Lord Clyde, of whom we give a steel portrait)

was commander of the other half of this division (the Highland

Brigade), composed of the 42d, 79th, and 93d Highlanders. The 42d was

commanded by Colonel Cameron, who had joined the regiment in 1825,

and was made lieutenant-general in 1868.

[Illustration: LORD CLYDE (Sir Colin Campbell).

COPIED BY PERMISSION OF M^R J. MITCHELL, PUBLISHER, LONDON.

A. Fullarton & C^o London & Edinburgh.]

On the 14th of September 1854, the allied armies of England and

France, landed unopposed at Old Fort, Kalameta Bay, about 30 miles

north of Sebastopol.

“The seamen knew,” says Kinglake,[348] the fascinating historian of

the Crimean War, “that it concerned the health and comfort of the

soldiers to be landed dry, so they lifted or handed the men ashore

with an almost tender care: yet not without mirth--nay, not without

laughter far heard--when, as though they were giant maidens, THE TALL

HIGHLANDERS OF THE FORTY-SECOND, placed their hands in the hands

of the sailor, and sprang, by his aid, to the shore, their kilts

floating out wide while they leapt.” It was not until the 18th that

all the soldiers and their accompaniments were landed, and not until

the 19th that the march southwards on Sebastopol commenced. On the

first night of their march, the allies bivouacked on the banks of the

stream of the Bulganak, six miles from their landing place.

“During the march, the foot-soldiers of the Allied armies suffered

thirst; but early in the afternoon the troops in advance reached

the long-desired stream of the Bulganak; and as soon as a division

came in sight of the water, the men broke from their ranks, and ran

forward that they might plunge their lips deep in the cool, turbid,

grateful stream. In one brigade a stronger governance was maintained.

Sir Colin Campbell would not allow that even the rage of thirst

should loosen the discipline of his grand Highland regiments. He

halted them a little before they reached the stream, and so ordered

it that, by being saved from the confusion that would have been

wrought by their own wild haste, they gained in comfort, and knew

that they were gainers. When men toil in organised masses, they owe

what well being they have to wise and firm commanders.”[349]

When the allied forces came in sight of the Alma, they found the

Russians intrenched in what looked a very formidable position, on

the hills which rise from its left or southern bank. For a short

distance from the mouth of the river, the banks rise precipitously

from the river and form a table-land above, accessible by several

gorges or passes. Further up the river the banks rise more gently,

and the slope of the hills southwards is more gradual; everywhere

are the heights cut up by passes or ravines into knolls and separate

rounded heights. “From the sea-shore to the easternmost spot

occupied by Russian troops, the distance for a man going straight

was nearly five miles and a-half; but if he were to go all the way

on the Russian bank of the river, he would have to pass over more

ground, for the Alma here makes a strong bend and leaves open the

chord of the arc to invaders who come from the north.”[350] All over

the heights extending from near the sea to this distance eastwards

along the south-side of the river, the Russian force, amounting

to 39,000 men and 106 guns, was massed on the side of the various

slopes, in formidable looking columns. On the right of the Russian

position rose gradually from the banks of the river a gentle slope,

which terminated in a large rounded knoll, known as the Kourganè

hill. At about 300 yards from the river, the Russians had thrown

up a large breastwork armed with fourteen heavy guns; this was

known as the Great Redoubt. With this work Prince Mentschikoff, the

Russian commander, was delighted; indeed, he fancied his position

so impregnable, that he expected to hold out for three days, by

which time he was confident the allies would be utterly exhausted,

and fall an easy prey to his northern legions. On the same hill,

but higher up, and more to his right, the Prince threw up another

slight breast-work, which he armed with a battery of field guns. This

was the Lesser Redoubt. At many other points which commanded the

approaches to his position he had large batteries planted, and the

vineyards which skirted the north bank of the river were marked and

cleared, so as to give effect to the action of the artillery.

As it would be out of place here to give a general account of the

battle of the Alma, we shall content ourselves mainly with setting

forth the part taken in it by the 42d Royal Highlanders, the actual

strength of which regiment going into action was 27 officers, 40

sergeants, 20 pipers and drummers, and 703 rank and file. The work

done by the other Highland regiments will be told in the proper

place. The French and Turks, who formed the right of the allied army,

were appointed to attack the left of the Russian position, while the

British had to bear the brunt of the battle, and engage the enemy in

front and on the right, being thus exposed to the full force of the

murderous fire from the above-mentioned batteries.[351]

“The right wing of the Russian army was the force destined to

confront, first our Light Division, and then the Guards and the

Highlanders. It was posted on the slopes of the Kourganè Hill. Here

was the Great Redoubt, armed with its fourteen heavy guns; and Prince

Mentschikoff was so keen to defend this part of the ground, that

he gathered round the work, on the slopes of the hill, a force of

no less than sixteen battalions of regular infantry, besides the

two battalions of Sailors, and four batteries of field-artillery.

The right of the forces on the Kourganè Hill rested on a slope to

the east of the Lesser Redoubt, and the left on the great road.

Twelve of the battalions of regular infantry were disposed into

battalion-columns posted at intervals and checkerwise on the flanks

of the Great Redoubt; the other four battalions, drawn up in one

massive column, were held as a reserve for the right wing on the

higher slope of the hill. Of the four field-batteries, one armed

the Lesser Redoubt, another was on the high ground commanding and

supporting the Great Redoubt, and the remaining two were held in

reserve. General Kvetzinski commanded the troops in this part of the

field. On his extreme right, and posted at intervals along a curve

drawn from his right front to his centre rear, Prince Mentschikoff

placed his cavalry,--a force comprising 3400 lances, with three

batteries of horse-artillery.

“Each of these bodies of horse, when brought within sight of the

Allies, was always massed in column.

“Thus, then, it was to bar the Pass and the great road, to defend the

Kourganè Hill and to cover his right flank, that the Russian General

gathered his main strength; and this was the part of the field

destined to be assailed by our troops. That portion of the Russian

force which directly confronted the English army, consisted of 3400

cavalry, twenty-four battalions of infantry, and seven batteries

of field-artillery, besides the fourteen heavy guns in the Great

Redoubt, making together 23,400 men and eighty-six guns.”[352]

In the march from its bivouac on the night of the 19th there were two

or three protracted halts, one caused by a slight brush with some

Cossack cavalry and artillery. The rest we must relate mainly in the

charming words of Kinglake, after whose narrative all others are

stale.

“The last of these took place at a distance of about a mile and a

half from the banks of the Alma. From the spot where the forces

were halted the ground sloped gently down to the river’s side; and

though some men lay prostrate under the burning sun, with little

thought except of fatigue, there were others who keenly scanned the

ground before them, well knowing that now at last the long-expected

conflict would begin. They could make out the course of the river

from the dark belt of gardens and vineyards which marked its banks;

and men with good eyes could descry a slight seam running across a

rising-ground beyond the river, and could see, too, some dark squares

or oblongs, encroaching like small patches of culture upon the broad

downs. The seam was the Great Redoubt; the square-looking marks that

stained the green sides of the hills were an army in order of battle.

“That 20th of September on the Alma was like some remembered day of

June in England, for the sun was unclouded, and the soft breeze of

the morning had lulled to a breath at noontide, and was creeping

faintly along the hills. It was then that in the Allied armies there

occurred a singular pause of sound--a pause so general as to have

been observed and remembered by many in remote parts of the ground,

and so marked that its interruption by the mere neighing of an angry

horse seized the attention of thousands; and although this strange

silence was the mere result of weariness and chance, it seemed to

carry a meaning; for it was now that, after near forty years of

peace, the great nations of Europe were once more meeting for battle.

