The next enterprise was against St Vincent, where the expedition,

consisting of the Buffs, the 14th, 34th, 42d, 53d, 54th, 59th, and

63d regiments, and the 2d West Indian Regiment, landed on the 8th of

June. The enemy had erected four redoubts on a high ridge, called the

Vizie, on which they had taken up a position. The arrangements for

an attack having been completed on the 10th, the troops were drawn

up in two divisions under Major-Generals Hunter and William Morshed,

at a short distance from the ridge. Another division formed on the

opposite side of the hill. The attack was commenced by a fire from

some field-pieces on the redoubts, which was kept up for some hours,

apparently with little effect. As a feint, the Highlanders and some

of the Rangers in the meantime moved forward to the bottom of a

woody steep which terminated the ridge, on the top of which stood

one of the redoubts, the first in the range. Pushing their way up

the steep, the 42d turned the feint into a real assault, and, with

the assistance of the Buffs, by whom they were supported, drove the

enemy successively from the first three redoubts in less than half

an hour. Some of the Highlanders had pushed close under the last and

principal redoubt, but the general, seeing that he had the enemy in

his power, and wishing to spare the lives of his troops, recalled

the Highlanders, and offered the enemy terms of capitulation, which

were accepted. The conditions, _inter alia_, were, that the enemy

should embark as prisoners of war; but several hundreds of them broke

the capitulation by escaping into the woods the following night. The

total loss of the British on this occasion was 181 in killed and

wounded. The Highlanders had 1 sergeant and 12 rank and file killed;

and 1 officer (Lieutenant Simon Fraser), 2 sergeants, 1 drummer, and

29 rank and file wounded.[314]

In order to subjugate the island, the troops were divided and sent

to different stations, and military posts were established in the

neighbourhood of the country possessed by the Caribs and brigands.

Favoured by the natural strength of the country, the enemy carried

on a petty warfare with the troops among the woods till the month

of September, when they surrendered. The French, including the

brigands, were sent prisoners to England, and the Indians or Caribs,

amounting to upwards of 5000, were transported to Ratan, an island in

the gulf of Mexico.[315]

In September, Sir Ralph Abercromby returned to England, when the

temporary command of the army devolved upon Major-General Charles

Graham, who was promoted this year from the lieutenant-colonelcy

of the 42d to the colonelcy of the 5th West India Regiment. He was

succeeded in the lieutenant-colonelcy by Major James Stewart. The

commander-in-chief returned from England in February 1797, and

immediately collected a force for an attack on Trinidad, which

surrendered without opposition. He, thereafter, assembled a body of

troops, consisting of the 26th light dragoons dismounted, the 14th,

42d, 53d, and some other corps, at St Christopher’s, for an attack on

Porto Rico, whither they proceeded on the 15th of April, and anchored

off Congregus’s Point on the 17th. The enemy made a slight opposition

to the landing, but retired when the troops disembarked. As the

inhabitants of Porto Rico, who had been represented as favourable,

did not show any disposition to surrender, and as the Moro or castle

was too strong to be attacked with such an inconsiderable force,

which was insufficient to blockade more than one of its sides, the

commander-in-chief resolved to give up the attempt, and accordingly

re-embarked his troops on the 30th of April. This was the last

enterprise against the enemy in that quarter during the rest of the

war. The Highlanders were sent to Martinique, where they embarked

for England, free from sickness, after having the casualties of the

two preceding years more than supplied by volunteers from the 79th

Highlanders, then stationed in Martinique. The Royal Highlanders

landed at Portsmouth on the 30th of July in good health, and were

marched to Hillsea barracks. After remaining a few weeks there, the

five companies embarked for Gibraltar, where they joined the five

other companies, whose destination had been changed by their return

to port after the sailing of the expedition to the West Indies. The

regiment was now 1100 men strong.

The next service in which the Royal Highlanders were engaged was

on an expedition against the island of Minorca, under the command

of Lieutenant-General the Hon. Sir Charles Stewart, in the month

of November 1798. The British troops having invested Cittadella,

the principal fortress in the island, on the 14th of November, the

Spanish commander, who had concentrated his forces in that garrison,

surrendered on the following day. The Spanish general, whose force

greatly exceeded that of the invaders, was deceived as to their

numbers, which, from the artful mode in which they were dispersed

over the adjoining eminences, he believed to amount to at least

10,000 men.

The possession of Minorca was of considerable importance, as it was

made the rendezvous of a large force about to be employed on the

coast of the Mediterranean, in support of our allies, in the year

1800. The command of this army was given to Sir Ralph Abercromby,

who arrived on the 22d of June 1799, accompanied by Major-Generals

Hutchinson and Moore. A part of the army was embarked for the relief

of Genoa, then closely besieged by the French, and a detachment was

also sent to Colonel Thomas Graham of Balgowan, who blockaded the

garrison of La Vallette in the island of Malta.

Genoa having surrendered before the reinforcement arrived, the troops

returned to Minorca, and were afterwards embarked for Gibraltar,

where they arrived on the 14th of September, when accounts were

received of the surrender of Malta, after a blockade of nearly two

years. Early in October the armament sailed for Cadiz, to take

possession of the city, and the Spanish fleet in the harbour of

Carraccas, and was joined by the army under Sir James Pulteney from

Ferrol; but when the Highlanders and part of the reserve were about

landing in the boats, a gun from Cadiz announced the approach of a

flag of truce. The town was suffering dreadfully from the ravages

of the pestilence, and the object of the communication was to

implore the British commander to desist from the attack. Sir Ralph

Abercromby, with his characteristic humanity, could not withstand the

appeal, and accordingly suspended the attack. The fleet got under

weigh the following morning for the bay of Tetuan, on the coast of

Barbary, and after being tossed about in a violent gale, during which

it was obliged to take refuge under the lee of Cape Spartell, the

fleet returned to Gibraltar.

Government having determined to make an attempt to drive the French

out of Egypt, despatched orders to the commander-in-chief to proceed

to Malta, where, on their arrival, the troops were informed of

their destination. Tired of confinement on board the transports,

they were all greatly elevated on receiving this intelligence, and

looked forward to a contest on the plains of Egypt with the hitherto

victorious legions of France, with the feelings of men anxious to

support the honour of their country. The whole of the British land

forces amounted to 13,234 men and 630 artillery, but the efficient

force was only 12,334. The French force amounted to 32,000 men,

besides several thousand native auxiliaries.

The fleet sailed in two divisions for Marmorice, a bay on the coast

of Greece, on the 20th and 21st of December, in the year 1800. The

Turks were to have a reinforcement of men and horses at that place.

The first division arrived on the 28th of December, and the second on

the 1st of January following. Having received the Turkish supplies,

which were in every respect deficient, the fleet again got under

weigh on the 23d of February, and on the morning of Sunday the 1st of

March the low and sandy coast of Egypt was descried. The fleet came

to anchor in the evening of 1st March 1801 in Aboukir bay, on the

spot where the battle of the Nile had been fought nearly three years

before. After the fleet had anchored, a violent gale sprung up, which

continued without intermission till the evening of the 7th, when it

moderated.

As a disembarkation could not be attempted during the continuance of

the gale, the French had ample time to prepare themselves, and to

throw every obstacle which they could devise in the way of a landing.

No situation could be more embarrassing than that of Sir Ralph

Abercromby on the present occasion; but his strength of mind carried

him through every difficulty. He had to force a landing in an unknown

country, in the face of an enemy more than double his numbers, and

nearly three times as numerous as they were previously believed to

be--an enemy, moreover, in full possession of the country, occupying

all its fortified positions, having a numerous and well-appointed

cavalry, inured to the climate, and a powerful artillery,--an enemy

who knew every point where a landing could, with any prospect of

success, be attempted, and who had taken advantage of the unavoidable

delay, already mentioned, to erect batteries and bring guns and

ammunition to the point where they expected the attempt would be

made. In short, the general had to encounter embarrassments and

bear up under difficulties which would have paralysed the mind of a

man less firm and less confident of the devotion and bravery of his

troops. These disadvantages, however, served only to strengthen his

resolution. He knew that his army was determined to conquer, or to

perish with him; and, aware of the high hopes which the country had

placed in both, he resolved to proceed in the face of obstacles which

some would have deemed insurmountable.[316]

The first division destined to effect a landing consisted of the

flank companies of the 40th, and Welsh Fusileers on the right, the

28th, 42d, and 58th, in the centre, the brigade of Guards, Corsican

Rangers, and a part of the 1st brigade, consisting of the Royals and

54th, on the left,--amounting altogether to 5230 men. As there was

not a sufficiency of boats, all this force did not land at once; and

one company of Highlanders, and detachments of other regiments, did

not get on shore till the return of the boats. The troops fixed upon

to lead the way got into the boats at two o’clock on the morning of

the 8th of March, and formed in the rear of the _Mondovi_, Captain

John Stewart, which was anchored out of reach of shot from the

shore. By an admirable arrangement, each boat was placed in such a

manner, that, when the landing was effected, every brigade, every

regiment, and even every company, found itself in the proper station

assigned to it. As such an arrangement required time to complete it,

it was eight o’clock before the boats were ready to move forward.

Expectation was wound up to the highest pitch, when, at nine o’clock,

a signal was given, and the whole boats, with a simultaneous

movement, sprung forward, under the command of the Hon. Captain

Alexander Cochrane. Although the rowers strained every nerve, such

was the regularity of their pace, that no boat got a-head of the rest.

At first the enemy did not believe that the British would attempt a

landing in the face of their lines and defences; but when the boats

had come within range of their batteries, they began to perceive

their mistake, and then opened a heavy fire from their batteries

in front, and from the castle of Aboukir in flank. To the showers

of grape and shells, the enemy added a fire of musketry from 2500

men, on the near approach of the boats to the shore. In a short

time the boats on the right, containing the 23d, 28th, 42d, and

58th regiments, with the flank companies of the 40th, got under the

elevated position of the enemy’s batteries, so as to be sheltered

from their fire, and meeting with no opposition from the enemy, who

did not descend to the beach, these troops disembarked and formed

in line on the sea shore. Lest an irregular fire might have created

confusion in the ranks, no orders were given to load, but the men

were directed to rush up the face of the hill and charge the enemy.

When the word was given to advance, the soldiers sprung up the

ascent, but their progress was retarded by the loose dry sand

which so deeply covered the ascent, that the soldiers fell back

half a pace every step they advanced. When about half way to the

summit, they came in sight of the enemy, who poured down upon them

a destructive volley of musketry. Redoubling their exertions, they

gained the height before the enemy could reload their pieces; and,

though exhausted with fatigue, and almost breathless, they drove the

enemy from their position at the point of the bayonet. A squadron of

cavalry then advanced and attacked the Highlanders, but they were

instantly repulsed, with the loss of their commander. A scattered

fire was kept up for some time by a party of the enemy from behind

a second line of small sand-hills, but they fled in confusion on

the advance of the troops. The Guards and first brigade having

landed on ground nearly on a level with the water, were immediately

attacked,--the first by cavalry, and the 54th by a body of infantry,

who advanced with fixed bayonets. The assailants were repulsed.[317]

In this brilliant affair the British had 4 officers, 4 sergeants, and

94 rank and file killed, among whom were 31 Highlanders; 26 officers,

34 sergeants, 5 drummers, and 450 rank and file wounded; among

whom were, of the Highlanders, Lieutenant-Colonel James Stewart,

Captain Charles Macquarrie, Lieutenants Alexander Campbell, John

Dick, Frederick Campbell, Stewart Campbell, Charles Campbell, Ensign

Wilson, 7 sergeants, 4 drummers, and 140 rank and file.[318]

The venerable commander-in-chief, anxious to be at the head of his

troops, immediately left the admiral’s ship, and on reaching the

shore, leaped from the boat with the vigour of youth. Taking his

station on a little sand-hill, he received the congratulations of the

officers by whom he was surrounded, on the ability and firmness with

which he had conducted the enterprise. The general, on his part,

expressed his gratitude to them for “an intrepidity scarcely to be

paralleled,” and which had enabled them to overcome every difficulty.

The remainder of the army landed in the course of the evening, but

three days elapsed before the provisions and stores were disembarked.

Menou, the French commander, availed himself of this interval to

collect more troops and strengthen his position; so that on moving

forward on the evening of the 12th, the British found him strongly

posted among sand-hills, and palm and date trees, about three miles

east of Alexandria, with a force of upwards of 5000 infantry, 600

cavalry, and 30 pieces of artillery.

Early on the morning of the 13th, the troops moved forward to the

attack in three columns of regiments. At the head of the first column

was the 90th or Perthshire regiment; the 92d or Gordon Highlanders

formed the advance of the second; and the reserve marching in column

covered the movements of the first line, to which it ran parallel.

When the army had cleared the date trees, the enemy, leaving the

heights, moved down with great boldness on the 92d, which had just

formed in line. They opened a heavy fire of cannon and musketry,

which the 92d quickly returned; and although repeatedly attacked by

the French line, supported by a powerful artillery, they maintained

their ground singly till the whole line came up. Whilst the 92d

was sustaining these attacks from the infantry, the French cavalry

attempted to charge the 90th regiment down a declivity with great

impetuosity. The regiment stood waiting their approach with cool

intrepidity, and after allowing the cavalry to come within fifty

yards of them, they poured in upon them a well-directed volley, which

so completely broke the charge that only a few of the cavalry reached

the regiment, and the greater part of these were instantly bayoneted;

the rest fled to their left, and retreated in confusion. Sir Ralph

Abercromby, who was always in front, had his horse shot under him,

and was rescued by the 90th regiment when nearly surrounded by the

enemy’s cavalry.

After forming in line, the two divisions moved forward--the reserve

remaining in column to cover the right flank. The enemy retreated

to their lines in front of Alexandria, followed by the British army.