“Even after the sailing of the expedition, the troops had been

followed by reports that the war, after all, would be stayed; and

the long frequent halts, and the quiet of the armies on the sunny

slope, seemed to harmonise with the idea of disbelief in the coming

of the long-promised fight. But in the midst of this repose Sir Colin

Campbell said to one of his officers, ‘This will be a good time for

the men to get loose half their cartridges;’ and when the command

travelled on along the ranks of the Highlanders, it lit up the faces

of the men one after another, assuring them that now at length, and

after long expectance, they indeed would go into action. They began

obeying the order, and with beaming joy, for they came of a warlike

race; yet not without emotion of a graver kind--they were young

soldiers, new to battle.”[353]

The Light Division formed the right of the British army, and the duty

of the Highland Brigade and the Guards was to support this division

in its attack on the right of the Russian position. The 42d formed

the right of the Highland Brigade, the 93d the centre, and the 79th

the left. The Kourganè hill, which had to be assailed by the Light

Division, supported by the Highlanders and Guards, was defended by

two redoubts, by 42 guns, and by a force of some 17,000 men.

The battle commenced about half-past one P.M., and lasted a little

over two hours. The French attack on the left was comparatively a

failure, and their losses small, for they had but little of the

fighting to sustain. The battle on the part of the English was

commenced by the Light and Second Divisions crossing the Alma, the

former getting first to the other or Russian side, driving the

Russian skirmishers and riflemen before them at the point of the

bayonet. As soon as they got out of the vineyards, double the number

of guns opened upon them with grape and canister, still they moved

on, keeping up a telling fire against the Russian gunners. By the

time they reached the great redoubt they were terribly shattered,

but, nevertheless, successfully carried it and captured two guns.

Being, however, now comparatively few in number, and unsupported,

they were compelled to leave the redoubt by a huge body of Russian

infantry, upon whom, they never turned their backs. Other operations,

with more or less success, were going on in other parts of the

hillside, but our place is with the Highlanders of the First

Division, who, along with the Guards, were now advancing to support

the Light Division, so sore bestead. “This magnificent division, the

flower of the British army, had crossed the river rather higher up

than the Light Division, and consequently were on its left.... The

First Division formed-up after crossing the Alma, and although they

incurred considerable loss in so doing, they nevertheless advanced in

most beautiful order--really as if on parade. I shall never forget

that sight--one felt so proud of them.”[354] Lord Raglan had been

looking on all this time from some high ground, where he and his

staff were posted, and where he obtained a comprehensive view of the

battle-field. When he saw the First Division coming up in support,

he said, “Look how well the Guards and Highlanders advance!”[355] We

must allow Mr Kinglake to tell the rest.

“Further to the left (of the Guards), and in the same formation (of

line), the three battalions of the Highland Brigade were extended.

But the 42d had found less difficulty than the 93d in getting through

the thick ground and the river, and again the 93d had found less

difficulty than the 79th; so, as each regiment had been formed and

moved forward with all the speed it could command, the brigade fell

naturally into direct échelon of regiments, the 42d in front.

|

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42d.

|

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93d.

|

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79th.

“And although this order was occasioned by the nature of the ground

traversed and not by design, it was so well suited to the work in

hand that Sir Colin Campbell did not for a moment seek to change it.

“These young soldiers, distinguished to the vulgar eye by their tall

stature, their tartan uniforms, and the plumes of their Highland

bonnets, were yet more marked in the eyes of those who know what

soldiers are by the warlike carriage of the men, and their strong,

lithesome, resolute step. And Sir Colin Campbell was known to be

so proud of them, that already, like the Guards, they had a kind

of prominence in the army, which was sure to make their bearing in

action a broad mark for blame or for praise.[356]

“The other battalions of the Highland Brigade were approaching; but

the 42d--the far-famed ‘Black Watch’--had already come up. It was

ranged in line. The ancient glory of the corps was a treasure now

committed to the charge of young soldiers new to battle; but Campbell

knew them--was sure of their excellence--and was sure, too, of

Colonel Cameron, their commanding officer. Very eager--for the Guards

were now engaged with the enemy’s columns--very eager, yet silent and

majestic, the battalion stood ready.

“Before the action had begun, and whilst his men were still in

column, Campbell had spoken to his brigade a few words--words simple,

and, for the most part, workmanlike, yet touched with the fire of

war-like sentiment. ‘Now, men, you are going into action. Remember

this: whoever is wounded--I don’t care what his rank is--whoever is

wounded must lie where he falls till the bandsmen come to attend to

him. No soldiers must go carrying off wounded men. If any soldier

does such a thing, his name shall be stuck up in his parish church.

Don’t be in a hurry about firing. Your officers will tell you when

it is time to open fire. Be steady. Keep silence. Fire low. Now,

men’--those who know the old soldier can tell how his voice would

falter the while his features were kindling--‘Now, men, the army will

watch us; make me proud of the Highland Brigade!’

“It was before the battle that this, or the like of this, was

addressed to the brigade; and now, when Sir Colin rode up to the

corps which awaited his signal, he only gave it two words. But

because of his accustomed manner of utterance, and because he was a

true, faithful lover of war, the two words he spoke were as the roll

of the drum: ‘Forward, 42d!’ This was all he then said; and, ‘as a

steed that knows his rider,’ the great heart of the battalion bounded

proudly to his touch.

“Sir Colin Campbell went forward in front of the 42d; but before he

had ridden far, he saw that his reckoning was already made good by

the event, and that the column which had engaged the Coldstream was

moving off obliquely towards its right rear. Then with his Staff he

rode up a good way in advance, for he was swift to hope that the

withdrawal of the column from the line of the redoubt might give

him the means of learning the ground before him, and seeing how the

enemy’s strength was disposed in this part of the field. In a few

moments he was abreast of the redoubt, and upon the ridge or crest

which divided the slope he had just ascended from the broad and

rather deep hollow which lay before him. On his right he had the now

empty redoubt, on his right front the higher slopes of the Kourganè

Hill. Straight before him there was the hollow, or basin, just spoken

of, bounded on its farther side by a swelling wave or ridge of ground

which he called the ‘inner crest.’ Beyond that, whilst he looked

straight before him, he could see that the ground fell off into a

valley; but when he glanced towards his left front he observed that

the hollow which lay on his front was, so to speak, bridged over by a

bending rib which connected the inner with the outer crest--bridged

over in such a way that a column on his left front might march to the

spot where he stood without having first to descend into the lower

ground. More towards his left, the ground was high, but so undulating

and varied that it would not necessarily disclose any troops which

might be posted in that part of the field.

“Confronting Sir Colin Campbell from the other side of the hollow,

the enemy had a strong column--the two right battalions of the Kazan

corps--and it was towards this body that the Vladimir column, moving

off from the line of the redoubt, was all this time making its way.

The Russians saw that they were the subject of a general officer’s

studies; and Campbell’s horse at this time was twice struck by shot,

but not disabled. When the retiring column came abreast of the right

Kazan column it faced about to the front, and, striving to recover

its formation, took part with the Kazan column in opposing a strength

of four battalions--four battalions hard-worked and much thinned--to

the one which, eager and fresh, was following the steps of the

Highland General.