After reconnoitring their works, the British commander, conceiving

the difficulties of an attack insuperable, retired, and took up

a position about a league from Alexandria. The British suffered

severely on this occasion. The Royal Highlanders, who were only

exposed to distant shot, had only 3 rank and file killed, and

Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson, Captain Archibald Argyll Campbell,

Lieutenant Simon Fraser, 3 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 23 rank and file

wounded.

In the position now occupied by the British general, he had the sea

on his right flank, and the Lake Maadie on his left. On the right

the reserve was placed as an advanced post; the 58th possessed an

extensive ruin, supposed to have been the palace of the Ptolemies.

On the outside of the ruin, a few paces onward and close on the

left, was a redoubt, occupied by the 28th regiment. The 23d, the

flank companies of the 40th, the 42d, and the Corsican Rangers, were

posted 500 yards towards the rear, ready to support the two corps in

front. To the left of this redoubt a sandy plain extended about 300

yards, and then sloped into a valley. Here, a little retired towards

the rear, stood the cavalry of the reserve; and still farther to the

left, on a rising ground beyond the valley, the Guards were posted,

with a redoubt thrown up on their right, a battery on their left, and

a small ditch or embankment in front, which connected both. To the

left of the Guards, in echelon, were posted the Royals, 54th (two

battalions), and the 92d; then the 8th or Kings, 18th or Royal Irish,

90th, and 13th. To the left of the line, and facing the lake at

right angles, were drawn up the 27th or Enniskillen, 79th or Cameron

Highlanders, and 50th regiment. On the left of the second line were

posted the 30th, 89th, 44th, Dillon’s, De Roll’s, and Stuart’s

regiments; the dismounted cavalry of the 12th and 26th dragoons

completed the second line to the right. The whole was flanked on the

right by four cutters, stationed close to the shore. Such was the

disposition of the army from the 14th till the evening of the 20th,

during which time the whole was kept in constant employment, either

in performing military duties, strengthening the position--which had

few natural advantages--by the erection of batteries, or in bringing

forward cannon, stores, and provisions. Along the whole extent of the

line were arranged two 24 pounders, thirty-two field-pieces, and one

24 pounder in the redoubt occupied by the 28th.

The enemy occupied a parallel position on a ridge of hills extending

from the sea beyond the left of the British line, having the town

of Alexandria, Fort Caffarell, and Pharos, in the rear. General

Lanusse was on the left of Menou’s army with four demi-brigades of

infantry, and a considerable body of cavalry commanded by General

Roise. General Regnier was on the right with two demi-brigades

and two regiments of cavalry, and the centre was occupied by

five demi-brigades. The advanced guard, which consisted of one

demi-brigade, some light troops, and a detachment of cavalry, was

commanded by General D’Estain.

Meanwhile, the fort of Aboukir was blockaded by the Queen’s regiment,

and, after a slight resistance, surrendered to Lord Dalhousie on

the 18th. To replace the Gordon Highlanders, who had been much

reduced by previous sickness, and by the action of the 13th, the

Queen’s regiment was ordered up on the evening of the 20th. The same

evening the British general received accounts that General Menou had

arrived at Alexandria with a large reinforcement from Cairo, and was

preparing to attack him.

Anticipating this attack, the British army was under arms at an

early hour in the morning of the 21st of March, and at three o’clock

every man was at his post. For half an hour no movement took place

on either side, till the report of a musket, followed by that of

some cannon, was heard on the left of the line. Upon this signal the

enemy immediately advanced, and took possession of a small picquet,

occupied by part of Stuart’s regiment; but they were instantly driven

back. For a time silence again prevailed, but it was a stillness

which portended a deadly struggle. As soon as he heard the firing,

General Moore, who happened to be the general officer on duty during

the night, had galloped off to the left; but an idea having struck

him as he proceeded, that this was a false attack, he turned back,

and had hardly returned to his brigade when a loud huzza, succeeded

by a roar of musketry, showed that he was not mistaken. The morning

was unusually dark, cloudy, and close. The enemy advanced in silence

until they approached the picquets, when they gave a shout and pushed

forward. At this moment Major Sinclair, as directed by Major-General

Oakes, advanced with the left wing of the 42d, and took post on the

open ground lately occupied by the 28th regiment, which was now

ordered within the redoubt. Whilst the left wing of the Highlanders

was thus drawn up, with its right supported by the redoubt,

Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Stewart was directed to remain with the

right wing 200 yards in the rear, but exactly parallel to the left

wing. The Welsh Fusileers and the flank companies of the 40th moved

forward, at the same time, to support the 58th, stationed in the

ruin. This regiment had drawn up in the chasms of the ruined walls,

which were in some parts from ten to twenty feet high, under cover of

some loose stones which the soldiers had raised for their defence,

and which, though sufficiently open for the fire of musketry, formed

a perfect protection against the entrance of cavalry or infantry.

The attack on the ruin, the redoubt, and the left wing of the

Highlanders, was made at the same moment, and with the greatest

impetuosity; but the fire of the regiments stationed there, and of

the left wing of the 42d, under Major Stirling, quickly checked the

ardour of the enemy. Lieutenant-Colonels Paget of the 28th, and

Houston of the 58th, after allowing the enemy to come quite close,

directed their regiments to open a fire, which was so well-directed

and effective, that the enemy were obliged to retire precipitately to

a hollow in their rear.[319]

During this contest in front, a column of the enemy, which bore the

name of the “Invincibles,” preceded by a six-pounder, came silently

along the hollow interval from which the cavalry picquet had retired,

and passed between the left of the 42d and the right of the Guards.

Though it was still so dark that an object could not be properly

distinguished at the distance of two yards, yet, with such precision

did this column calculate its distance and line of march, that on

coming in line with the left wing of the Highlanders, it wheeled to

its left, and marched in between the right and left wings of the

regiment, which were drawn up in parallel lines. As soon as the enemy

were discovered passing between the two lines, Lieutenant-Colonel

Alexander Stewart instantly charged them with the right wing to

his proper front, whilst the rear-rank of Major Stirling’s force,

facing to the right about, charged to the rear. Being thus placed

between two fires, the enemy rushed forward with an intention of

entering the ruin, which they supposed was unoccupied. As they

passed the rear of the redoubt the 28th faced about and fired upon

them. Continuing their course, they reached the ruin, through the

openings of which they rushed, followed by the Highlanders, when the

58th and 48th, facing about as the 28th had done, also fired upon

them. The survivors (about 200), unable to withstand this combined

attack, threw down their arms and surrendered. Generals Moore and

Oakes were both wounded in the ruin, but were still able to continue

in the exercise of their duty. The former, on the surrender of the

“Invincibles,” left the ruin, and hurried to the left of the redoubt,

where part of the left wing of the 42d was busily engaged with the

enemy after the rear rank had followed the latter into the ruins. At

this time the enemy were seen advancing in great force on the left of

the redoubt, apparently with an intention of making another attempt

to turn it. On perceiving their approach, General Moore immediately

ordered the Highlanders out of the ruins, and directed them to form

line in battalion on the flat on which Major Stirling had originally

formed, with their right supported by the redoubt. By thus extending

their line they were enabled to present a greater front to the enemy;

but, in consequence of the rapid advance of the latter, it was found

necessary to check their progress even before the battalion had

completely formed in line. Orders were therefore given to drive the

enemy back, which were instantly performed with complete success.

Encouraged by the commander-in-chief, who called out from his

station, “My brave Highlanders, remember your country, remember your

forefathers!” they pursued the enemy along the plain; but they had

not proceeded far, when General Moore, whose eye was keen, perceived

through the increasing clearness of the atmosphere, fresh columns

of the enemy drawn up on the plain beyond with three squadrons

of cavalry, as if ready to charge through the intervals of their

retreating infantry. As no time was to be lost, the general ordered

the regiment to retire from their advanced position, and re-form on

the left of the redoubt. This order, although repeated by Colonel

Stewart, was only partially heard in consequence of the noise of

the firing; and the result was, that whilst the companies who heard

it retired on the redoubt, the rest hesitated to follow. The enemy

observing the intervals between these companies, resolved to avail

themselves of the circumstance, and advanced in great force. Broken

as the line was by the separation of the companies, it seemed almost

impossible to resist with effect an impetuous charge of cavalry; yet

every man stood firm. Many of the enemy were killed in the advance.

The companies, who stood in compact bodies, drove back all who

charged them, with great loss. Part of the cavalry passed through

the intervals, and wheeling to their left, as the “Invincibles” had

done early in the morning, were received by the 28th, who, facing to

their rear, poured on them a destructive fire, which killed many of

them. It is extraordinary that in this onset only 13 Highlanders were

wounded by the sabre,--a circumstance to be ascribed to the firmness

with which they stood, first endeavouring to bring down the horse,

before the rider came within sword-length, and then despatching him

with the bayonet, before he had time to recover his legs from the

fall of the horse.[320]

Enraged at the disaster which had befallen the _elite_ of his

cavalry, General Menou ordered forward a column of infantry,

supported by cavalry, to make a second attempt on the position; but

this body was repulsed at all points by the Highlanders. Another

body of cavalry now dashed forward as the former had done, and

met with a similar reception, numbers falling, and others passing

through to the rear, where they were again overpowered by the 28th.

It was impossible for the Highlanders to withstand much longer such

repeated attacks, particularly as they were reduced to the necessity

of fighting every man on his own ground, and unless supported they

must soon have been destroyed. The fortunate arrival of the brigade

of Brigadier-General Stuart, which advanced from the second line,

and formed on the left of the Highlanders, probably saved them from

destruction. At this time the enemy were advancing in great force,

both in cavalry and infantry, apparently determined to overwhelm the

handful of men who had hitherto baffled all their efforts. Though

surprised to find a fresh and more numerous body of troops opposed

to them, they nevertheless ventured to charge, but were again driven

back with great precipitation.

It was now eight o’clock in the morning; but nothing decisive had

been effected on either side. About this time the British had spent

the whole of their ammunition; and not being able to procure an

immediate supply, owing to the distance of the ordnance-stores, their

fire ceased,--a circumstance which surprised the enemy, who, ignorant

of the cause, ascribed the cessation to design. Meanwhile, the French

kept up a heavy and constant cannonade from their great guns, and a

straggling fire from their sharp-shooters in the hollows, and behind

some sand-hills in front of the redoubt and ruins. The army suffered

greatly from the fire of the enemy, particularly the Highlanders,

and the right of General Stuart’s brigade, who were exposed to its

full effect, being posted on a level piece of ground over which the

cannon-shot rolled after striking the ground, and carried off a file

of men at every successive rebound. Yet notwithstanding this havoc no

man moved from his position except to close up the gap made by the

shot, when his right or left hand man was struck down.

At this stage of the battle the proceedings of the centre may

be shortly detailed. The enemy pushed forward a heavy column of

infantry, before the dawn of day, towards the position occupied by

the Guards. After allowing them to approach very close to his front,

General Ludlow ordered his fire to be opened, and his orders were

executed with such effect, that the enemy retired with precipitation.

Foiled in this attempt, they next endeavoured to turn the left of the

position; but they were received and driven back with such spirit by

the Royals and the right wing of the 54th, that they desisted from

all further attempts to carry it. They, however, kept up an irregular

fire from their cannon and sharp-shooters, which did some execution.

As General Regnier, who commanded the right of the French line, did

not advance, the left of the British was never engaged. He made up

for this forbearance by keeping up a heavy cannonade, which did

considerable injury.

Emboldened by the temporary cessation of the British fire on the

right, the French sharp-shooters came close to the redoubt; but

they were thwarted in their designs by the opportune arrival of

ammunition. A fire was immediately opened from the redoubt, which

made them retreat with expedition. The whole line followed, and by

ten o’clock the enemy had resumed their original position in front of

Alexandria. After this, the enemy despairing of success, gave up all

idea of renewing the attack, and the loss of the commander-in-chief,

among other considerations, made the British desist from any attempt

to force the enemy to engage again.

[Illustration: Sir Ralph Abercromby in Egypt. From Kay’s _Edinburgh

Portraits_.]

Sir Ralph Abercromby, who had taken his station in front early in

the day between the right of the Highlanders and the left of the

redoubt, having detached the whole of his staff, was left alone.

In this situation two of the enemy’s dragoons dashed forward, and

drawing up on each side, attempted to lead him away prisoner. In a

struggle which ensued, he received a blow on the breast; but with

the vigour and strength of arm for which he was distinguished, he

seized the sabre of one of his assailants, and forced it out of

his hand. A corporal (Barker) of the 42d coming up to his support

at this instant, for lack of other ammunition, charged his piece

with powder and his ramrod, shot one of the dragoons, and the other

retired. The general afterwards dismounted from his horse though

with difficulty; but no person knew that he was wounded, till some

of the staff who joined him observed the blood trickling down his

thigh. A musket-ball had entered his groin, and lodged deep in the

hip-joint. Notwithstanding the acute pain which a wound in such a

place must have occasioned, he had, during the interval between the

time he had been wounded and the last charge of cavalry, walked with

a firm and steady step along the line of the Highlanders and General

Stuart’s brigade, to the position of the Guards in the centre of the

line, where, from its elevated position, he had a full view of the

whole field of battle, and from which place he gave his orders as if

nothing had happened to him. In his anxiety about the result of the

battle, he seemed to forget that he had been hurt; but after victory

had declared in favour of the British army, he became alive to the

danger of his situation, and in a state of exhaustion, lay down on a

little sand-hill near the battery.

In this situation he was surrounded by the generals and a number of

officers. The soldiers were to be seen crowding round this melancholy

group at a respectful distance, pouring out blessings on his head,

and prayers for his recovery. His wound was now examined, and a large

incision was made to extract the ball; but it could not be found.