“Few were the moments that Campbell took to learn the ground before

him, and to read the enemy’s mind; but, few though they were, they

were all but enough to bring the 42d to the crest where their General

stood. The ground they had to ascend was a good deal more steep and

more broken than the slope close beneath the redoubt. In the land

where those Scots were bred, there are shadows of sailing clouds

skimming straight up the mountain’s side, and their paths are rugged,

are steep, yet their course is smooth, easy, and swift. Smoothly,

easily, swiftly, the ‘Black Watch’ seemed to glide up the hill. A few

instants before, and their tartans ranged dark in the valley--now,

their plumes were on the crest. The small knot of horsemen who had

ridden on before them were still there. Any stranger looking into

the group might almost be able to know--might know by the mere

carriage of the head--that he in the plain, dark-coloured frock, he

whose sword-belt hung crosswise from his shoulder, was the man there

charged with command; for in battle, men who have to obey sit erect

in their saddles; he who has on him the care of the fight seems

always to fall into the pensive yet eager bend which the Greeks--keen

perceivers of truth--used to join with their conception of Mind

brought to bear upon War. It is on board ship, perhaps, more commonly

than ashore, that people in peace-time have been used to see their

fate hanging upon the skill of one man. Often, landsmen at sea have

watched the skilled, weather-worn sailor when he seems to look

through the gale, and search deep into the home of the storm. He sees

what they cannot see; he knows what, except from his lips, they never

will be able to learn. They stand silent, but they question him with

their eyes. So men new to war gaze upon the veteran commander, when,

with knitted brow and steady eyes, he measures the enemy’s power,

and draws near to his final resolve. Campbell, fastening his eyes

on the two columns standing before him, and on the heavier and more

distant column on his left front, seemed not to think lightly of the

enemy’s strength; but in another instant (for his mind was made up,

and his Highland blood took fire at the coming array of the tartans)

his features put on that glow which, seen in men of his race--race

known by the kindling grey eye, and the light, stubborn crisping

hair--discloses the rapture of instant fight. Although at that moment

the 42d was alone, and was confronted by the two columns on the

farther side of the hollow, yet Campbell, having a steadfast faith

in Colonel Cameron and in the regiment he commanded, resolved to go

straight on, and at once, with his forward movement. He allowed the

battalion to descend alone into the hollow, marching straight against

the two columns. Moreover, he suffered it to undertake a manœuvre

which (except with troops of great steadiness and highly instructed)

can hardly be tried with safety against regiments still unshaken. The

‘Black watch’ ‘advanced firing.’

“But whilst this fight was going on between the 42d and the two

Russian columns, grave danger from another quarter seemed to threaten

the Highland battalion; for, before it had gone many paces, Campbell

saw that the column which had appeared on his left front was boldly

marching forward; and such was the direction it took, and such the

nature of the ground, that the column, if it were suffered to go on

with this movement, would be able to strike at the flank of the 42d

without having first to descend into lower ground.

“Halting the 42d in the hollow, Campbell swiftly measured the

strength of the approaching column, and he reckoned it so strong

that he resolved to prepare for it a front of no less than five

companies. He was upon the point of giving the order for effecting

this bend in the line of the 42d, when looking to his left rear, he

saw his centre battalion springing up to the outer crest.”[357] This

was the 93d.

“Campbell’s charger, twice wounded already, but hitherto not much

hurt, was now struck by a shot in the heart. Without a stumble or

a plunge the horse sank down gently to the earth, and was dead.

Campbell took his aide-de-camp’s charger; but he had not been long

in Shadwell’s saddle when up came Sir Colin’s groom with his second

horse. The man, perhaps, under some former master, had been used

to be charged with the ‘second horse’ in the hunting-field. At all

events, here he was; and if Sir Colin was angered by the apparition,

he could not deny that it was opportune. The man touched his cap,

and excused himself for being where he was. In the dry, terse way of

those Englishmen who are much accustomed to horses, he explained that

towards the rear the balls had been dropping about very thick, and

that, fearing some harm might come to his master’s second horse, he

had thought it best to bring him up to the front.

“When the 93d had recovered the perfectness of its array, it again

moved forward, but at the steady pace imposed upon it by the chief.

The 42d had already resumed its forward movement; it still advanced

firing.

“The turning moment of a fight is a moment of trial for the soul, and

not for the body; and it is, therefore, that such courage as men are

able to gather from being gross in numbers, can be easily outweighed

by the warlike virtue of a few. To the stately ‘Black Watch’ and

the hot 93d, with Campbell leading them on, there was vouchsafed

that stronger heart for which the brave pious Muscovites had prayed.

Over the souls of the men in the columns there was spread, first

the gloom, then the swarm of vain delusions, and at last the sheer

horror which might be the work of the Angel of Darkness. The two

lines marched straight on. The three columns shook. They were not

yet subdued. They were stubborn; but every moment the two advancing

battalions grew nearer and nearer, and although--dimly masking the

scant numbers of the Highlanders--there was still the white curtain

of smoke which always rolled on before them, yet, fitfully, and from

moment to moment, the signs of them could be traced on the right

hand and on the left in a long, shadowy line, and their coming was

ceaseless.

“But moreover, the Highlanders being men of great stature, and in

strange garb, their plumes being tall, and the view of them being

broken and distorted by the wreaths of the smoke, and there being,

too, an ominous silence in their ranks, there were men among the

Russians who began to conceive a vague terror--the terror of things

unearthly; and some, they say, imagined that they were charged by

horsemen strange, silent, monstrous, bestriding giant chargers.

Unless help should come from elsewhere, the three columns would

have to give way; but help came. From the high ground on our left

another heavy column--the column composed of the two right Sousdal

battalions--was seen coming down. It moved straight at the flank of

the 93d.”[358] This was met by the 79th.

“Without a halt, or with only the halt that was needed for dressing

the ranks, it sprang at the flank of the right Sousdal column, and

caught it in its sin--caught it daring to march across the front of a

battalion advancing in line. Wrapped in the fire thus poured upon its

flank, the hapless column could not march, could not live. It broke,

and began to fall back in great confusion; and the left Sousdal

column being almost at the same time overthrown by the 93d, and the

two columns which had engaged the ‘Black Watch’ being now in full

retreat, the spurs of the hill and the winding dale beyond became

thronged with the enemy’s disordered masses.

“Then again, they say, there was heard the sorrowful wail that bursts

from the heart of the brave Russian infantry when they have to suffer

defeat; but this time the wail was the wail of eight battalions; and

the warlike grief of the soldiery could no longer kindle the fierce

intent which, only a little before, had spurred forward the Vladimir

column. Hope had fled.

“After having been parted from one another by the nature of the

ground, and thus thrown for some time into échelon, the battalions

of Sir Colin’s brigade were now once more close abreast; and since

the men looked upon ground where the grey remains of the enemy’s

broken strength were mournfully rolling away, they could not but

see that this, the revoir of the Highlanders, had chanced in a

moment of glory. Knowing their hearts, and deeming that the time was

one when the voice of his people might fitly enough be heard, the

Chief touched or half lifted his hat in the way of a man assenting.

Then along the Kourganè slopes, and thence west almost home to the

Causeway, the hill-sides were made to resound with that joyous,

assuring cry, which is the natural utterance of a northern people so

long as it is warlike and free.[359]

“The three Highland regiments were now re-formed, and Sir Colin

Campbell, careful in the midst of victory, looked to see whether the

supports were near enough to warrant him in pressing the enemy’s

retreat with his Highland Brigade. He judged that, since Cathcart was

still a good way off, the Highlanders ought to be established on the

ground which they had already won; and, never forgetting that, all

this while, he was on the extreme left of the whole infantry array

of the Allies, he made a bend in his line, which caused it to show a

front towards the south-east as well as towards the south.

“This achievement of the Guards and the Highland Brigade was so

rapid, and was executed with so steadfast a faith in the prowess

of our soldiery and the ascendancy of Line over Column, that in

vanquishing great masses of infantry 12,000 strong, and in going

straight through with an onset which tore open the Russian position,

the six battalions together did not lose 500 men.”[360]

The British loss was 25 officers and 19 sergeants killed, and 81

officers and 102 sergeants wounded; 318 rank and file killed, and

1438 wounded, making, with 19 missing, a total loss of 2002. The

French loss was probably not more than 60 killed and 500 wounded,

while the Russian killed and wounded amounted to considerably above

6000. The 42d in killed and wounded lost only 37 men.

After the battle, it was a touching sight to see the meeting between

Lord Raglan and Sir Colin Campbell. The latter was on foot, as his

horse had been killed in the earlier period of the action. Lord

Raglan rode up, and highly complimented Campbell and his brigade.

Sir Colin, with tears in his eyes,[361] said it was not the first

battle-field they had won together, and that, now that the battle was

over, he had a favour to ask his lordship, which he hoped he would

not refuse--to wear a bonnet with his brigade while he had the honour

to command it.

The request was at once granted, and the making up of the bonnet was

intrusted secretly to Lieutenant and Adjutant Drysdale of the 42d.

There was a difficulty next morning as to the description of heckle

to combine the three regiments of the Brigade. It was at last decided

to have one-third of it red, to represent the 42d, and the remaining

two-thirds white at the bottom, for the 79th and 93d. Not more than

half a dozen knew about the preparation of the bonnet, and these were

confined to the 42d. A brigade parade was ordered on the morning of

22d September on the field of Alma, “as the General was desirous of

thanking them for their conduct on the 20th.” The square was formed

in readiness for his arrival, and he rode into it with the bonnet on.

No order or signal was given for it, but he was greeted with such

a succession of cheers, again and again, that both the French and

English armies were startled into a perfect state of wonder as to

what had taken place. Such is the history of “the bonnet gained.”

The 42d had its own share in the harassing and tedious work which

devolved on the British soldiers while lying before Sebastopol,

although it so happened that it took no part in any of the important

actions which followed Alma. Here, as elsewhere, the men supported

the well-known character of the regiment in all respects. On the

first anniversary of the battle of the Alma, September 20, 1855, the

first distribution of medals was made to the soldiers in the Crimea,

on which occasion Lieutenant-General Sir Colin Campbell issued the

following stirring address, duty preventing him from being present:--

“_Highland Brigade_,

“On the first anniversary of the glorious battle of the Alma, our

gracious Sovereign has commanded the Crimean medal to be presented

to her gallant soldiers, who were the first to meet the Russians and

defeat them on their own territory. The fatigues and hardships of

last year are well known, and have greatly thinned our ranks since

we scaled the Alma heights together; but happy am I to see so many

faces around me, who, on that day, by their courage, steadiness, and

discipline, so materially assisted in routing the Russian hordes

from their vaunted impregnable position. To that day Scotchmen can

look with pride, (and Scotchmen are everywhere). For your deeds

upon that day you received the marked encomiums of Lord Raglan, the

thanks of the Queen, and admiration of all. Scotchmen are proud of

you! I, too, am a Scotchman, and proud of the honour of commanding

so distinguished a Brigade; and still prouder, that through all

the trying severities of the winter, its incessant labours, and

decimating disease, you have still maintained the same unflinching

courage and energy with which your discipline, obedience, and

steadiness, in whatever circumstances you have been placed, make

you so unrivalled (and none more so than the oldest regiment of the

brigade), and your commander confident of success, however numerous

and determined your foe. The young soldiers who have not this day

been presented with a medal, nor shared in the glories of the Alma,

may soon win equal honours, for many an Alma will yet be fought, when

I hope they will prove themselves worthy comrades of those who have

struck home for Scotland, and for honours for their breast.

“Many have shared the greatest portion of the hardships of this

campaign, and were ready upon the 8th (September) to do their duty,

and eager for the morning of the 9th, when if we had been required I

am positive would have gained renown.

“The honour of these last days all are equally entitled to, and I

hope soon again to be presenting the young soldiers with their medals.

“I cannot conclude without bringing to your minds, that the eyes

of your countrymen are upon you. I know you think of it, and will

endeavour by every effort to maintain your famed and admirable

discipline; also that your conduct in private equals your prowess in

the field; and when the day arrives that your services are no longer

required in the field, welcome arms will be ready to meet you with

pride, and give you the blessings your deeds have so materially aided

to bring to your country. And in after years, when recalling the

scenes of the Crimea by your ingle side, your greatest pride will be

that you too were there, and proved yourself a worthy son of sires

who, in by-gone days, on many a field added lustre to their country’s

fame.”

The brave Sir Colin seems to have been particularly fond of the old

Black Watch, “the senior regiment” of the Highland Brigade, as will

be seen from the above address, as well as from the following, in

which, after regretting he was not present at the distribution of

medals and clasps on the 20th September, he proceeds:--

“Your steadiness and gallantry at the battle of Alma were most

conspicuous and most gratifying to me, whilst your intrepidity, when

before the enemy, has been equalled by the discipline which you have

invariably preserved.

“Remember never to lose sight of the circumstance, that you are

natives of Scotland; that your country admires you for your bravery;

that it still expects much from you; and, as Scotchmen, strive to

maintain the name and fame of our countrymen, who are everywhere,

and who have nobly fought and bled in all quarters of the globe. In

short, let every one consider himself an hero of Scotland. It is

my pride, and shall also be my boast amongst the few friends which

Providence has left me, and those which I have acquired, that this

decoration of the order of the Bath, which I now wear, has been

conferred upon me on account of the distinguished gallantry you

have displayed. Long may you wear your medals, for you well deserve

them! And now for a word to the younger officers and soldiers. It

is not only by bravery in action that you can anticipate success;

much depends upon steadiness and discipline. Remember this, for it is

owing to the high state of discipline heretofore maintained in the

Highland Brigade, _and in the senior regiment thereof in particular_,

that such results have been obtained as to warrant the highest degree

of confidence in you, in whatever position the fortune of war may

place you.

“Endeavour, therefore, to maintain steadiness and discipline, by

which you will be able to emulate the deeds of your older comrades

in arms, for we may yet have many Almas to fight, where you will

have the opportunity of acquiring such distinction as now adorn your

comrades.”

From the 19th of October, the Highland Brigade was commanded by

Colonel Cameron of the 42d, Sir Colin having been appointed to

command the forces in and about Balaclava. In January 1855, the

establishment was increased to 16 companies, and on the 3d of May,

the regiment was embarked to take part in the Kertch expedition, but

was recalled on the 6th. It again embarked on the 22d May, and landed

at Kertch on the 24th, whence it marched to Yenikale. Two of the 42d

men, while the regiment was at the last-mentioned place, were shot in

rather an extraordinary manner. They were standing in a crowd which

had assembled round a house for the purpose of “looting” it, when a

Frenchman, having struck at the door with the butt of his musket,

the piece went off, killing one 42d man on the spot and wounding the

other. These, so far as we can ascertain, were the only casualties

suffered by the regiment in this expedition. The 42d returned to

Balaclava on the 9th of June, and on the 16th of the same month,

took up its position in front of Sebastopol. On June 18th it formed

one of the regiments of reserve in the assault of the outworks of

Sebastopol, and was engaged in siege operations until August 24th,

when the regiment marched to Kamara, in consequence of the Russians

having again appeared in force on the flank of the allied armies. On

September 8th, it marched to Sebastopol, took part in the assault and

capture, returned to Kamara the following day, and remained there

until the peace, 30th March 1856.

On June 15th, the regiment embarked at Kameish for England, landed at

Portsmouth on the 24th of July, proceeded by rail to Aldershott, and

was reviewed by Her Majesty Queen Victoria, after which it proceeded

by rail to Dover, in garrison with the 41st, 44th, 79th, and 93d

regiments.

The actual losses of the regiment in the Crimea from actual contact

with the enemy, were nothing compared with the sad ravages made upon

it, along with the rest of the army, by disease and privation, and

want of the actual necessaries of life. During the campaign only 1

officer and 38 men were killed in action, while there died of wounds

and disease, 1 officer and 226 men, 140 men having had to be sent to

England on account of wounds and ill-health.

VII.

1856-1869.

The 42d proceeds to India--Cawnpore--Seria-Ghât--Marches and

Skirmishes--Lucknow--42d Storms La Martinière--The Begum

Kootee--Fort Ruhya--Bareilly--Rohilkund--Maylah Ghaut--Khyrugher

Jungles--Presentation of Colours--Title of “Black Watch”

restored--Cholera--Embarks for England--Reception at Edinburgh

--Leave Edinburgh for Aldershot.

On December 1856, the establishment was reduced to 12 companies. On

July 31st 1857, the regiment proceeded to Portsmouth, and on the 4th

of August following it was reviewed by Her Majesty the Queen, who

expressed herself highly satisfied with the fine appearance of the

regiment. Between this date and the 14th the corps embarked in six

different ships for the east, to assist in putting down the Indian

Mutiny, and arrived at Calcutta in the October and November following.