After this operation he was put upon a litter, and carried on board

the _Foudroyant_, Lord Keith’s ship, where he died on the morning

of the 28th of March. “As his life was honourable, so his death was

glorious. His memory will be recorded in the annals of his country,

will be sacred to every British soldier, and embalmed in the memory

of a grateful posterity.”[321]

The loss of the British, of whom scarcely 6000 were actually

engaged, was not so great as might have been expected. Besides the

commander-in-chief, there were killed 10 officers, 9 sergeants,

and 224 rank and file; and 60 officers, 48 sergeants, 3 drummers,

and 1082 rank and file, were wounded. Of the Royal Highlanders,

Brevet-Major Robert Bisset, Lieutenants Colin Campbell, Robert

Anderson, Alexander Stewart, Alexander Donaldson, and Archibald

M’Nicol, and 48 rank and file, were killed; and Major James Stirling,

Captain David Stewart, Lieutenant Hamilton Rose, J. Millford

Sutherland, A. M. Cuningham, Frederick Campbell, Maxwell Grant,

Ensign William Mackenzie, 6 sergeants, and 247 rank and file wounded.

As the 42d was more exposed than any of the other regiments engaged,

and sustained the brunt of the battle, their loss was nearly three

times the aggregate amount of the loss of all the other regiments of

the reserve. The total loss of the French was about 4000 men.

General Hutchinson, on whom the command of the British army now

devolved, remained in the position before Alexandria for some time,

during which a detachment under Colonel Spencer took possession

of Rosetta. Having strengthened his position between Alexandria

and Aboukir, General Hutchinson transferred his headquarters to

Rosetta, with a view to proceed against Rhamanieh, an important post,

commanding the passage of the Nile, and preserving the communication

between Alexandria and Cairo. The general left his camp on the 5th

of May to attack Rhamanieh; but although defended by 4000 infantry,

800 cavalry, and 32 pieces of cannon, the place was evacuated by the

enemy on his approach.

The commander-in-chief proceeded to Cairo, and took up a position

four miles from that city on the 16th of June. Belliard, the French

general, had made up his mind to capitulate whenever he could do so

with honour; and accordingly, on the 22d of June, when the British

had nearly completed their approaches, he offered to surrender, on

condition of his army being sent to France with their arms, baggage,

and effects.

Nothing now remained to render the conquest of Egypt complete but the

reduction of Alexandria. Returning from Cairo, General Hutchinson

proceeded to invest that city. Whilst General Coote, with nearly half

the army, approached to the westward of the town, the general himself

advanced from the eastward. General Menou, anxious for the honour

of the French arms, at first disputed the advances made towards his

lines; but finding himself surrounded on two sides by an army of

14,500 men, by the sea on the north, and cut off from the country on

the south by a lake which had been formed by breaking down the dike

between the Nile and Alexandria, he applied for, and obtained, on the

evening of the 26th of August, an armistice of three days. On the 2d

of September the capitulation was signed, the terms agreed upon being

much the same with those granted to General Belliard.

After the French were embarked, immediate arrangements were made for

settling in quarters the troops that were to remain in the country,

and to embark those destined for other stations. Among these last

were the three Highland regiments. The 42d landed at Southampton, and

marched to Winchester. With the exception of those who were affected

with ophthalmia, all the men were healthy. At Winchester, however,

the men caught a contagious fever, of which Captain Lamont and

several privates died.

[Illustration: Medal of 42d Royal Highland Regiment for services in

Egypt. From the collection of Surgeon-Major Fleming, late 4th Dragoon

Guards.]

[Illustration: Medal to Sir Ralph Abercromby for services in Egypt.

From the same collection.]

“At this period,” says General Stewart, “a circumstance occurred

which caused some conversation on the French standard taken at

Alexandria. The Highland Society of London, much gratified with the

accounts given of the conduct of their countrymen in Egypt, resolved

to bestow on them some mark of their esteem and approbation. The

Society being composed of men of the first rank and character in

Scotland, and including several of the royal family as members, it

was considered that such an act would be honourable to the corps and

agreeable to all. It was proposed to commence with the 42d as the

oldest of the Highland regiments, and with the others in succession,

as their service offered an opportunity of distinguishing themselves.

Fifteen hundred pounds were immediately subscribed for this purpose.

Medals were struck with a head of Sir Ralph Abercromby, and some

emblematical figures on the obverse. A superb piece of plate was

likewise ordered. While these were in preparation, the Society held

a meeting, when Sir John Sinclair, with the warmth of a clansman,

mentioned his namesake, Sergeant Sinclair, as having taken or having

got possession of the French standard, which had been brought home.

Sir John being at that time ignorant of the circumstances, made no

mention of the loss of the ensign which the sergeant had gotten in

charge. This called forth the claim of Lutz,[322] already referred

to, accompanied with some strong remarks by Cobbett, the editor

of the work in which the claim appeared. The Society then asked

an explanation from the officers of the 42d. To this very proper

request a reply was given by the officers who were then present with

the regiment. The majority of these happened to be young men, who

expressed, in warm terms, their surprise that the Society should

imagine them capable of countenancing any statement implying that

they had laid claim to a trophy to which they had no right. This

misapprehension of the Society’s meaning brought on a correspondence,

which ended in an interruption of farther communication for many

years.”[323]

In May 1802 the regiment marched to Ashford, where they were reviewed

by George III., who expressed himself satisfied with its appearance;

but although the men had a martial air, they had a diminutive look,

and were by no means equal to their predecessors, either in bodily

appearance or in complexion.

Shortly after this review the regiment was ordered to Edinburgh.

During their march to the north the men were everywhere received with

kindness; and, on approaching the northern metropolis, thousands of

its inhabitants met them at a distance from the city, and, welcoming

them with acclamations, accompanied them to the castle. They remained

in their new quarters, giving way too freely to the temptations to

which they were exposed, by the hospitality of the inhabitants,

till the spring of 1803, when, in consequence of the interruption

of peace, they were embarked at Leith for the camp then forming at

Weeley, in Essex. The regiment at this time did not exceed 400 men,

in consequence chiefly of the discharge of 475 men the preceding

year. While in Edinburgh (December 1, 1803) new colours, bearing

the distinctions granted for its services in Egypt, were formally

presented to the regiment.

As a means at once of providing for the internal defence of the

kingdom, and recruiting the regular army, an act was passed to

raise a body of men by ballot, to be called “The Army of Reserve.”

Their services were to be confined to Great Britain and Ireland,

with liberty to volunteer into the regular army, on a certain

bounty. In the first instance, the men thus raised in Scotland were

formed into second battalions to regiments of the line. The quota

raised in the counties of Perth, Elgin, Nairn, Cromarty, Ross,

Sutherland, Caithness, Argyle, and Bute, which was to form the

second battalion of the 42d, amounted to 1343 men. These embarked

in November at Fort George, to join the first battalion in Weeley

barracks, about which time upwards of 500 had volunteered into the

regular army. In April of this year Captain David Stewart, Garth,

was appointed major, and Lieutenants Robert Henry Dick and Charles

M’Lean, captains to the second battalion of the 78th regiment. In

September following, Colonel Dickson was appointed brigadier-general;

and Lieutenant-Colonels James Stewart and Alexander Stewart having

retired, they were succeeded by Lieutenant-Colonels Stirling and

Lord Blantyre. Captains M’Quarrie and James Grant became majors;

Lieutenants Stewart Campbell, Donald Williamson, John M’Diarmid,

John Dick, and James Walker, captains; and Captain Lord Saltoun was

promoted to the Foot Guards.

In consequence of the removal of a part of the garrison of Gibraltar,

the first battalion of the 42d, and the second battalion of the

78th, or Seaforth Highlanders, were marched to Plymouth, where they

embarked early in October for Gibraltar, which they reached in

November. Nothing worthy of notice occurred during their stay in

Gibraltar. Since their former visit, the moral habits of the 42d had

improved, and they did not fall into those excesses in drinking in

which they had previously indulged. The mortality consequently was

not so great as before--31 only out of 850 men having died during the

three years they remained at this station.

In 1806 Sir Hector Munro, the colonel of the regiment, died, and was

succeeded by Major-General the Marquis of Huntly, afterwards Duke of

Gordon.

After the battle of Vimiera, which was fought on the 21st of August

1808, the British army was joined by the 42d from Gibraltar, then

624 men strong,[324] and by the Gordon and Cameron Highlanders from

England. Major-General Sir Arthur Wellesley, who had gained the

battle, was superseded the same day by two senior generals, Sir

Harry Burrard and Sir John Moore, who were, strange to tell, again

superseded by General Sir Hew Dalrymple the following morning.

Generals Burrard and Dalrymple having been recalled in consequence

of the convention of Cintra, the command of the army devolved on Sir

John Moore, who, on the 6th of October, received an order to march

into Spain. Having made no previous preparations for marching, the

advance of the army from Lisbon was retarded; and as he could obtain

little assistance from the Portuguese Government, and no correct

information of the state of the country, or of the proper route he

ought to take, he was obliged to act almost entirely upon conjecture.

Conceiving it impossible to convey artillery by the road through the

mountains, he resolved to divide his army, and to march into Spain by

different routes.

One of these divisions, consisting of the brigade of artillery and

four regiments of infantry, of which the 42d was one, under the Hon.

Lieutenant-General Hope, marched upon Madrid and Espinar; another,

under General Paget, moved by Elvas and Alcantara; a third by

Coimbra and Almeida, under General Beresford; and a fourth, under

General Mackenzie Fraser, by Abrantes and Almeida. These divisions,

amounting together to 18,000 infantry and 900 cavalry, were to form

a junction at Salamanca. General Moore reached Salamanca on the 13th

of November, without seeing a single Spanish soldier. Whilst on the

march, Lieutenant-General Sir David Baird arrived off Corunna with a

body of troops from England, for the purpose of forming a junction

with General Moore; but his troops were kept on board from the 13th

to the 31st of October, and, when allowed to disembark, no exertions

were made by the Spaniards to forward his march.

Whilst waiting the junction of General Baird and the division of

General Hope, which, from its circuitous route, was the last of the

four in reaching Salamanca, General Moore received intelligence of

the defeat and total dispersion of General Blake’s army on the 10th

of November, at Espenora de los Monteros, as well as of a similar

fate which subsequently befell the army of General Castanos at

Tudela. No Spanish army now remained in the field except the corps

under the Marquis of Romana, but acting independently, it tended

rather to obstruct than forward the plans of the British commander.

It was now the 1st of December. General Baird had reached Astorga,

and General Hope’s division was still four day’s march from

Salamanca. Beset by accumulated difficulties, and threatened with

an army already amounting to 100,000 men, and about to be increased

by additional reinforcements, General Moore resolved on a retreat,

though such a measure was opposed to the opinion of many officers

of rank. Whilst he himself was to fall back upon Lisbon, he ordered

Sir David Baird to retire to Corunna, and embark for the Tagus. He

afterwards countermanded the order for retreat, on receiving some

favourable accounts from the interior, but having soon ascertained

that these were not to be relied on, he resumed his original

intention of retiring. Instead of proceeding, however, towards

Lisbon, he determined to retreat to the north of Spain, with the view

of joining General Baird. This junction he effected at Toro, on the

21st of December. Their united forces amounted to 26,311 infantry,

and 2450 cavalry, besides artillery.

The general resolved to attack Marshal Soult at Saldanha; but, after

making his dispositions, he gave up his determination, in consequence

of information that Soult had received considerable reinforcements;

that Buonaparte had marched from Madrid with 40,000 infantry and

cavalry; and that Marshals Junot, Mortier, and Leferbe, with their

different divisions, were also on their march towards the north of

Spain. The retreat was begun on the 24th of December, on which day

the advance guard of Buonaparte’s division passed through Tordesillas.

When ordered again to retreat, the greatest disappointment was

manifested by the troops, who, enraged at the apathy shown by

the people, gratified their feelings of revenge by acts of

insubordination and plunder hitherto unheard of in a British army.

To such an extent did they carry their ravages, that they obtained

the name of “malditos ladrones,” or cursed robbers, from the

unfortunate inhabitants. The following extract of general orders,

issued at Benevente, on the 27th of December, shows how acutely the

gallant Moore felt the disgrace which the conduct of his British

troops brought on the British name:--“The Commander of the Forces

has observed, with concern, the extreme bad conduct of the troops,

at a moment when they are about to come into contact with the enemy,

and when the greatest regularity and the best conduct are most

requisite. The misbehaviour of the troops in the column which marched

from Valdaras to this place, exceeds what he could have believed of

British soldiers. It is disgraceful to the officers, as it strongly

marks their negligence and inattention. The Commander of the Forces

refers to the general orders of the 15th of October and the 11th

of November. He desires that they may be again read at the head of

every company in the army. He can add nothing but his determination

to execute them to the fullest extent. He can feel no mercy towards

officers who neglect, in times like these, essential duties, or

towards soldiers who injure the country they are sent to protect.

It is impossible for the General to explain to his army his motive

for the movements he directs. When it is proper to fight a battle he

will do it, and he will choose the time and place he thinks most fit.

In the mean time, he begs the officers and soldiers of the army to

attend diligently to discharge their part, and leave to him and to

the general officers the decision of measures which belong to them

alone.”

It is quite unnecessary, in a work of this nature, to give the

details of this memorable retreat. Suffice it to say, that after a

series of brilliant and successful encounters with the enemy, and

after enduring the most extraordinary privations, the British army

arrived in the neighbourhood of Corunna on the 11th of January 1809.

Had the transports been at Corunna, the troops might have embarked

without molestation, as the French general did not push forward with

vigour from Lago; but, as they had to wait the arrival of transports

from Vigo, the enemy had full time to come up. The inhabitants showed

the greatest kindness to the troops, and, in conjunction with them,

exerted themselves with much assiduity to put the town in a proper

state of defence.