The headquarters, with five companies of the 42d Royal Highlanders,

had orders to march for Cawnpore on the night of the 28th November;

but the news of the state of affairs at Cawnpore having reached

Allahabad, the column was recalled, and ordered to form an intrenched

camp at Cheemee. Next morning the work was begun, and progressed

favourably until the 1st of December. Meanwhile the party was

reinforced by a wing of Her Majesty’s 38th Regiment, a wing of the 3d

battalion Rifle Brigade, a party of Sappers and Artillery, making

in all a force of 1050 men, with two 8-inch howitzers and four

field-pieces.

At 5 A.M. on the 2d December, a messenger arrived in camp with a

despatch from the Commander-in-chief, ordering the column to make

forced marches to Cawnpore. It marched accordingly at 8 P.M. on the

same day, and reached Cawnpore about noon on the 5th, having marched

a distance of 78 miles in three days, though the men were fairly

exhausted through fatigue and want of sleep.

The position which the rebels held at Cawnpore was one of great

strength. Their left was posted amongst the wooded high grounds,

intersected with nullahs, and thickly sprinkled with ruined bungalows

and public buildings, which lie between the town and the Ganges.

Their centre occupied the town itself, which was of great extent,

and traversed only by narrow winding streets, singularly susceptible

of defence. The position facing the intrenchment was uncovered; but

from the British camp it was separated by the Ganges canal, which,

descending through the centre of the Doab, falls into that river

below Cawnpore. Their right stretched out behind this canal into the

plain, and they held a bridge over it, and some lime-kilns and mounds

of brick in front of it.

The camp of the Gwalior contingent of 10,000 was situated in this

plain, about two miles in rear of the right, at the point where

the Calpee road comes in. The united force, amounting now, with

reinforcements which had arrived, to about 25,000 men, with 40 guns,

consisted of two distinct bodies, having two distinct lines of

operation and retreat;--that of the Nana Sahib (and under the command

of his brothers), whose line of retreat was in rear of the left on

Bithoor; and that of the Gwalior contingent, whose retreat lay from

the right upon Calpee.

General Windham, commanding in the fort, opened a heavy fire from

every available gun and mortar from the intrenchment upon the hostile

left and their centre in the town, so as to draw their attention

entirely to that side and lead them to accumulate their troops there.

Brigadier Greathed, with his brigade of 8th, 64th, and 2d Punjaub

infantry, held the line of intrenchment, and engaged the enemy by a

brisk attack. To the left, Brigadier Walpole, with the 2d and 3d

battalion Rifle brigade and a wing of 38th foot, crossed the canal

just above the town, and advancing, skirted its walls, marking as he

reached them every gate leading into the country, and throwing back

the head of every column which tried to debouch thence to the aid

of the right; whilst to the left, Brigadier Hope, with his Sikhs,

and Highlanders, the 42d and 93d, and the 53d foot, and Brigadier

Inglis, with the 23d, 32d, and 82d, moved into the plain, in front of

the brick-mound, covering the enemy’s bridge on the road to Calpee.

Meanwhile the whole cavalry and horse artillery made a wide sweep to

the left, and crossed the canal by a bridge two miles farther up, in

order to turn the flank of the rebels.

The battle commenced on the morning of the 6th with the roar of

Windham’s guns from the intrenchment. After a few hours this

tremendous cannonade slackened, and the rattle of Greathed’s musketry

was heard closing rapidly on the side of the canal. Walpole’s

riflemen pushed on in haste; and Hope and Inglis’s brigades, in

parallel lines, advanced directly against the high brick mound,

behind which the enemy were formed in great masses, and their guns,

worked with great precision, sent a shower of shot and shell upon

the plain. The field batteries on the British side opened briskly,

whilst the cavalry were seen moving on the left. The 42d skirmishers

now rushed on and closed upon the mound, from which the enemy fell

back to the bridge. Lieutenant-Colonel Thorold, commanding, riding in

front of the centre of the regiment, here had his horse shot under

him by a round shot, which swept through the line and killed private

Mark Grant. The gallant old Colonel sprung to his feet, and with his

drawn sword in hand, marched in front of the regiment during the

remainder of the action, and the pursuit of the flying enemy.

After a moment’s pause, the infantry again pushed on, and rushed upon

the bridge. The fire was heavy in the extreme, when the sound of

heavy guns was heard, and Peel’s noble sailors, dragging with them

their heavy 24-pounders, came up to the bridge, and brought them into

action. The enthusiasm of the men was now indescribable; they rushed

on, either crossing the bridge or fording the canal, came upon

the enemy’s camp, and took some guns at the point of the bayonet.

A Bengal field-battery galloped up and opened fire at easy range,

sending volleys of grape through the tents. The enemy, completely

surprised at the onslaught, fled in great haste, leaving everything

in their camp as it stood;--the rout was complete. The cavalry and

horse artillery coming down on the flank of the flying enemy, cut up

great numbers of them, and pursued along the Calpee road, followed

by the 42d, 53d, and Sikhs, for 14 miles. The slaughter was great,

till at last, the rebels despairing of effecting their retreat by

the road, threw away their arms and accoutrements, dispersed over

the country into the jungle, and hid themselves from the sabres and

lances of the horsemen. Night coming on, the wearied forces returned

to Cawnpore, carrying with them 17 captured guns. The strength and

courage of the young men of the Royal Highlanders was remarkable.

Many of them were mere lads, and had never seen a shot fired before,

yet during the whole of this day’s action and long march, not a

single man fell out, or complained of his hardships.

As soon as the Gwalior contingent was routed on the right, a severe

contest took place with the Nana Sahib’s men in the town, at a place

called the Sonbadar’s Tank, but before nightfall all Cawnpore was in

our possession.

The Nana’s men fled in great confusion along the road to Bithoor,

whither they were pursued on the 8th by Brigadier-General Hope Grant,

at the head of the cavalry, light artillery, and Hope’s brigade of

infantry (42d and 93d Highlanders, 53d, and 4th Punjaub rifles).

Bithoor was evacuated, but the force pushed on, marching all night,

and came upon the enemy at the ferry of Seria-Ghat on the Ganges, 25

miles from Cawnpore, at daylight on the 9th. The rebels had reached

the ferry, but had not time to cross. They received the British force

with a heavy cannonade, and tried to capture the guns with a charge

of cavalry, but the horsemen of the British drove them away. Their

infantry got amongst the enclosures and trees; but the whole of the

guns, amounting to 15 pieces, were captured, together with a large

quantity of provisions, camp equipage, and ammunition.

Lieutenant-Colonel Thorold, commanding the regiment, and Captain J.

C. M’Leod, commanding the rear guard, are honourably mentioned by

Brigadier-General Hope Grant, in his despatch dated 11th December

1857.

The grenadier company, when destroying some baggage-carts, &c., found

a very large gong, which was kept as a trophy by the regiment. The

troops encamped near the Ghat on the 9th and 10th, and on the 11th

marched back to Bithoor, where they were employed till the 28th

December, destroying the palace of the Nana Sahib, and searching for

treasure,--a great quantity of which was found in a tank,--with a

considerable amount of labour, the flow of water being so great that

200 men were employed night and day baling it out, so as to keep it

sufficiently low to enable the sappers to work.

The remainder of the regiment--Nos. 2, 4, 5, 6, and 7

companies--under the command of Major Wilkinson, joined at Bithoor

on the 22d December 1857. Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron and Major

Priestley, who had been left at Calcutta, joined head-quarters on the

12th December.

The Commander-in-chief with the forces at Cawnpore, marched towards

Futteghur on the 25th December, and the column at Bithoor followed

on the 28th, overtaking the head-quarter’s column on the 29th at

Merukie Serai. The regiment marched from the latter place, and at 1

o’clock, P.M. joined the head-quarters camp at Jooshia-Gunge--the

whole force a few days after proceeding to Futteghur. After various

skirmishes with the enemy during January 1858, about Futteghur, the

force on the 1st February commenced a retrograde march on Cawnpore,

which it reached on the 7th. On the 10th the 42d and 93d Highlanders

crossed the Ganges into Oudh, as a guard on the immense siege-train

which had been collected in Cawnpore for service at Lucknow. On the

11th they marched to Onao, where, with other troops the regiment

remained, acting as convoy escort to the immense train of provisions

and military materials being sent forward towards Lucknow.

On the 21st the regiment moved forward, and on the morning of the

26th, met their old companions in arms, the 79th Highlanders, at Camp

Purneah. A cordial greeting took place between old comrades, after

which the regiments proceeded together to Bunteerah the same morning.

Here the whole of the Commander-in-chief’s force assembled. The

siege train, &c., was gradually brought forward, and all necessary

preparations made for the attack on Lucknow.

The force marched from Bunteerah on the 1st March, and passing

through Alum Bagh (the post held by Major-General Sir George Outram)

and by the old fort of Jellalahabad on the left, soon met the enemy’s

outposts, which, after a few rounds from their field-guns, retired to

the city. The palace of Dalkoosha was seized without opposition, and

being close to the river Goomptee, formed the right of the British

position. The intervening space between this and the Alum Bagh on the

left was held by strong bodies of troops posted under cover, for the

hour of action had not yet arrived.

Lucknow had been fortified by every means that native art could

devise to make a strong defence. The canal was scarped, and an

immense parapet of earth raised on the inner side, which was

loop-holed in all directions. Every street was barricaded, and every

house loop-holed. The Kazerbagh was so strengthened as to form a kind

of citadel, and the place was alive with its 50,000 mutinous sepoys,

besides a population in arms of one kind or other of double that

number.

Brigadier Franks, who had marched from Benares with a column, by

way of Sultanpore, having been joined by the Nepaulese contingent

under General Jung Bahadoor, reached Lucknow on the 5th March; and

on the 6th a division, under command of Sir James Outram, crossed

the Goomptee, opposite the Dalkoosha park, and moved round towards

the old Presidency, driving in the enemy’s posts. Sir James Outram,

from his position on the opposite bank of the river, was enabled to

enfilade, and take in reverse a great portion of the great canal

embankment, and effectually to shell the enemy within his works.

The enemy’s most advanced position was La Martinière, a large public

building surrounded on three sides by high walls and ruined houses,

and its front covered by the river.

The plan of attack having been arranged, the 42d Highlanders were

ordered to storm the Martinière, which they did in gallant style

on the 9th. Four companies, under Major E. R. Priestley, advanced

in extended order, the remaining five advanced in line under

Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron. The Highlanders went steadily on until

within two hundred yards of the place, when, giving three cheers,

they rushed on in double time, the pipers playing “The Campbells are

coming.” The enemy became so alarmed, that they bolted from their

trenches without waiting to fire more than their first round. Thus,

the first position in Lucknow was gained without the loss of a single

man.

Till the flying enemy, having been joined by reinforcements at their

second line of intrenchment, summoned fresh courage, and showed

battle to the four skirmishing companies who had followed up; a

very smart affair ensued, in which the regiment suffered several

calamities. The enemy from behind their works were enabled to do this

without themselves being seen.

The five companies under Lieutenant-Colonel Cameron were ordered to

take position in an old village to the right of La Martinière about

300 yards, in passing to which they were exposed to a heavy fire upon

the great parapet of the canal; but on reaching the village it was

observed that the parapet near the river was undefended, having at

that end been enfiladed by General Outram’s guns. The 42d, with the

4th Punjaub rifles, under Major Wyld, making steps in the face of

the parapet with bayonets, &c., scrambled up, and taking ground to

the left, cleared the line of work as far nearly as Bank’s bungalow.

Reinforcements were brought up, and the position was held for the

night. Early next morning, the several companies of the regiment were

collected together, and the order was given to occupy Bank’s bungalow

and the houses and gardens adjacent. These points were also carried

with little opposition, the enemy nowhere attempting to stand, but

keeping up a constant fire of all kind of missiles from the tops of

houses, loop-holes, and other points.

The regiment was now close under the Begum Kootee, an extensive mass

of solid buildings, comprising several courts, a mosque, bazaar, &c.

This place was strongly fortified, and became an important post. Two

68-pound naval guns were at once brought up and commenced breaching;

within Bank’s bungalow were placed 16 mortars and cohorns, from which

shells were pitched at the Kootee that day, and all night, until the

following day about 2 o’clock (March 11th), when the 93d Highlanders

stormed the breach, and carried the place in gallant style. Upwards

of 500 corpses told the slaughter which took place within those

princely courts. During the attack, the 42d grenadier and light

companies were ordered to protect the left flank of the 93d, in doing

which several casualties took place, caused by the fire of the enemy

from a loop-holed gateway near which the light company had to pass.

After occupying Bank’s bungalow, two companies of the 42d were sent

under Major Priestley to clear and occupy some ruined houses on the

left front. This party, having advanced rather farther than this

point, got hotly engaged with the enemy, but held their original

ground.

A large section of the city being now in possession of the British,

operations were commenced against the Kaizer Bagh, from the direction

of the Begum Kootee, as well as from Sir James Outram’s side. He took

the Mess-house by storm, and other outworks in that direction, and on

the morning of the 14th got into this great palace. The place was now

almost wholly in possession of the British forces; at no one point

did the enemy attempt to make a stand, but fled in every direction.

By the 20th the rebels had been everywhere put down, and peace

partially restored. On the 22d the 42d Royal Highlanders were moved

to the Observatory Mess-house and old Presidency, where they remained

doing duty until the 2d April. During this time the men suffered

greatly from fever, brought on by hardship and exposure to the sun.

They had now been a whole month constantly on duty, their uniform

and accoutrements never off their backs; and the effluvium arising

from the many putrid half-buried carcases in the city, especially

about the Presidency, rendered the air very impure. Notwithstanding

the hard work performed by the regiment at Lucknow, only 5 rank

and file were killed, and Lieutenant F. E. H. Farquharson and

41 non-commissioned officers and privates wounded. Lieutenant

Farquharson was awarded the Victoria Cross “for a distinguished act

of bravery at Lucknow, 9th March 1858.”

On the evening of the 2d April, the regiment marched to camp at

the Dalkoosha, having been ordered to form part of the Rohilcund

field force under Brigadier Walpole. On the morning of the 8th

the regiment marched from camp, accompanied by the 79th and 93d

Highlanders, to the Moosha Bagh, a short distance beyond which the

brigade encamped; and having been joined by the remainder of the

force and the new Brigadier, commenced a march through Oudh, keeping

the line of the Ganges. Nothing of note occurred until the 15th. On

reaching Rhoadamow, Nurpert Sing, a celebrated rebel chief, shut

up in Fort Ruhya, refused to give his submission. The fort was

situated in a dense jungle, which almost completely hid it from

view. Four companies of the 42d, with the 4th Punjaub rifles, were

sent forward in extended order, to cover the guns and reconnoitre,

and were brought so much under the enemy’s fire from the parapet and

the tops of trees, that a great many casualties occurred in a very

short time. Brigadier Adrian Hope and Lieutenants Douglas and Bramley

here received their death wounds. After remaining in this exposed

condition for six hours, and after losing so many men, the Brigadier

withdrew his force about sunset, and encamped about two miles off.

During the night, the rebel chief retired quietly with all his men

and material. Besides the two officers above mentioned, 1 sergeant

and 6 privates were killed, and 3 sergeants and 34 privates wounded.

Quarter-Master Sergeant John Simpson, Lance-Corporal Alexander

Thompson, and Private James Davis were awarded the Victoria Cross.