On the land side Corunna is surrounded by a double range of hills,

a higher and a lower. As the outward or higher range was too

extensive, the British were formed on the inner or lower range. The

French on their arrival took post on the higher range.

Several of the transports having arrived on the 14th, the sick,

the cavalry, and part of the artillery were embarked. Next day was

spent in skirmishing, with little loss on either side; but on the

16th, affairs assumed a more serious aspect. After mid-day, the

enemy were seen getting under arms. The British drew up immediately

in line of battle. General Hope’s division occupied the left. It

consisted of Major-General Hill’s brigade of the Queen’s, 14th,

32d; and Colonel Crawford’s brigade of the 36th, 71st, and 92d or

Gordon Highlanders. On the right of the line was the division of

General Baird, consisting of Lord William Bentinck’s brigade of the

4th, 42d or Royal Highlanders, and 50th regiment; and Major-General

Manningham’s brigade of the third battalion of the Royals, 26th or

Cameronians, and second battalion of the 81st; and Major-General

Ward with the first and second battalions of the Foot Guards. The

other battalions of Guards were in reserve, in rear of Lord William

Bentinck’s brigade. The Rifle corps formed a chain across a valley on

the right of Sir David Baird, communicating with Lieutenant-General

Fraser’s division, which was drawn up in the rear at a short distance

from Corunna. This division was composed of the 6th, 9th, 23d or

Welsh Fusileers, and second battalion of the 43d, under Major-General

Beresford; and the 36th, 79th or Cameron Highlanders, and 82d, under

Brigadier-General Fane. General Paget’s brigade of reserve formed

in rear of the left. It consisted of the 20th, 28th, 52d, 91st, and

Rifle corps. The whole force under arms amounted to nearly 16,000 men.

The battle was begun by the enemy, who, after a discharge of

artillery, advanced upon the British in four columns. Two of

these moved towards General Baird’s wing, a third advanced upon

the centre, and a fourth against the left. The enemy kept a fifth

column as a reserve in the rear. On the approach of the French the

British advanced to meet them. The 50th regiment, under Majors

Napier and Stanhope, two young officers who had been trained up

under the general’s own eye, passing over an enclosure in front,

charged and drove the enemy out of the village of Elvina, with great

loss. General Moore, who was at the post occupied by Lord William

Bentinck’s brigade, directing every movement, on observing the brave

conduct of the regiment, exclaimed, “Well done the 50th--well done

my majors!” Then proceeding to the 42d, he cried out, “Highlanders,

remember Egypt.” They thereupon rushed forward, accompanied by the

general, and drove back the enemy in all directions. He now ordered

up a battalion of the Guards to the left flank of the Highlanders.

The light company, conceiving, as their ammunition was spent, that

the Guards were to relieve them, began to fall back; but Sir John

discovering their mistake, said to them, “My brave 42d, join your

comrades,--ammunition is coming,--you have your bayonets.” This was

enough.

Sir David Baird about this time was forced to leave the field,

in consequence of his arm being shattered by a musket ball, and

immediately thereafter a cannon ball struck Sir John Moore in the

left shoulder and beat him to the ground. “He raised himself and

sat up with an unaltered countenance, looking intensely at the

Highlanders, who were warmly engaged. Captain Hardinge threw himself

from his horse and took him by the hand; then observing his anxiety,

he told him the 42d were advancing, upon which his countenance

immediately brightened up.”

After the general and Sir David Baird had been carried off the field,

the command of the army devolved upon Lieutenant-General Hope, who,

at the close of the battle, addressed a letter to Sir David, from

which the following is an extract:--“The first effort of the enemy

was met by the commander of the forces and by yourself, at the head

of the 42d regiment, and the brigade under Lord William Bentinck.

The village on your right became an object of obstinate contest.

I lament to say, that, after the severe wound which deprived the

army of your services, Lieutenant-General Sir John Moore, who had

just directed the most able disposition, fell by a cannon-shot. The

troops, though not unacquainted with the irreparable loss they had

sustained, were not dismayed, but, by the most determined bravery,

not only repelled every attempt of the enemy to gain ground, but

actually forced him to retire, although he had brought up fresh

troops in support of those originally engaged. The enemy finding

himself foiled in every attempt to force the right of the position,

endeavoured by numbers to turn it. A judicious and well-timed

movement which was made by Major-General Paget with the reserve,

which corps had moved out of its cantonments to support the right

of the army, by a vigorous attack defeated this intention. The

major-general having pushed forward the 95th (Rifle corps) and the

first battalion of the 52d regiment, drove the enemy before him, and

in his rapid and judicious advance threatened the left of the enemy’s

position. This circumstance, with the position of Lieutenant-General

Fraser’s division (calculated to give still farther security to the

right of the line), induced the enemy to relax his efforts in that

quarter. They were, however, more forcibly directed towards the

centre, when they were again successfully resisted by the brigade

under Major-General Manningham, forming the left of your division,

and a part of that under Major-General Leith, forming the right of

that under my orders. Upon the left the enemy at first contented

himself with an attack upon our picquets, which, however, in general

maintained their ground. Finding, however, his efforts unavailing

on the right and centre, he seemed determined to render the attack

upon the left more serious, and had succeeded in obtaining possession

of the village through which the great road to Madrid passes, and

which was situated in front of that part of the line. From this

post, however, he was soon expelled, with a considerable loss, by

a gallant attack of some companies of the second battalion of the

14th regiment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Nicholls. Before five in the

evening, we had not only successfully repelled every attack made

upon the position, but had gained ground, in almost all points, and

occupied a more forward line than at the commencement of the action;

whilst the enemy confined his operations to a cannonade, and the fire

of his light troops, with a view to draw off his other corps. At six

the firing ceased.”

The loss of the British was 800 men killed and wounded. The 42d had 1

sergeant and 36 rank and file killed; and 6 officers, viz., Captains

Duncan Campbell, John Fraser, and Maxwell Grant, and Lieutenants

Alexander Anderson, William Middleton, and Thomas MacInnes, 1

sergeant, and 104 rank and file wounded. The enemy lost upwards of

3000 men,--a remarkable disproportion, when it is considered that the

British troops fought under many disadvantages.

In general orders issued on the 18th of January, Lieutenant-General

Hope congratulated the army on the victory, and added,--“On no

occasion has the undaunted valour of British troops been more

manifest. At the termination of a severe and harassing march,

rendered necessary by the superiority which the enemy had acquired,

and which had materially impaired the efficiency of the troops, many

disadvantages were to be encountered.

“These have all been surmounted by the conduct of the troops

themselves; and the enemy has been taught, that whatever advantages

of position or numbers he may employ, there is inherent, in British

officers and soldiers, a bravery that knows not how to yield,--that

no circumstances can appal,--and that will ensure victory when it is

to be obtained by the exertion of any human means.

“The lieutenant-general has the greatest satisfaction in

distinguishing such meritorious services as came within his

observation, or have been brought to his knowledge.

“His acknowledgments are in a peculiar manner due to

Lieutenant-General Lord William Bentinck, and _the brigade under

his command, consisting of the Fourth_, FORTY-SECOND, _and Fiftieth

Regiments, which sustained the weight of the attack_.”

Though the victory was gained, General Hope did not consider it

advisable, under existing circumstances, to risk another battle, and

therefore issued orders for the immediate embarkation of the army. By

the great exertions of the naval officers and seamen, the whole, with

the exception of the rear guard, were on board before the morning;

and the rear guard, with the sick and wounded, were all embarked the

following day.

General Moore did not long survive the action. When he fell he was

removed, with the assistance of a soldier of the 42d, a few yards

behind the shelter of a wall. He was afterwards carried to the rear

in a blanket by six soldiers of the 42d and Guards. When borne

off the field his aide-de-camp, Captain Hardinge, observing the

resolution and composure of his features, expressed his hopes that

the wound was not mortal, and that he would still be spared to the

army. Turning his head round, and looking steadfastly at the wound

for a few seconds, the dying commander said, “No, Hardinge; I feel

that to be impossible.” A sergeant of the 42d and two spare files,

in case of accident, were ordered to conduct their brave general to

Corunna. Whilst being carried along slowly, he made the soldiers

turn frequently round, that he might view the field of battle and

listen to the firing. As the sound grew fainter, an indication that

the enemy were retiring, his countenance evinced the satisfaction he

felt. In a few hours he was numbered with the dead.

Thus died, in the prime of life, one of the most accomplished and

bravest soldiers that ever adorned the British army. From his youth

he embraced the profession with the sentiments and feelings of a

soldier. He felt that a perfect knowledge and an exact performance of

the humble but important duties of a subaltern officer are the best

foundation for subsequent military fame. In the school of regimental

duty, he obtained that correct knowledge of his profession, so

essential to the proper direction of the gallant spirit of the

soldier; and was enabled to establish a characteristic order and

regularity of conduct, because the troops found in their leader a

striking example of the discipline which he enforced on others.

In a military character, obtained amidst the dangers of climate,

the privations incident to service, and the sufferings of repeated

wounds, it is difficult to select any point as a preferable subject

for praise. The life of Sir John Moore was spent among his troops.

During the season of repose, his time was devoted to the care and

instruction of the officer and soldier; in war, he courted service in

every quarter of the globe. Regardless of personal considerations, he

esteemed that to which his country called him, the post of honour;

and, by his undaunted spirit and unconquerable perseverance, he

pointed the way to victory.[325]

General Moore had been often heard to express a wish that he might

die in battle like a soldier; and, like a soldier, he was interred in

his full uniform in a bastion in the garrison of Corunna.[326]

When the embarkation of the army was completed it sailed for England.

One division, in which the 42d was, landed at Portsmouth; another

disembarked at Plymouth.

The regiment was now brigaded at Shorncliffe with the rifle corps,

under the command of Major-General Sir Thomas Graham. As the second

battalion, which had been in Ireland since 1805, was about to embark

for Portugal, they could obtain no draughts from it to supply the

casualties which they had suffered in the late retreat and loss at

Corunna, but these were speedily made up otherwise.

The 42d was next employed in the disastrous expedition to Walcheren,

and returned to Dover in September 1809, having only 204 men fit for

duty out of 758, who, about six weeks before, had left the shores of

England. The regiment marched to Canterbury on the 11th of September,

where it remained till July 1810, when it was removed to Scotland,

and quartered in Musselburgh. The men had recovered very slowly

from the Walcheren fever, and many of them still suffered under its

influence. During their stay at Musselburgh, the men unfortunately

indulged themselves to excess in the use of ardent spirits, a

practice which would have destroyed their health, had not a change of

duty put an end to this baneful practice.

IV.

1811-1816.

Return of the 42d to England--Embarks a second time for

Portugal in 1812--Consolidation of the first and second

battalions--Spain--Battle of Salamanca--Madrid--Siege of

Burgos--Retreat into Portugal--Campaign of 1813--Battle

of Vittoria--Siege of St Sebastian--Pyrenees--Succession

of battles--Fall of St Sebastian--Allied army enters France

--Crosses the Nivelle--Passage of the Nive--Series of actions

--Bayonne--Battles of Orthés and Ayre--Bordeaux--Tarbes--Battle

of Toulouse--Peace of 1814--War of 1815--Quatre Bras--Waterloo

--Return of the 42d to Scotland--Edinburgh.

In August 1811 the regiment sailed for England, and after remaining

some time in Lewis barracks, embarked in April of the following

year for Portugal. The ardour for recruiting had now ceased, and

the consequence was that the regiment obtained few recruits while

in Scotland. Lieutenant-Colonel Lord Blantyre, the commander of the

second battalion, had experienced the growing indifference of the

Highlanders for the army, having been obliged, before his departure

for Portugal, to enlist 150 men from the Irish militia. The first

battalion joined the army, under Lord Wellington, after the capture

of Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajoz, and meeting with the second battalion,

they were both consolidated.

“The second battalion had continued with the allied army in Portugal,

and was engaged in the operations by which the English commander

endeavoured to retard the advance of the superior numbers of the

enemy, under Marshal Massena, who boasted he would drive the British

into the sea, and plant the eagles of France on the towers of Lisbon.

As the French army advanced in full confidence of success, suddenly

the rocks of Busaco were seen bristling with bayonets and streaming

with British colours. The Royal Highlanders were in position on the

mountains when that formidable post was attacked by the enemy on the

27th of September, and when the valour of the British troops repulsed

the furious onsets of the French veterans, who were driven back with

severe loss. The loss of the Forty-Second was limited to 2 sergeants,

1 drummer, and 3 rank and file wounded. Major Robert Henry Dick

received a medal for this battle.

“Being unable to force the position, the French commander turned it

by a flank movement; and the allied army fell back to the lines of

Torres Vedras, where a series of works of vast extent, connected with

ranges of rocks and mountains, covered the approach to Lisbon, and

formed a barrier to the progress of the enemy, which could not be

overcome. The Forty-Second were posted in the lines.

“The French commander, despairing to accomplish his threat against

the English, fell back to Santarem.

“For three months the opposing armies confronted each other a few

stages from Lisbon; the enemy’s numbers became seriously reduced by

sickness, and other causes, his resources were exhausted, and during

the night of the 5th of March 1811 he commenced his retreat towards

the frontiers. The British moved forward in pursuit, and in numerous

encounters with the enemy’s rearguard gained signal advantages.

“The French army crossed the confines of Portugal; the British took

up a position near the frontiers, and blockaded Almeida. The French

advanced to relieve the blockaded fortress; and on the 3d of May they

attacked the post of Fuentes d’Onor. The Royal Highlanders had 2

soldiers killed on this occasion; Captain M’Donald, 1 sergeant, and

5 rank and file wounded. On the 5th of May the enemy made another

attack on the British position, but was repulsed. On this occasion

the Forty-Second, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Lord Blantyre, were

charged by a body of French cavalry, which they defeated with signal

gallantry. Lieutenant-Colonel Lord Blantyre received a gold medal;

and the word ‘Fuentes d’Onor,’ displayed, by royal authority, on

the regimental colour, commemorates the steady valour of the second

battalion on this occasion. Its loss was 1 sergeant and 1 private

soldier killed; 1 sergeant and 22 rank and file wounded. Major R.