Nothing of importance occurred till the force reached Bareilly,

when they came up with the enemy’s outposts at daybreak on the 5th

May. After a short cannonade for about half-an-hour, the enemy fell

back from the bridge and nullah, and occupied the topes (clumps of

trees) and ruined houses in the cantonments. In this position it

was necessary to shell every tope and house before advancing, which

caused considerable delay: all the time the sun was shining on the

troops with full force. About 10 A.M. the enemy made a bold attempt

to turn the British left flank, and the 42d were ordered forward in

support of the 4th Punjaub rifles, who had been sent to occupy the

old cavalry lines, but were there surprised by the enemy in great

numbers. Just as the 42d reached the old lines, they were met by

the Punjabees in full flight, followed by a lot of Gazees carrying

tulwars and shields. These rushed furiously on, and the men for a

moment were undecided whether they should fire on them or not, their

friends the Punjabees being mixed up with them when, as if by magic,

the Commander-in-chief appeared behind the line, and his familiar

voice, loud and clear, was heard calling out, “Fire away, men; shoot

them down, every man jack of them!” Then the line opened fire upon

them; but in the meantime, some of these Gazees had even reached

the line, and cut at the men, wounding several. Four of them seized

Colonel Cameron in rear of the line, and would have dragged him off

his horse, when Colour-Sergeant Gardner stepped from the ranks and

bayoneted them, the Colonel escaping with only a slight wound on

his wrist. For this act of bravery Gardner was awarded the Victoria

Cross. In this affair 1 private was killed, and 2 officers, 1

sergeant, and 12 privates wounded. No. 5 company 42d took possession

of the fort which was abandoned, and a line of piquets of the 42d and

79th Highlanders was posted from the fort to the extreme right of the

Commander-in-chief’s camp. Next day the place was cleared of rebels.

The regiment was told off as a part of the Bareilly brigade, and

on the 5th June detached a wing to Mooradabad under command of

Lieutenant Colonel Wilkinson. This wing marched to Bedaon with a

squadron of carbineers, and joined Brigadier Coke’s force, but

received orders to leave the carbineers with Brigadier Coke, and

proceed to Mooradabad. On this march the men suffered from exhaustion

and the heat. Indeed, the men who were still under canvas now began

to suffer very much from sun-stroke, fevers, diarrhœa, &c. Every

exertion was made to get them into temporary barracks, but this was

not effected until the middle of July, just in time to escape the

rains.

Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Cameron died of fever on the 9th August,

and Lieutenant Colonel F. G. Wilkinson succeeded to the command of

the regiment.

The headquarters and left wing were ordered to Peeleebheet on the

14th October, where it remained encamped till the 24th November,

when, in order the better to guard against the rebels crossing from

Oudh into Rohilkund, Colonel Smyth, Bengal Artillery, in command of

a small column, was ordered to take up a position on the banks of

the Sarda, to watch the Ghauts. No. 6, Captain Lawson’s company,

joined Colonel Smyth’s column. At the same time, Major M’Leod was

ordered, with the troops under his command, viz., 4 companies 42d

Royal Highlanders, 2 squadrons Punjaub cavalry, 1 company Kumaon

levies, and 2 guns, to proceed to Madho-Tandu, being a central

position whence support might be sent in any direction required.

This force subsequently moved close to the Sarda, in consequence of

the numerous reports of the approach of the enemy, but all remained

quiet until the morning of the 15th January 1859. The enemy having

been pursued in the Khyrugher district by a force under command of

Colonel Dennis, attempted to force his way into Rohilkund, with the

view, as was supposed, of getting into Rampore. Early on the morning

of the 15th the enemy, about 2000 strong, effected the passage of the

Sarda, at Maylah Ghaut, about three miles above Colonel Smyth’s camp,

at daylight. The alarm having been given, the whole of the troops in

camp moved out with all speed, and attacked the rebels in the dense

jungle, close to the river. Ensign Coleridge, 42d, was detached

in command of a piquet of 40 men of Captain Lawson’s company, and

40 men Kumaon levies, and was so placed as to be cut off from the

remainder of the force. The jungle was so dense, that the cavalry

could not act; the Kumaon levies were all raw recruits, who were with

difficulty kept to their posts, so the fighting fell almost wholly

to the lot of the 37 men under command of Captain Lawson. The enemy,

desperate, and emboldened by the appearance of so small a force

before them, made repeated attempts to break through the thin line of

skirmishers, but the latter nobly held their ground. Captain Lawson

received a gun-shot wound in his left knee, early in the day; Colour

Sergeant Landles was shot and cut to pieces, two corporals--Ritchie

and Thompson--were also killed, and several other casualties had

greatly weakened them. The company now without either officers or

non-commissioned officers, yet bravely held on their ground, and,

cheered on by the old soldiers, kept the enemy at bay from sunrise to

sunset. Privates Walter Cook and Duncan Miller, for their conspicuous

bravery during this affair were awarded the Victoria Cross.

Major M’Leod’s force was then at a place called Sunguree on the

Sarda, 22 miles from Colonel Smyth’s force. About 8 A.M. when the

numbers and nature of the enemy’s attack were discovered, a Sowar was

despatched to Major M’Leod (in temporary command) for a reinforcement

of two companies, and ordering the remainder of the force to proceed

with all speed to Madho-Tanda to await the result of the battle.

No. 7 and 8 companies were dispatched from Sunguree about noon, but

did not reach the scene of action till after 5 P.M. Their arrival

turned the tide of battle altogether. Such of the enemy as could

recrossed the river in the dark, and next morning nothing remained

on the field, but the dead and dying, 2 small guns, and some cattle

belonging to the rebels. Lord Clyde complimented the regiment very

highly on this occasion, and in particular, spoke of Captain Lawson’s

company as a pattern of valour and discipline.

General Walpole having received intelligence about the 22d that

a body of rebels were hovering about, under Goolah Sing, in the

Khyrugher jungles, two companies of the 42d Royal Highlanders at

Colonel Smyth’s camp, a squadron of the Punjaub cavalry, a squadron

of Crossman’s Horse, and three companies of Ghoorkhas, under command

of Colonel Wilkinson, were ordered to cross the river at the spot

where the rebels came over, and march to Gulori, 40 miles in the

interior, under the Nepaul hills. Gulori was reached in 4 days, but

Goolah Sing had secured himself in a fort under Nepaulese protection.

Colonel Dennis, with a force from Sultanpore had orders to march

on a village 20 miles from Gulori, and also sweep the jungles and

communicate with Colonel Wilkinson. As he never arrived, and the

jungles being free from rebels, the force recrossed the river and

returned to camp.

The left wing of the 42d remained on the Sarda until the 14th of

March, when it returned to Bareilly, and joined the right wing,

which had returned from Mooradabad on the 18th February, having

been relieved by a wing of the 82d regiment; but information having

been received that the rebels were again appearing in force in the

Khyrugher districts, the right wing, under command of Lieutenant

Colonel Priestley, was sent to the Sarda to join Colonel Smyth on

the 13th March, where it remained until the 15th May 1859, when it

returned to Bareilly, the weather being by this time very hot and

the district perfectly quiet. About this time, Lieutenant-Colonel

Wilkinson went on leave to England, and was appointed to a depot

battalion, and on the 27th September Lieutenant-Colonel Priestley

succeeded to the command of the regiment.

The regiment occupied the temporary barracks at the old Kutchery,

Berkley’s House, and the Jail, during the hot and rainy seasons. The

men were remarkably healthy, and very few casualties occurred.

His Excellency, Sir Hugh Rose, Commander-in-chief in India

having been invited on the 18th September, by Lieutenant-Colonel

Priestley in the name of the officers and soldiers of the 42d Royal

Highlanders, to present new colours to the regiment, arrived in

Bareilly for that purpose on the 1st of January 1861. After the

old colours had been lodged, and the new been presented by His

Excellency, and trooped with the usual ceremonies, Sir Hugh Rose

addressed the regiment in the following speech:--

“_42d Royal Highlanders_,

“I do not ask you to defend the colours I have presented to you this

day. It would be superfluous: you have defended them for nearly 150

years with the best blood of Scotland.

“I do not ask you to carry these colours to the front should you

again be called into the field; you have borne them round the world

with success. But I do ask the officers and soldiers of this gallant

and devoted regiment not to forget, because they are of ancient date,

but to treasure in their memories the recollection of the brilliant

deeds of arms of their forefathers and kinsmen, the scenes of which

are inscribed on these colours. There is not a name on them which is

not a study; there is not a name on them which is not connected with

the most important events of the world’s history, or with the pages

of the military annals of England.