H. Dick received a medal for the battle of Fuentes d’Onor, where he

commanded a flank battalion.

“In the subsequent operations of this campaign, the second battalion

took an active part; but was not brought into close contact with the

enemy.”[327]

On the consolidation of the two battalions, the officers and staff

of the second were ordered to England, leaving the first upwards of

1160 rank and file fit for service. These were placed in the division

under Lieutenant-General Sir Thomas Graham. The allied army now

amounted to 58,000 men, being larger than any single division of the

enemy, whose whole force exceeded 160,000 men.

After a successful attack on Almarez by a division of the army under

General Hill, Lord Wellington moved forward and occupied Salamanca,

which the French evacuated on his approach, leaving 800 men behind to

garrison the fort, and retain possession of two redoubts formed from

the walls and ruins of some convents and colleges. After a gallant

defence of some days, the fort and redoubts surrendered on the 27th

of June 1812.

Whilst the siege was proceeding, Marshal Marmont manœuvred in the

neighbourhood, but not being yet prepared for a general action, he

retired across the Douro, and took up a position on the 22d from

La Seca to Pollos. By the accession of a reinforcement from the

Asturias, and another from the army of the centre, the marshal’s

force was increased to nearly 60,000 men. Judging himself now able

to cope with the allied army, he resolved either to bring Lord

Wellington to action, or force him to retire towards Portugal, by

threatening his communication with that country. By combining with

Marshal Soult from the south, he expected to be able to intercept

his retreat and cut him off. Marmont did not, however, venture to

recross the Douro, but commenced a series of masterly manœuvres, with

the view of ensnaring his adversary. Alluding to this display of

tactics, the _Moniteur_ remarked that “there were seen those grand

French military combinations which command victory, and decide the

fate of empires; that noble audacity which no reverse can shake, and

which commands events.” These movements were met with corresponding

skill on the part of the British general, who baffled all the designs

of his skilful opponent. Several accidental encounters took place

in the various changes of positions, in which both sides suffered

considerably.

Tired of these evolutions, Lord Wellington crossed the Guarena on

the night of the 19th of July, and on the morning of the 20th drew

up his army in order of battle on the plains of Valise; but Marmont

declined the challenge, and crossing the river, encamped with his

left at Babila Fuentes, and his right at Villameda. This manœuvre

was met by a corresponding movement on the part of the allies, who

marched to their right in columns along the plain, in a direction

parallel to the enemy, who were on the heights of Cabeca Vilhosa.

In this and the other movements of the British, the sagacity of the

commander-in-chief appeared so strange to a plain Highlander, who

had paid particular attention to them, that he swore Lord Wellington

must be gifted with the second sight, as he saw and was prepared to

meet Marmont’s intended changes of position before he commenced his

movements.

The allied army were now on the same ground they had occupied near

Salamanca when reducing the forts the preceding month; but in

consequence of the enemy crossing the Tormes at Alba de Tormes,

and appearing to threaten Ciudad Rodrigo, Lord Wellington made a

corresponding movement, and on the 21st of July halted his army on

the heights on the left bank. During the night the enemy possessed

themselves of the village of Calvarasa de Ariba, and the heights

of Nuestra Senora de la Pena. In the course of this night Lord

Wellington received intelligence that General Clausel had reached

Pollos with a large body of cavalry, and would certainly join Marmont

on the 23d or 24th.

The morning of the 22d, a day memorable in the annals of the

Peninsular war, was ushered in with a violent tempest, and a

dreadful storm of thunder and lightning. The operations of the day

commenced soon after seven o’clock, when the outposts of both armies

attempted to get possession of two hills, Los Arapiles, on the right

of the allies. The enemy, by his numerical superiority, succeeded

in possessing himself of the most distant of these hills, and thus

greatly strengthened his position. With his accustomed skill, Marmont

manœuvred until two o’clock, when imagining that he had succeeded

in drawing the allies into a snare, he opened a general fire from

his artillery along his whole line, and threw out numerous bodies

of sharpshooters, both in front and flank, as a feint to cover an

attempt he meditated to turn the position of the British. This _ruse_

was thrown away on Lord Wellington, who, acting on the defensive

only, to become, in his turn the assailant with the more effect, and

perceiving at once the grand error of his antagonist in extending his

line to the left, without strengthening his centre, which had now no

second line to support it, made immediate preparations for a general

attack; and with his characteristic determination of purpose, took

advantage of that unfortunate moment, which, as the French commander

observed, “destroyed the result of six weeks of wise combinations

of methodical movements, the issue of which had hitherto appeared

certain, and which everything appeared to presage to us that we

should enjoy the fruit of.”[328]

The arrangements were these. Major-General Pakenham, with the third

division, was ordered to turn the left of the enemy, whilst he was

to be attacked in front by the divisions of Generals Leith, Cole,

Bradford, and Cotton,--those of Generals Clinton, Hope, and Don

Carlos de Espana, acting as a reserve. The divisions under Generals

Alexander Campbell and Alten were to form the left of the line.

Whilst this formation was in progress, the enemy did not alter his

previous position, but made an unsuccessful attempt to get possession

of the village of Arapiles, held by a detachment of the guards.

About four o’clock in the afternoon, the attack commenced. General

Pakenham, supported by the Portuguese cavalry, and some squadrons

of the 14th Dragoons under Colonel Harvey, carried all their

respective points of attack. The divisions in the centre were equally

successful, driving the enemy from one height to another. They,

however, received a momentary check from a body of troops from the

heights of Arapiles. A most obstinate struggle took place at this

post. Having descended from the heights which they occupied, the

British dashed across the intervening valley and ascended a hill,

on which they found the enemy most advantageously posted, formed in

solid squares, the front ranks kneeling, and supported by twenty

pieces of cannon. On the approach of the British, the enemy opened a

fire from their cannon and musketry, but this, instead of retarding,

seemed to accelerate the progress of the assailants. Gaining the brow

of the hill, they instantly charged, and drove the enemy before them;

a body of them attempting to rally, were thrown into utter confusion

by a second charge with the bayonet. A general rout now took place,

and night alone saved the French army from utter annihilation.

There fell into the hands of the victors 7000 prisoners and 11 pieces

of cannon, but the loss of the enemy in killed and wounded was not

ascertained. General Marmont himself was wounded, and many of his

officers were killed or disabled. The loss of the allies was 624

killed, and about 4000 wounded.

Among other important results to which this victory led, not the

least was the appointment of Lord Wellington as generalissimo of the

Spanish armies, by which he was enabled to direct and control the

operations of the whole Spanish forces, which had hitherto acted as

independent corps.

The allied army pushed forward to Madrid, and, after various

movements and skirmishes, entered that city on the 12th of August

amid the acclamations of the inhabitants. Learning that General

Clausel, who had succeeded Marshal Marmont in the command, had

organised an army, and threatened some of the British positions on

the Douro, Lord Wellington left Madrid on the 1st of September, and

marching northward, entered Valladolid on the 7th, the enemy retiring

as he advanced. Being joined by Castanos, the Spanish general, with

an army of 12,000 foot, he took up a position close to Burgos, in

which the enemy had left a garrison of 2500 men. The castle was in

ruins, but the strong thick wall of the ancient keep was equal to the

best casemates, and it was strengthened by a horn-work which had been

erected on Mount St Michael. A church had also been converted into a

fort, and the whole enclosed within three lines, so connected that

each could defend the other. Preliminary to an attack on the castle,

the possession of the horn-work was necessary. Accordingly, on the

evening of the 19th of September, the light infantry of General

Stirling’s brigade having driven in the outposts, took possession of

the outworks close to the mount. When dark it was attacked by the

same troops, supported by the 42d, and carried by assault.

On the 29th an unsuccessful attempt was made to spring a mine

under the enemy’s works, but on the 4th of October another mine

was exploded with better effect. The second battalion of the 24th

regiment established themselves within the exterior line of the

castle, but were soon obliged to retire. The enemy made two vigorous

sorties on the 8th, drove back the covering parties, and damaged

the works of the besiegers, who sustained considerable loss. A

third mine was exploded on the 13th, when the troops attempted an

assault, but without success. The last attack, a most desperate one,

was made on the 19th, but with as little success; two days after

which, Lord Wellington, on the 21st, to the great disappointment of

the besiegers, ordered the siege, which had lasted thirty days, to

be raised, in consequence of the expected advance of a French army

of 80,000 men. The loss sustained by the 42d in this siege was 3

officers, 2 sergeants, and 44 rank and file killed and 6 officers, 11

sergeants, 1 drummer, and 230 rank and file wounded. The officers

killed; were Lieutenants R. Ferguson and P. Milne, and Ensign David

Cullen; those wounded were Captains Donald Williamson (who died of

his wounds), Archibald Menzies, and George Davidson, Lieutenants Hugh

Angus Fraser, James Stewart, and Robert Mackinnon.[329]

Whilst Lord Wellington was besieging Burgos, the enemy had been

concentrating their forces, and on the 20th of October his lordship

received intelligence of the advance of the French army. Joseph

Buonaparte, newly raised by his brother to the throne of Spain, was,

with one division, to cut off Lord Wellington’s communication with

General Hill’s division between Aranjuez and Toledo, and another,

commanded by General Souham, was to raise the siege of Burgos. After

the abandonment of the siege, on the 21st of October, the allied army

retired after night-fall, unperceived by General Souham, who followed

with a superior force, but did not overtake them till the evening of

the twenty-third.

During the retrograde movement, the troops suffered greatly from the

inclemency of the weather, from bad roads, but still more from the

want of a regular supply of provisions; and the same irregularities

and disorganisation prevailed among them as in the retreat to Corunna.

The allied army retired upon Salamanca, and afterwards to Frenada

and Corea, on the frontier of Portugal, where they took up their

winter quarters. The enemy apparently unable to advance, unwilling to

retire, and renouncing the hope of victory, followed the example thus

set. Subsequent events proved that this opinion, expressed at the

time was correct, “for every movement of the enemy after the campaign

of 1812 was retrograde, every battle a defeat.”

Having obtained a reinforcement of troops and abundant military

supplies from England, Lord Wellington opened the campaign of 1813 by

moving on Salamanca, of which, for the third time, the British troops

took possession on the 24th of May. The division of Sir R. Hill was

stationed between Tormes and the Douro, and the left wing, under Sir

Thomas Graham, took post at Miranda de Douro. The enemy, who gave

way as the allies advanced, evacuated Valladolid on the 4th of June,

and General Hill having, on the 12th attacked and defeated a division

of the French army under General Reille, the enemy hastened their

retreat, and blew up the works of the castle of Burgos, on which they

had expended much labour the preceding year.

The enemy fell back on Vittoria, followed by Lord Wellington,

who drew up his army on the river Bayas, separated by some high

grounds from Vittoria. His men were in the highest spirits, and the

cheerfulness and alacrity with which they performed this long march,

more than 250 miles, formed a favourable contrast with their conduct

when retreating the previous year. The French army, under the command

of Joseph Buonaparte and Marshal Jourdan, made a stand near Vittoria,

for the purpose of defending the passage of the river Zadorra, having

that town on their right, the centre on a height, commanding the

valley of that stream, and the left resting on the heights between

Arunez and Puebla de Arlanzon. The hostile armies were about 70,000

men each.

On the morning of the 21st of June, the allied army moved forward

in three columns to take possession of the heights in the front of

Vittoria. The right wing was commanded by General Hill, the centre by

General Cole, and the left wing by General Graham. The operations of

the day commenced by General Hill attacking and carrying the heights

of Puebla, on which the enemy’s left rested. They made a violent

attempt to regain possession, but they were driven back at all

points, and pursued across the Zadorra. Sir Rowland Hill passing over

the bridge of La Puebla, attacked and carried the village of Sabijana

de Alava, of which he kept possession, notwithstanding repeated

attempts of the enemy to regain it. The fourth and light divisions

now crossed the Zadorra at different points, while almost at the same

instant of time, the column under Lord Dalhousie reached Mendoza; and

the third, under Sir T. Picton, followed by the seventh division,

crossed a bridge higher up. These four divisions, forming the centre

of the army, were destined to attack the right of the enemy’s centre

on the heights, whilst General Hill pushed forward from Alava to

attack the left. The enemy dreading the consequences of an attack

on his centre, which he had weakened to strengthen his posts on the

heights, abandoned his position, and commenced a rapid retreat to

Vittoria.

Whilst these combined movements of the right and centre were in

progress, the left wing, under Sir Thomas Graham, drove the enemy’s

right from the hills above Abechuco and Gamarra. To preserve their

communication with Bayonne, which was nearly cut off by this

movement, the enemy had occupied the villages of Gamarra, Mayor, and

Menor, near which the great road touches the banks of the Zadorra.

They were, however, driven from these positions by a Spanish division

under Colonel Longa, and another of Portuguese under General Pack,

supported by General Anson’s cavalry brigade and the fifth division

of infantry under General Oswald. General Graham, at the same time,

attacked and obtained possession of the village of Abechuco.

Thus cut off from retreat by the great road to France, the enemy,

as soon as the centre of the allies had penetrated to Vittoria,

retreated with great precipitation towards Pampluna, the only other

road left open, and on which they had no fortified positions to cover

their retrograde movement. The enemy left behind them all their

stores and baggage, and out of 152 pieces of cannon, they carried

off only one howitzer. General Hill, with his division, continued to

pursue the panic-stricken French from one position to another till

the 7th of July, when he took post on the summit of the pass of Maya,

beyond the Pyrenees, “those lofty heights which,” as Marshal Soult

lamented, in a proclamation he issued, “enabled him proudly to survey

our fertile valleys.”

With the exception of Pampluna and St Sebastian, the whole of this

part of the north of Spain was now cleared of the enemy. To reduce

these places was the next object. It was resolved to blockade the

former and lay siege to the latter, which last-mentioned service was

intrusted to General Graham. This was a most arduous task, as St

Sebastian was, in point of strength, next to Gibraltar.

After an unsuccessful assault, however, the attention of the

commander-in-chief being directed to the movements of Marshal Soult,

who was advancing with a large army, the siege of St Sebastian was

suspended for a time.

At this time the allied army occupied a range of mountain passes

between the valley of Roncesvalles, celebrated as the field of

Charlemagne’s defeat, and St Sebastian, but as the distance between

these stations was sixty miles, it was found impossible so to guard

all these passes as to prevent the entrance of an army. The passes

occupied by the allies were defended by the following troops:--Major

General Byng’s brigade and a division of Spanish infantry held the

valley of Roncesvalles, to support which General Cole’s division was

posted at Piscarret, with General Picton’s in reserve at Olaque; the

valley of Bastan and the pass of Maya was occupied by Sir Rowland

Hill, with Lieutenant-general William Stewart’s and Silviera’s

Portuguese divisions, and the Spanish corps under the Conde de

Amaran; the Portuguese brigade of Brigadier-general Archibald

Campbell was detached to Los Alduidos; the heights of St Barbara,

the town of Pera, and the Puerto de Echelar, were protected by Lord

Dalhousie and Baron Alten’s light division, Brigadier-general Pack’s

being in reserve at Estevan. The communication between Lord Dalhousie

and General Graham was kept up by General Longa’s Spanish division;

and the Conde de Abisbal blockaded Pampluna.

Such were the positions of the allied army when Marshal Soult, who

had been lately appointed to the command of a numerous French army,

recently collected, having formed a plan of operations for a general

attack on the allied army, advanced on the 25th of July at the head

of a division of 36,000 men against Roncesvalles, whilst General

Count d’Erlon, with another division of 13,000 men, moved towards

the pass of Maya. Pressed by this overwhelming force, General Byng

was obliged, though supported by part of Sir Lowry Cole’s division,

to descend from the heights that commanded the pass, in order to

preserve his communication, in which situation he was attacked by

Soult and driven back to the top of the mountain, whilst the troops

on the ridge of Arola, part of Cole’s division, were forced to retire

with considerable loss, and to take up a position in the rear.

General Cole was again obliged to retire, and fell back on Lizoain.

Next day General Picton moved forward to support General Cole, but

both were obliged to retire in consequence of Soult’s advance.

Meanwhile Count d’Erlon forced the battalions occupying the narrow

ridges near the pass of Maya to give way; but these being quickly

supported by Brigadier-general Barnes’s brigade, a series of spirited

actions ensued, and the advance of the enemy was arrested. General

Hill hearing of the retrograde movement from Roncesvalles, retired

behind the Irurita, and took up a strong position. On the 27th Sir

Thomas Picton resumed his retreat. The troops were greatly dejected

at this temporary reverse; but the arrival of Lord Wellington, who

had been with the army before St Sebastian, revived their drooping

spirits. Immediately on his arrival he directed the troops in reserve

to move forward to support the division opposed to the enemy; formed

General Picton’s division on a ridge on the left bank of the Argua,

and General Cole’s on the high grounds between that river and the

Lanz. To support the positions in front, General Hill was posted

behind the Lizasso; but, on the arrival of General Pakenham on the

28th, he took post on the left of General Cole, facing the village

of Sourarom; but before the British divisions had fully occupied the

ground, they were vigorously attacked by the enemy from the village.

The enemy were, however, driven back with great loss.

Soult next brought forward a strong column, and advancing up the

hill against the centre of the allies, on the left of General Cole’s

line, obtained possession of that post, but he was almost immediately

driven back at the point of the bayonet by the Fusiliers. The French

renewed the attack, but were again quickly repulsed. About the same

time another attack was made on the right of the centre, where a

Spanish brigade, supported by the 40th, was posted. The Spaniards

gave way, the 40th not only keeping their ground, but driving the

enemy down the hill with great loss.

The enemy pushing forward in separate bodies with great vigour, the

battle now became general along the whole front of the heights

occupied by the fourth division, but they were repulsed at all

points, except one occupied by a Portuguese battalion, which was

overpowered and obliged to give way. The occupation of this post

by the enemy exposed the flank of Major-General Ross’s brigade,

immediately on the right, to a destructive fire, which forced him

to retire. The enemy were, however, soon dispossessed of this post

by Colonel John Maclean, who, advancing with the 27th and 48th

regiments, charged and drove them from it, and immediately afterwards

attacked and charged another body of the enemy who were advancing

from the left. The enemy persevered in his attacks several times, but

was as often repulsed, principally by the bayonet. Several regiments

charged four different times.

After various successful attacks, the enemy, on the 30th, to use the

words of Lord Wellington, “abandoned a position which is one of the

strongest and most difficult of access that I have yet seen occupied

by troops.” The enemy were now pursued beyond Olaque, in the vicinity

of which General Hill, who had been engaged the whole day, had

repulsed all the attacks of Count d’Erlon.

The enemy endeavoured to rally in their retreat, but were driven

from one position to another till the 2d of August, when the allies

had regained all the posts they had occupied on the 25th of July,

when Soult made his first attack. As the 92d or Gordon Highlanders

was the Highland regiment which had the good fortune to be engaged

in these brilliant attacks, in which they particularly distinguished

themselves, the account of these operations might have been deferred

till we come to give an account of the services of that excellent

regiment; but as the omission of these details in this place would

have broken the continuity of the narrative, it was deemed proper to

insert them here.

After this second expulsion of the French beyond the Pyrenees, the

siege of St Sebastian was resumed with redoubled energy. A continued

fire was kept up from eighty pieces of cannon, which the enemy

withstood with surprising courage and perseverance. At length a

practicable breach was made, and on the morning of the 31st of August

the troops advanced to the assault. The breach was extensive, but

there was only one point at which it was possible to enter, and this

could only be done by single files. All the inside of the wall to

the height of the curtain formed a perpendicular scarp of twenty

feet. The troops made the most persevering exertions to force the

breach, and everything that bravery could attempt was repeatedly

tried by the men, who were brought forward in succession from the

trenches; but each time, on attaining the summit, all who attempted

to remain were destroyed by a heavy fire from the entrenched ruins

within, so that “no man outlived the attempt to gain the ridge.”[330]

The moment was critical; but General Graham, with great presence of

mind, directed his artillery to play against the curtain, so as to

pass a few feet over the heads of the troops in the breach. The fire

was directed with admirable precision, and the troops advanced with

perfect confidence. They struggled unremittingly for two hours to

force the breach, and, taking advantage of some confusion occasioned

by an explosion of ammunition within the ramparts, they redoubled

their efforts, and by assisting each other got over the walls and

ruins. After struggling about an hour among their works, the French

retreated with great loss to the castle, leaving the town, which was

now reduced to a heap of ruins, in the possession of the assailants.

This success was dearly purchased,--the loss of the allies, in killed

and wounded, being upwards of 2000 men. Soult made an attempt to

raise the siege, by crossing the Bidassoa on the very day the assault

was made with a force of nearly 40,000 men; but he was obliged, after

repeated attacks, to repass the river.

Having determined to carry the war into France, Lord Wellington

crossed the Bidassoa at low water, near its mouth, on the 7th of

October. After a series of successful operations, the allied army

was established in the French territories; but as Pampluna still

held out, the commander-in-chief delayed his advance for a time.

Pampluna surrendered on the 31st of October, after a blockade of four

months. Lord Wellington having now the whole allied force, amounting

to upwards of 85,000 men, at his disposal, resolved to commence

operations.

Since the battle of the Pyrenees, the French had occupied a position

with their right towards the sea, at a short distance from St Jean

de Luz, their centre on a village in Sare, and on the heights behind

it, with their left resting on a stony height in the rear of Ainhoe.

This position, strong by nature, had been rendered still stronger

by art. The attack on the French lines was to be made in columns

of divisions. In consequence of heavy falls of snow and rain, Lord

Wellington was obliged to defer his attack till the 10th of November,

on the morning of which day the allies moved forward against the

enemy.

The attack was begun by General Cole’s division, which attacked and

carried the principal redoubt in front of Sare with such rapidity,

that several of the enemy were taken in it before it could be

evacuated. Another redoubt on the left was carried in the same rapid

manner by Lord Dalhousie’s division, commanded in his absence by

Colonel Le Cor. General Cole’s division thereupon took possession

of the village. General Alten having carried La Petite Rhune, the

whole centre divisions united, and made a joint attack on the enemy’s

principal position behind the village. Sir Thomas Picton’s division

(now commanded in his absence by General Colville), and that of Le

Cor, carried the redoubt on the left of the enemy’s centre. The light

division advancing from La Petite Rhune, attacked the works in their

front, supported by the 52d regiment, which, crossing with great

rapidity a narrow neck of land, was here exposed to the fire of two

flanking batteries, rushed up the hill with such impetuosity, that

the enemy grew alarmed, and fled with precipitation.

Meanwhile the right, under General Hill, attacked the heights of

Ainhoe. The attack was led by General Clinton’s division, which,

marching on the left of five redoubts, forded the Nivelle, the banks

of which were steep and difficult, and attacked the troops in front

of the works. These were immediately driven back with loss, and

General Hamilton joining in the attack on the other redoubt, the

enemy hastily retired. The brigade of General Stewart’s division,

under General Pringle, drove in the enemy’s picquets in front of

Ainhoe, whilst General Byng’s brigade attacked and drove the enemy

from the entrenchments, and from a redoubt farther to the left.

The enemy at length seeing further resistance hopeless, abandoned

all their positions and works in front of St Jean de Luz and retired

upon Bidart, after destroying all the bridges on the Lower Nivelle.

In these successful and complicated movements, the allies had 21

officers and 244 soldiers killed, and 120 officers and 1657 soldiers

wounded. Of the 42d regiment, Captain Mungo Macpherson and Lieutenant

Kenneth Macdougall were wounded, one private only killed, and 2

sergeants and 23 rank and file wounded. The French lost 31 pieces

of cannon, 1300 prisoners, and had a proportional number killed and

wounded.

In consequence of the heavy rains and the destruction of the bridges,

the allies were prevented from pursuing the enemy, who retired to

an entrenched camp near Bayonne. The allied troops were cantoned

between the Nivelle and the sea, and made preparations for dislodging

the French from their new position; but the incessant rains, which

continued till December, put an entire stop to all active movements.

Having thrown bridges over the Nive in the beginning of December,

Lord Wellington commenced operations on the 9th for the passage of

that river. As the position of the enemy was considered too strong

to be attacked in front, the commander-in-chief determined to make

a movement to the right, and by thus threatening Soult’s rear, he

hoped to induce him to abandon his position. Accordingly the allied

army crossed the Nive at different points on the 9th. General Hope

met with little opposition, and General Hill, who crossed by the

ford of Cambo, was scarcely opposed. In danger of being intercepted

by General Clinton’s division, which had crossed at Ustariz, the

enemy retired in great haste, and assembled in considerable numbers

at Villefranche, but they were driven from this post by the light

infantry and two Portuguese regiments, under Colonels Douglas and

Browne. General Hill next day took up a position with his division,

with his left on Villefranche and his right on the Adour, in

consequence of which he cut off the communication between Bayonne

and St Jean Pied de Port. In this situation the French troops

stationed at the latter place were forced to retire on St Palais.

Leaving a force to keep General Hill in check, Marshal Soult left his

entrenched camp on the morning of the 10th, and making an impetuous

attack on the light division of General Hope’s wing, drove back his

outposts. Then establishing himself on a ridge between the corps of

Baron Alten and Major-General Andrew Hay’s fifth division, he turned

upon the latter, and attacked it with a determined bravery which it

was almost impossible to withstand; but after an arduous struggle the

enemy were repulsed by Brigadier-general Robinson’s brigade of the

fifth division, and Brigadier-general Archibald Campbell’s Portuguese

brigade. The enemy, no way discouraged by these repulses, renewed the

attack about three o’clock, but with the same want of success.

During the night, Soult made dispositions for attacking the light

division at Arcangues; but Sir John Hope perceiving his intention,

moved towards the threatened point. Anticipated in this movement, the

experienced Marshal again changed his dispositions to the left, but

General Hope, equally on the alert, met him also in that direction.

With the exception of some partial skirmishing between the outposts,

no occurrence of any importance took place on the following day; but

on the 12th the enemy renewed the attack on the left without success.

Thus foiled in all his attempts, Soult resolved to change entirely

his plan of operations, and accordingly, during the night of the

12th, he drew his army through Bayonne, and on the morning of the

13th attempted to force his way between the centre and right of the

British position, at the head of 30,000 men. Advancing with great

vigour and celerity, he might have succeeded, had not General Hill,

with his usual promptitude and decision, ordered his troops on the

flanks to support the centre. The enemy, after a violent struggle,

were repulsed with great loss, and retired with such precipitation

that they were out of reach before the arrival of the sixth division,

which had been ordered up to support General Hill.

Whilst this contest was going on, General Byng’s brigade, supported

by the Portuguese brigade under General Buchan, carried an important

height, from which the enemy made several attempts to dislodge them,

but being unsuccessful at all points, they at length retired to

their entrenchments, whither they were followed by General Hill, who

took up a parallel position. At the passage of the Nive the 42d had

Captain George Stewart and Lieutenant James Stewart killed, and 11

rank and file wounded.