“The soldiers of the 42d cannot have a better or more instructive

history than their regimental records. They tell how, 100 years ago,

the 42d won the honoured name of ‘Royal’ at Ticonderoga in America,

losing, although one battalion, 647 killed and wounded. How the

42d gained the ‘Red Heckle’ in Flanders. How Abercromby and Moore

in Egypt and in Spain, dying in the arms of victory, thanked, with

parting breath, the 42d. Well might the heroes do so! The fields of

honour on which they were expiring were strewed with the dead and

wounded soldiers of the 42d.

“The 42d enjoy the greatest distinction to which British regiments

can aspire. They have been led and commanded by the great Master in

War, the Duke of Wellington. Look at your colours: their badges will

tell you how often--and this distinction is the more to be valued,

because his Grace, so soldierlike and just was he, never would

sanction a regiment’s wearing a badge, if the battle in which they

had been engaged, no matter how bravely they may have fought in it,

was not only an important one, but a victory.

“In the Crimea, in the late campaign in this country, the 42d again

did excellent service under my very gallant and distinguished

predecessor, Lord Clyde. The last entry in the regimental records

shews that the spirit of the ‘Black Watch’ of 1729 was the same in

1859, when No. 6 company of the 42d, aided only by a company of

the Kumaon levy, four guns, and a squadron of irregular cavalry,

under Sir Robert Walpole, beat back, after several hours obstinate

fighting, and with severe loss, 2000 rebels of all arms, and gained

the day. Lord Clyde bestowed the highest praise on the company that a

general can do,--His Lordship thanked them for their valour and their

discipline.

“I am sincerely obliged to Lieutenant-Colonel Priestley for having,

on the part of the 42d Royal Highlanders, requested me to present

them with their new colours. It is an honour and a favour which I

highly prize, the more so, because I am of Highland origin, and have

worn for many years the tartan of another regiment which does undying

honour to Scotland--the 92d Highlanders.

“I have chosen this day--New Year’s day--for the presentation of

colours, because on New Year’s day in 1785 the colours were given to

the 42d under which they won their red plume. Besides, New Year’s

day, all over the world, particularly in Scotland, is a happy day.

Heaven grant that it may be a fortunate one for this regiment!”

On the 3d, after inspecting the regiment, His Excellency desired

Lieutenant-Colonel Priestley to thank them for the admirable

condition in which he found them, and for their regularity and good

conduct. His Excellency further called several officers and soldiers

to the front of the battalion and thanked them for their gallant

conduct on various occasions, and No. 6 company for the valour

and discipline evinced by them on the occasion alluded to in His

Excellency’s speech.

On the 8th of March three companies were detached to Futteghur.

On 23d March headquarters moved from Bareilly to Agra, where they

arrived on the 8th of April, and were garrisoned along with the 107th

regiment. On 27th July the regiment moved into camp, on account of

cholera having broken out, and returned to barracks on 12th August,

having lost from cholera 1 officer and 40 non-commissioned officers

and men. After returning to barracks, the regiment was prostrated by

fever and ague, so many as 450 men having been at one time unfit for

duty out of seven companies.

On 12th September the regiment was delighted by having its old

name reconferred upon it, as a distinguished mark of honour. A

notification was received that on 8th July 1861 Her Majesty had been

pleased graciously to authorise The Royal Highland Regiment to be

distinguished, in addition to that title, by the name by which it was

first known--“The Black Watch.”

In March 1862, Lieutenant-General, the Marquis of Tweeddale, was

appointed Colonel in place of the deceased Sir James Douglas. The

Marquis, however, in September of the following year, removed to the

2d Lifeguards, and was succeeded by the regiment’s former commander,

who led them up the slopes of Alma--Major-General Sir Duncan Cameron.

On 6th December 1863, the Black Watch marched by forced marches

from Lahore to Rawal Pundee, on account of active operations having

been commenced against some of the hill tribes. It arrived at the

latter place on December 19. Affairs on the frontier having, however,

assumed a favourable aspect, the regiment returned to Dugshai, which

it reached on the 13th February 1864, but returned to Rawal Pundee,

where on 14th December it was put into garrison with the 79th. It

left the latter place in October 1865, and proceeded to Peshawur,

where it was in garrison with the first battalion of the 19th

regiment, and subsequently with the 77th. In 1867, while at Peshawur,

cholera broke out in the cantonments, and on the 21st of May five

companies, under Major Macpherson, were removed to camp; these were

followed on the 25th by headquarters and the other five companies.

From the 20th to the 31st May, 66 men, 1 woman, and 4 children died

of cholera. On the 1st of June the regiment commenced its march to

Cheroat, a mountain of the Kultoch range, where headquarters was

established on the 15th. The health of the regiment was not, however,

immediately restored, and the number of deaths at Cheroat were 1

officer, 15 non-commissioned officers and men, 2 women, and 1 child.

The total deaths in the regiment, from 20th May to 17th October,

including casualties at depot, were 2 officers, 86 non-commissioned

officers and men, 5 women, and 9 children;--altogether 102, or nearly

one-sixth of the whole regiment.

On 17th October was commenced the march towards Kurrachee,

preparatory to embarkation for England. On January 17, 1868, the

regiment embarked at Kurrachee for Bombay, and on the 21st was

trans-shipped to the Indian troopship “Euphrates,” which landed it

at Suez on 15th February. On the 18th it embarked at Alexandria on

board the “Serapis,” which reached Portsmouth on the 4th of March,

when the regiment immediately left by sea for Scotland and landed

at Burntisland on the 7th, headquarters and 1 company proceeding

to Stirling Castle, 5 companies to Perth, and 4 to Dundee. Colonel

Priestley came home with the regiment from India, and carried on

his duties till the 24th of March, the day before his death. He

was succeeded by Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel M’Leod, who joined the

regiment in 1846. On 12th October headquarters moved by rail from

Stirling to Edinburgh Castle, and the detachments from Perth and

Dundee followed soon after. The reception accorded to Scotland’s

favourite and oldest regiment, on its arrival in Edinburgh, was

as overwhelmingly enthusiastic as in the days of old, when the

military spirit was in its glory. The reader will have an idea of

the enthusiasm with which this regiment is still regarded, and will

be so so long as its ranks are mainly recruited from Scotland, by

the following account of its reception, for which we are indebted

to the _Scotsman_ newspaper of the day following the regiment’s

arrival:--“The train arrived at the station about 10 minutes past

1 P.M., but long before that hour large and anxious crowds had

collected on the Waverley Bridge, in Princes Street Garden, on the

Mound, the Calton Hill, the Castle, and every other point from

which a view of the passing regiment could be obtained. The crowd

collected on the Waverley Bridge above must have numbered several

thousands. The scene altogether was very imposing and animated. Such

a turn-out of spectators has not been witnessed on the occasion

of the arrival of any regiment here since the 78th Highlanders

came from India, nearly ten years ago. Immediately after the train

entered the station, the bugle sounded, and the men were arranged

in companies, under the command of their respective captains. The

regiment was under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel J. C. M’Leod,

assisted by Major Cluny M’Pherson, Major F. C. Scott, and Adjutant

J. E. Christie, and was drawn up in 8 companies. On emerging from

the station the band struck up ‘Scotland yet,’ and the appearance of

the regiment was hailed with hearty cheers from the spectators. The

crowd in Canal Street was so great that it was with some difficulty

the soldiers managed to keep their ranks. Their line of march lay

along Princes Street, and every window and housetop from which a view

of the gallant 42d could be obtained was crowded with spectators. The

regiment proceeded by the Mound, Bank Street, and Lawnmarket, and

was loudly cheered at every turn. On the Castle esplanade the crowd

was, if possible, more dense than anywhere else. A large number of

people had taken up their position on the top of the Reservoir, while

every staircase from which a view could be obtained was thronged with

anxious spectators. Large numbers had also gained admission to the

Castle, and all the parapets and embrasures commanding a view of the

route were crowded with people.