The inclemency of the weather, and a succession of heavy rains which

had swelled the rivers and destroyed the roads, rendering farther

movements impracticable for a time, Marshal Soult availed himself of

the interruption thus given to the progress of the allied army to

strengthen his position. The weather becoming favourable about the

middle of February 1814, Lord Wellington began a series of movements

with the view of inducing Soult to withdraw from his strong position,

or, should he decline, to cut off his communication with France, by

marching the allied army into the heart of that country. By these

movements the British general obtained the command of the Adour,

which obliged Soult, who obtained his supplies down that river from

the interior, to withdraw from Bayonne in the direction of Daxe. He

left, however, a strong garrison in the place.

Leaving General Hope to blockade Bayonne, Lord Wellington made a

general movement with the right and centre of the army on the 24th of

February. Next day they marched forward to dislodge the enemy from a

position they had taken up on the Gave de Pau at Orthés. Between the

extreme points of this position ran a chain of heights receding in a

line, bending inwards, the centre of which was so retired as to be

protected by the guns of both wings. On his left, Soult was supported

in this strong position by the town and the river; his right rested

on a commanding height in rear of the village of St Bois; whilst

the centre, accommodating itself to the incurvation of the heights,

described a horizontal reversed segment of a circle protected by the

strong position of both wings.

In a short time every point was carried, but the enemy retired in a

very orderly manner, firing by echelons of divisions, each covering

the other as they retreated. Observing General Hill, who had just

crossed the river, advancing upon their left flank, on the road from

Orthés to St Sever, the enemy became at once apprehensive that they

would be intercepted, and, instead of continuing their masterly

retreat, they ran off at full speed, followed by their pursuers. The

latter continued the chase for nearly three miles at a full trot,

and the French at length breaking their lines, threw away their

arms, and fled in all directions. The pursuit was continued however

as far as Sault de Navailles, on reaching which the remains even

of an army were no longer to be seen. The loss of the enemy was

estimated at 8000 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. The loss

of the allies in killed and wounded amounted to about 1600. Of the

42d, Lieutenant John Innes was the only officer killed, besides 1

sergeant, and 3 rank and file. Major William Cowell, Captain James

Walker, Lieutenants Duncan Stewart and James Brander, 5 sergeants,

and 85 rank and file were wounded.

The French army, lately so formidable, was now broken and dispersed,

and many of the soldiers, dispirited by their reverses, returned to

their homes; others, for the first time, abandoned their standards,

and went over to the allies. Soult, however, undismayed by these

difficulties, collected the remains of that part of his army which

still remained faithful, and exerted all his energies to arrest the

progress of the victors, but his efforts were unavailing; and after

sustaining a defeat at Ayre, where he attempted to cover the removal

of considerable magazines, he retreated to Tarbes. All the western

part of Gascony being thus left exposed to the operations of the

allied army, Lord Wellington detached Marshal Beresford and Lord

Dalhousie, with three divisions, to Bordeaux, which they entered

amidst the acclamations of the inhabitants.

Having obtained reinforcements from Spain and England, Lord

Wellington, after leaving 4000 men at Bordeaux under Lord Dalhousie,

again put his army in motion. Soult attempted to make a stand at Vicq

with two divisions, but he was driven from this position by General

Picton with the third division, and forced to retire beyond Tarbes.

With the apparent intention of disputing the farther advance of the

allies, the Marshal concentrated his whole force at this point,

but he was dislodged from this position by a series of combined

movements. It was now discovered that the enemy were drawn up on two

hills running parallel to those from which their advance had been

driven, and it was farther ascertained that this commanding position

could not be gained by an advance in front without a great sacrifice

of men, reinforced as it had been by the troops driven from the

heights in front. It was therefore determined to attack it on flank,

but, before the necessary arrangements could be completed, night came

on, and Soult taking advantage of the darkness, moved off towards

Toulouse, whither he was followed next morning by the allies, who

reached the banks of the Garonne on the 27th of March.

This river was much swollen by recent rains and the melting of the

snow on the Pyrenees. There being only one bridge at Toulouse,

and that being in possession of the enemy, it became necessary to

procure pontoons to enable the army to pass. Whilst the necessary

preparations were going on for this purpose, Marshal Soult made the

most extraordinary exertions to put himself in a proper posture of

defence. He was not even yet without hopes of success, and although

it is generally believed that he was now aware of the abdication

of Buonaparte, an event which, he must have known, would put an

immediate end to the war, he was unwilling to let slip the only

opportunity he now had of wiping off the disgrace of his recent

defeats.

The city of Toulouse is defended by an ancient wall, flanked with

towers. On three sides it is surrounded by the great canal of

Languedoc and by the Garonne, and on the fourth side it is flanked

by a range of hills close to the canal, over which pass all the

roads on that side the town. On the summit of the nearest of these

hills the French had erected a chain of five redoubts, between which

and the defences of the town they formed entrenchments and lines

of connection. These defences consisted of extensive field-works,

and of some of the ancient buildings in the suburbs well fortified.

At the foot of the height, and along one-half its length, ran

the small river Ers, the bridges of which had all been destroyed;

on the top of the height was an elevated and elongated plain in a

state of cultivation, and towards the end next the town there stood

a farm-house and offices. Some trenches had been cut around this

house, and three redoubts raised on its front and left. Such was the

field selected by Soult to redeem, if possible, by a last effort,

his fallen reputation, and to vindicate the tarnished honour of the

French arms.

Pontoons having been procured, part of the allied army crossed the

Garonne on the 4th of April; but the melting of the snow on the

Pyrenees, owing to a few days of hot weather, swelled the river so

much that it became necessary to remove the pontoons, and it was not

till the 8th that they could be replaced. On that day the whole army

crossed the river, except General Hill’s division, which remained

opposite the town in front of the great bridge, to keep the enemy in

check on that side. From the insulated nature of the town, no mode of

attack was left to Lord Wellington but to attempt the works in front.

Accordingly, on the 10th of April, he made the following

dispositions:--The Spaniards under Don Manuel Freyre were to attack

the redoubts fronting the town; General Picton and the light division

were to keep the enemy in check on the great road to Paris, but not

to attack; and Marshal Beresford, with General Clinton and the sixth

division, was to attack the centre of the entrenchments, whilst

General Cole with the fourth marched against the right. The part

taken by the 42d in this struggle is so well and fully described by

Mr Malcolm, formerly of the 42d, in his _Reminiscence of a Campaign

in 1814_, that we shall quote his description here:--

“Early on Sunday morning, the 10th of April, our tents were struck,

and we moved with the other regiments of the sixth division towards

the neighbourhood of Toulouse, until ordered to halt on a level

ground, from whence we had a distinct view of the enemy’s position on

the ridge of hills already mentioned. At the same time we saw Lord

Wellington, accompanied by his staff, riding back from the front at

a hard trot. Some of the men called out, ‘There goes Wellington, my

lads; we shall have some hot work presently.’

“At that moment Major General Pack, who commanded our brigade, came

up, and calling its officers and non-commissioned officers round

him, addressed them to the following effect:--‘We are this day to

attack the enemy; your business will be to take possession of those

fortified heights, which you see towards the front. I have only to

warn you to be prepared to form close column in case of a charge of

cavalry; to restrain the impetuosity of the men; and to prevent them

from wasting their ammunition.’ The drums then beat to arms, and we

received orders to move towards the enemy’s position.

“Our division (the sixth) approached the foot of the ridge of heights

on the enemy’s right and moved in a direction parallel to them, until

we reached the point of attack. We advanced under a heavy cannonade,

and arrived in front of a redoubt, which protected the right of the

enemy’s position, where we were formed in two lines,--the first,

consisting of some Portuguese regiments,--and the reserve, of the

Highland Brigade.

“Darkening the whole hill, flanked by clouds of cavalry, and covered

by the fire of their redoubt, the enemy came down upon us like a

torrent. Their generals and field-officers riding in front, and

waving their hats amidst shouts of the multitude, resembling the

roar of an ocean. Our Highlanders, as if actuated by one instinctive

impulse, took off their bonnets, and waving them in the air, returned

their greeting with three cheers.

“A deathlike silence ensued for some moments, and we could observe

a visible pause in the advance of the enemy. At that moment the

light company of the Forty-second Regiment, by a well-directed fire,

brought down some of the French officers of distinction, as they

rode in front of their respective corps. The enemy immediately fired

a volley into our lines, and advanced upon us amidst a deafening

roar of musketry and artillery. Our troops answered their fire only

once, and unappalled by their furious onset, advanced up the hill,

and met them at the charge. Upon reaching the summit of the ridge

of heights, the redoubt, which had covered their advance, fell into

our possession; but they still retained four others, with their

connecting lines of intrenchments, upon the level of the same heights

on which we were now established, and into which they had retired.

“Meantime, our troops were drawn up along a road, which passed over

the hill, and which having a high bank at each side, protected us in

some measure from the general fire of their last line of redoubts.

Here our brigade remained until Marshal Beresford’s Artillery, which,

in consequence of the badness of the roads, had been left in the

village of Mont Blanc, could be brought up, and until the Spaniards

under General Don Manuel Freyre, who, in proceeding along the left

of the Ers, had been repulsed, could be reformed, and brought back

to the attack. Marshal Beresford’s artillery having arrived, and

the Spanish troops being once more brought forward, Major-General

Pack rode up in front of our brigade, and made the following

announcement:--‘I have just now been with General Clinton, and he

has been pleased to grant my request, that in the charge which we

are now to make upon the enemy’s redoubts, the Forty-second regiment

shall have the honour of leading on the attack; the Forty-second will

advance.’

“We immediately began to form for the charge upon the redoubts, which

were about two or three hundred yards distant, and to which we had to

pass over some ploughed fields. The grenadiers of the Forty-second

regiment followed by the other companies, led the way, and began

to ascend from the road; but no sooner were the feathers of their

bonnets seen rising over the embankment, than such a tremendous

fire was opened from the redoubts and intrenchments, as in a very

short time would have annihilated them. The right wing, therefore,

hastily formed into line, and without waiting for the left, which

was ascending by companies from the road, rushed upon the batteries,

which vomited forth a most furious and terrific storm of fire,

grape-shot, and musketry.

“The redoubts were erected along the side of a road, and defended

by broad ditches filled with water. Just before our troops reached

the obstruction, however, the enemy deserted them and fled in all

directions, leaving their last line of strongholds in our possession;

but they still possessed two fortified houses close by, from which

they kept up a galling and destructive fire. Out of about 500 men,

which the Forty-second brought into action, scarcely 90 reached the

fatal redoubt from which the enemy had fled.

“Our colonel was a brave man, but there are moments when a well-timed

manœuvre is of more advantage than courage. The regiment stood on the

road with its front exactly to the enemy, and if the left wing had

been ordered forward, it could have sprung up the bank in line and

dashed forward on the enemy at once. Instead of this, the colonel

faced the right wing to its right, counter-marched in rear of the

left, and when the leading rank cleared the left flank it was made

to file up the bank, and as soon as it made its appearance the shot,

shell, and musketry poured in with deadly destruction; and in this

exposed position we had to make a second countermarch on purpose to

bring our front to the enemy. These movements consumed much time,

and by this unnecessary exposure exasperated the men to madness. The

word ‘_Forward--double-quick!_’ dispelled the gloom, and forward we

drove, in the face of apparent destruction. The field had been lately

rough ploughed or under fallow, and when a man fell he tripped the

one behind, thus the ranks were opening as we approached the point

whence all this hostile vengeance proceeded; but the rush forward

had received an impulse from desperation, ‘the spring of the men’s

patience had been strained until ready to snap, and when left to the

freedom of its own extension, ceased not to act until the point to

which it was directed was attained.’ In a minute every obstacle was

surmounted; the enemy fled as we leaped over the trenches and mounds

like a pack of noisy hounds in pursuit, frightening them more by our

wild hurrahs than actually hurting them by ball or bayonet.

“Two officers (Captain Campbell and Lieutenant Young) and about 60

of inferior rank were all that now remained without a wound of the

right wing of the regiment that entered the field in the morning. The

flag was hanging in tatters, and stained with the blood of those who

had fallen over it. The standard, cut in two, had been successively

placed in the hands of three officers, who fell as we advanced; it

was now borne by a sergeant, while the few remaining soldiers who

rallied around it, defiled with mire, sweat, smoke, and blood, stood

ready to oppose with the bayonet the advancing column, the front

files of which were pouring in destructive showers of musketry among

our confused ranks. To have disputed the post with such overwhelming

numbers, would have been hazarding the loss of our colours, and could

serve no general interest to our army, as we stood between the front

of our advancing support and the enemy; we were therefore ordered to

retire. The greater number passed through the cottage, now filled

with wounded and dying, and leaped from the door that was over the

road into the trench of the redoubt among the killed and wounded.

“We were now between two fires of musketry, the enemy to our left

and rear, the 79th and left wing of our own regiment in our front.

Fortunately the intermediate space did not exceed a hundred paces,

and our safe retreat depended upon the speed with which we could

perform it. We rushed along like a crowd of boys pursuing the

bounding ball to its distant limit, and in an instant plunged into a

trench that had been cut across the road: the balls were whistling

amongst us and over us; while those in front were struggling to get

out, those behind were holding them fast for assistance, and we

became firmly wedged together, until a horse without a rider came

plunging down on the heads and bayonets of those in his way; they on

whom he fell were drowned or smothered, and the gap thus made gave

way for the rest to get out.

“The right wing of the regiment, thus broken down and in

disorder, was rallied by Captain Campbell (afterwards brevet

lieutenant-colonel) and the adjutant (Lieutenant Young) on a narrow

road, the steep banks of which served as a cover from the showers of

grape that swept over our heads.

“As soon as the smoke began to clear away, the enemy made a last

attempt to retake their redoubts, and for this purpose advanced in

great force: they were a second time repulsed with great loss, and

their whole army was driven into Toulouse.”[331]

Finding the city, which was now within reach of the guns of the

allies, quite untenable, Soult evacuated it the same evening, and

was allowed to retire without molestation. Even had he been able to

have withstood a siege, he must have soon surrendered for want of

the provisions necessary for the support of a population of 60,000

inhabitants, and of his own army, which was now reduced by the

casualties of war and recent desertions to 30,000 men.

The loss of the 42d in the battle of Toulouse, was 4 officers,

3 sergeants, and 47 rank and file killed; and 21 officers, 14

sergeants, 1 drummer, and 231 rank and file wounded. The names of

the officers killed were Captain John Swanson, Lieutenant William

Gordon, Ensigns John Latta and Donald Maccrummen; the wounded

were Lieutenant-colonel Robert Macara, Captains James Walker,

John Henderson (who died of his wounds), Alexander Mackenzie, and

Lieutenants Donald Mackenzie, Thomas Munro, Hugh Angus Fraser, James

Robertson, R. A. Mackinnon, Roger Stewart, Robert Gordon, Charles

Maclaren, Alexander Strange, Donald Farquharson (who died of his

wounds), James Watson, William Urquhart; Ensigns Thomas Macniven,

Colin Walker, James Geddes, John Malcolm, and Mungo Macpherson.

The allies entered Toulouse on the morning after the battle, and

were received with enthusiasm by the inhabitants, who, doubtless,

considered themselves extremely fortunate in being relieved from the

presence of the French army, whose retention of the city a few hours

longer would have exposed it to all the horrors of a bombardment.

By a singular coincidence, official accounts reached Toulouse in

the course of the day of the abdication of Buonaparte, and the

restoration of Louis XVIII.; but it is said that these despatches had

been kept back on the road.

At this time the clothing of the army at large, but the Highland

brigade in particular, was in a very tattered state. The clothing of

the 91st regiment had been two years in wear; the men were thus under

the necessity of repairing their old garments in the best manner

they could: some had the elbows of the coats mended with gray cloth,

others had the one-half of the sleeves of a different colour from the

body; and their trousers were in as bad a condition as their coats.

The 42d, which was the only corps in the brigade that wore the

_kilt_, was beginning to lose it by degrees; men falling sick and

left in the rear frequently got the kilt made into trousers, and on

joining the regiment again no plaid could be furnished to supply the

loss; thus a great want of uniformity prevailed; but this was of

minor importance when compared to the want of shoes. As the march

continued daily, no time was to be found to repair them, until

completely worn out; this left a number to march with bare feet.

These men being occasionally permitted to straggle out of the ranks

to select the soft part of the roads or fields adjoining, others

who had not the same reason to offer for this indulgence followed

the example, until each regiment marched regardless of rank, and

sometimes mixed with other corps in front and rear.[332]

In consequence of the cessation of hostilities, the British troops

removed without delay to their appointed destinations, and the three

Highland regiments were embarked for Ireland, where they remained

till May 1815, when they were shipped for Flanders, on the return

of Buonaparte from Elba. In Ireland the 1st battalion was joined by

the effective men of the 2d, which had been disbanded at Aberdeen in

October 1814.

The intelligence of Buonaparte’s advance reached Brussels on the

evening of the 15th of June, when orders were immediately issued by

the Duke of Wellington for the assembling of the troops. The men of

the 42d and 92d regiments had become great favourites in Brussels,

and were on such terms of friendly intercourse with the inhabitants

in whose houses they were quartered, that it was no uncommon thing

to see a Highland soldier taking care of the children, and even

keeping the shop of his host,--an instance of confidence perhaps

unexampled. These two regiments were the first to muster.[333] “They

assembled with the utmost alacrity to the sound of the well-known

pibroch, _Come to me and I will give you flesh_,[334]--an invitation

to the wolf and the raven, for which the next day did, in fact,

spread an ample banquet at the expense of our brave countrymen, as

well as of their enemies.... About four o’clock in the morning of

the 16th of June, the 42d and 92d Highland regiments marched through

the Place Royal and the Parc. One could not but admire their fine

appearance; their firm, collected, steady, military demeanour, as

they went rejoicing to battle, with their bagpipes playing before

them, and the beams of the rising sun shining upon their glittering

arms. Before that sun had set in the night, how many of that gallant

band were laid low!... The kind and generous inhabitants assembled

in crowds to witness the departure of their gallant friends, and as

the Highlanders marched onward with a steady and collected air, the

people breathed many a fervent expression for their safety.”

The important part taken in the action of Quatre Bras by the Black

Watch could not be told better than in the simple words of one who

was present, and did his own share of the work, Sergeant Anton[335]

of the 42d:--

“On the morning of the 16th June, before the sun rose over the dark

forest of Soignes, our brigade, consisting of the 1st, 44th, and

92d regiments, stood in column, Sir Denis Pack at its head, waiting

impatiently for the 42d, the commanding-officer of which was chidden

severely by Sir Denis for being so dilatory. We took our place in the

column, and the whole marched off to the strains of martial music,

and amidst the shouts of the surrounding multitude. As we entered the

forest of Soignes, our stream of ranks following ranks, in successive

sections, moved on in silent but speedy course, like some river

confined between two equal banks.

“The forest is of immense extent, and we continued to move on under

its welcome shade until we came to a small hamlet, or auberge,

imbosomed in the wood to the right of the road. Here we turned to our

left, halted, and were in the act of lighting fires, on purpose to

set about cooking. We were flattering ourselves that we were to rest

there until next day, for whatever reports had reached the ears of

our commanders, no alarm had yet rung on ours. Some were stretched

under the shade to rest; others sat in groups draining the cup, and

we always loved a large one, and it was now almost emptied of three

days’ allowance[336] of spirits, a greater quantity than was usually

served at once to us on a campaign; others were busily occupied in

bringing water and preparing the camp-kettles, for we were of the

opinion, as I have already said, that we were to halt there for the

day. But, ‘hark! a gun!’ one exclaims; every ear is set to catch

the sound, and every mouth seems half opened, as if to supersede

the faithless ear that doubts of hearing. Again another and another

feebly floats through the forest. Every ear now catches the sound,

and every man grasps his musket. No pensive looks are seen; our

generals’ weather-beaten, war-worn countenances are all well known to

the old soldiers, and no throb of fear palpitates in a single breast;

all are again ready in column, and again we tread the wood-lined road.

“The distant report of the guns becomes more loud, and our march

is urged on with greater speed. We pass through Waterloo, and

leave behind the bright fields of Wellington’s fame,--our army’s

future glory and England’s pride. Quatre Bras appears in view; the

frightened peasantry come running breathless and panting along the

way. We move off to the left of the road, behind a gently rising

eminence; form column of companies, regardless of the growing crop,

and ascend the rising ground: a beautiful plain appears in view,

surrounded with belts of wood, and the main road from Brussels runs

through it. We now descend to the plain by an echelon movement

towards our right, halted on the road (from which we had lately

diverged to the left), formed in line, fronting a bank on the right

side, whilst the other regiments took up their position to right

and left, as directed by our general. A luxuriant crop of grain hid

from our view the contending skirmishers beyond, and presented a

considerable obstacle to our advance. We were in the act of lying

down by the side of the road, in our usual careless manner, as we

were wont when enjoying a rest on the line of march, some throwing

back their heads on their knapsacks, intending to take a sleep, when

General Pack came galloping up, and chid the colonel for not having

the bayonets fixed. This roused our attention, and the bayonets were

instantly on the pieces.

“Our pieces were loaded, and perhaps never did a regiment in the

field seem so short taken. We had the name of a _crack_ corps, but

certainly it was not then in that state of discipline which it could

justly boast of a few years afterwards. Yet notwithstanding this

disadvantage, none could be animated with a fitter feeling for the

work before us than prevailed at that moment.

“We were all ready and in line,--‘_Forward!_’ was the word of

command, and forward we hastened, though we saw no enemy in front.

The stalks of the rye, like the reeds that grow on the margin of

some swamp, opposed our advance; the tops were up to our bonnets,

and we strode and groped our way through as fast as we could. By the

time we reached a field of clover on the other side, we were very

much straggled; however, we united in line as fast as time and our

speedy advance would permit. The Belgic skirmishers retired through

our ranks, and in an instant we were on their victorious pursuers.

Our sudden appearance seemed to paralyse their advance. The singular

appearance of our dress, combined no doubt with our sudden debut,

tended to stagger their resolution: we were on them, our pieces were

loaded, and our bayonets glittered, impatient to drink their blood.

Those who had so proudly driven the Belgians before them, turned

now to fly, whilst our loud cheers made the fields echo to our wild

hurrahs. France fled or fell before us, and we thought the field our

own. We had not yet lost a man, for the victors seldom lose many,

except in protracted hard-contested struggles: with one’s face to the

enemy, he may shun the deadly thrust or stroke; it is the retreating

soldier that destruction pursues.

“We drove on so fast that we almost appeared like a mob following

the rout of some defeated faction. Marshal Ney, who commanded the

enemy, observed our wild unguarded zeal, and ordered a regiment of

lancers to bear down upon us. We saw their approach at a distance,

as they issued from a wood, and took them for Brunswickers coming

to cut up the flying infantry; and as cavalry on all occasions have

the advantage of retreating foot, on a fair field, we were halted in

order to let them take their way: they were approaching our right

flank, from which our skirmishers were extended, and we were far

from being in a formation fit to repel an attack, if intended, or to

afford regular support to our friends if requiring our aid. I think

we stood with too much confidence, gazing towards them as if they had

been our friends, anticipating the gallant charge they would make

on the flying foe, and we were making no preparative movement to

receive them as enemies, further than the reloading of the muskets,

until a German orderly dragoon galloped up, exclaiming, ‘Franchee!

Franchee!’ and, wheeling about, galloped off. We instantly formed a

rallying square; no time for particularity; every man’s piece was

loaded, and our enemies approached at full charge; the feet of their

horses seemed to tear up the ground. Our skirmishers having been

impressed with the same opinion, that these were Brunswick cavalry,

fell beneath their lances, and few escaped death or wounds; our

brave colonel fell at this time, pierced through the chin until the

point of the lance reached the brain. Captain (now major) Menzies

fell, covered with wounds, and a momentary conflict took place over

him; he was a powerful man, and, hand to hand, more than a match for

six ordinary men. The grenadiers, whom he commanded, pressed round to

save or avenge him, but fell beneath the enemy’s lances.

“Of all descriptions of cavalry, certainly the lancers seem the

most formidable to infantry, as the lance can be projected with

considerable precision, and with deadly effect, without bringing the

horse to the point of the bayonet; and it was only by the rapid and

well-directed fire of musketry that these formidable assailants were

repulsed.

[Illustration: Colonel (afterwards Sir) R. H. Dick. From Miniature

(painted about four years after Waterloo) in possession of William

Dick, Esq. of Tullymet.]

“Colonel Dick assumed the command on the fall of Sir Robert Macara,

and was severely wounded. Brevet-Major Davidson succeeded, and

was mortally wounded; to him succeeded Brevet-Major Campbell.

Thus, in a few minutes we had been placed under four different

commanding-officers.

“An attempt was now made to form us in line; for we stood mixed in

one irregular mass,--grenadier, light, and battalion companies,--a

noisy group; such is the inevitable consequence of a rapid succession

of commanders. Our covering sergeants were called out on purpose that

each company might form on the right of its sergeants; an excellent

plan had it been adopted, but a cry arose that another charge of

cavalry was approaching, and this plan was abandoned. We now formed

a line on the left of the grenadiers, while the cavalry that had

been announced were cutting through the ranks of the 69th regiment.

Meantime the other regiments, to our right and left, suffered no

less than we; the superiority of the enemy in cavalry afforded him

a decided advantage on the open plain, for our British cavalry and

artillery had not yet reached the field. We were at this time about

two furlongs past the farm of Quatre Bras, as I suppose, and a line

of French infantry was about the same distance from us in front, and

we had commenced firing at that line, when we were ordered to form

square to oppose cavalry. General Pack was at our head, and Major

Campbell commanded the regiment. We formed square in an instant,

in the centre were several wounded French soldiers witnessing our

formation round them; they doubtless considered themselves devoted to

certain death among us seeming barbarians; but they had no occasion

to speak ill of us afterwards; for as they were already incapable

of injuring us, we moved about them regardful of their wounds and

suffering.

“Our last file had got into square, and into its proper place, so far

as unequalised companies could form a square, when the cuirassiers

dashed full on two of its faces: their heavy horses and steel armour

seemed sufficient to bury us under them, had they been pushed forward

on our bayonets.

“A moment’s pause ensued; it was the pause of death. General Pack was

on the right angle of the front face of the square, and he lifted his

hat towards the French officer as he was wont to do when returning

a salute. I suppose our assailants construed our forbearance as an

indication of surrendering: a false idea; not a blow had been struck

nor a musket levelled; but when the general raised his hat, it served

as a signal, though not a preconcerted one, but entirely accidental;

for we were doubtful whether our officer commanding was protracting

the order, waiting for the general’s command, as he was present.

Be this as it may, a most destructive fire was opened; riders,

cased in heavy armour, fell tumbling from their horses; the horses

reared, plunged, and fell on the dismounted riders; steel helmets and

cuirasses rung against unsheathed sabres, as they fell to the ground;

shrieks and groans of men, the neighing of horses, and the discharge

of musketry, rent the air, as men and horses mixed together in one

heap of indiscriminate slaughter. Those who were able to fly, fled

towards a wood on our right, whence they had issued to the attack,

and which seemed to afford an extensive cover to an immense reserve

not yet brought into action.

“Once more clear of those formidable and daring assailants, we formed

line, examined our ammunition boxes, and found them getting empty.

Our officer commanding pointed towards the pouches of our dead and

dying comrades, and from them a sufficient supply was obtained.