The subscriber has the honor to inform your Most Serene Highness, that

the United States of America, in Congress assembled, impressed with a

deep sense of your wisdom and magnanimity, and being desirous of

cultivating the friendship of your Highness and of the Seven United

Provinces of the Netherlands, who have ever distinguished themselves

by an inviolable attachment to freedom and the rights of nations, have

appointed the subscriber to be their Minister Plenipotentiary at your

Court, that he may give you more particular assurances of the great

respect they entertain for your Highness and for the people over whom

you preside as Stadtholder, beseeching your Highness to give entire

credit to everything which their said Minister shall deliver on their

part, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of their

friendship and regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal

of Congress, he is desirous of the honor of delivering whenever and in

whatever manner your Highness shall judge proper to receive it. He has

the further honor of informing your Highness, that the said United

States have honored him with full powers to form a Treaty of Amity and

Commerce with the States-General, and also with letters of credence as

Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses; in consequence of

which he has done himself the honor to present a Memorial, a copy of

which is here annexed.

The subscriber in the discharge of these trusts considers himself

rather as proposing a renovation of old friendships than the formation

of new ones, as the Americans have ever been the good and faithful

allies of this nation, and have done nothing to forfeit its esteem. On

the contrary, they are confident they have a better title to it, as

they adhered steadfastly through every trial to those principles which

formed and supported the connexion, principles which founded and have

supported this Republic, while others have wantonly abandoned them.

The subscriber thinks himself particularly fortunate to be thus

accredited to a nation, which has made such memorable exertions in

favor of the rights of men, and to a Prince, whose illustrious line of

ancestors and predecessors have so often supported in Holland and

England those liberties for which the United States of America now

contend; and it will be the completion of his wishes if he should be

so happy as to recommend the cause of his country to the favorable

attention of your Most Serene Highness and of this people.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, April 27th, 1781.

Sir,

I have received your Excellency's letter of the 21st, and will send

you the list of the bills, and of the times of their becoming due,

according to your desire, as soon as I can make it out. I will examine

M. de Neufville's bill, and if it is good accept it.

From the time I received from Congress their orders to borrow money

here, I have constantly in my letters requested that no drafts might

be made upon me, until there was news from me, that I had money to

discharge them, and this request I shall repeat. But the cry of the

army for clothes, induces Congress to venture upon measures, which

appear hazardous to us. However, by the intelligence I have, they had

grounds to expect that the drafts hitherto made would be honored.

I sometimes think, however, paradoxical as it may seem, that one set

of bills protested, would immediately procure Congress a large loan.

No bills are in better credit than these. There is an appetite here

for American trade, as ravenous as that of a shark for his prey; and

if they saw a prospect of having their trade broken up, they would do

much to save it.

I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that I some time ago

received from Congress, full powers to conclude with the

States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries,

concerning a Treaty of Amity and Commerce; and that I have very lately

received a letter of credence, as Minister Plenipotentiary to their

High Mightinesses, and another to his Most Serene Highness, the Prince

of Orange. Being thus fixed to this country for the present, I have

taken a house in Amsterdam, on the Keizersgragt, near the Spiegel

street, for the convenience of our countrymen, who have occasion to

visit me, and of the merchants, who have bills upon me, until their

High Mightinesses shall have taken the necessary time to deliberate

upon it, and determine to acknowledge the independence of the United

States, enter into a treaty with them, and receive me at the Hague. If

this should happen, I hope we shall obtain a credit here; but we

never shall before.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT THE HAGUE.

Leyden, May 1st, 1781.

Sir,

By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance between France and

America, the Most Christian King and the United States agree, to

invite or admit other powers, who may receive injuries from England,

to make common cause with them, and to accede to that alliance, under

such conditions as shall be freely agreed to, and settled between all

the parties.

It will be readily acknowledged, that this Republic has received

injuries from England; and it is not improbable, that several other

maritime powers may be soon, if they are not already, in the same

predicament. But, whether his Majesty will think fit to invite this

nation at present to accede to that alliance, according to the

article, must be submitted to his wisdom.

It is only proper for me to say, that whenever your Excellency shall

have received his Majesty's commands, and shall judge it proper to

take any measures, either for admitting or inviting this Republic to

accede, I shall be ready, in behalf of the United States, to do

whatever is necessary and proper for them to do upon the occasion.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Leyden, May 3d, 1781.

Sir,

On the 1st of May I went to the Hague, and wrote to his Excellency,

Peter Van Bleiswick, Grand Pensionary of Holland, that having

something of importance to communicate to him, I proposed to do myself

the honor to wait on him the next morning at half past eight, if that

time should be agreeable to him; but if any other hour was more

convenient, I requested his Excellency to mention it. The answer,

which was not in writing, was, that half past eight should be the

time.

Accordingly, the next morning I waited on him, and was politely

received. I informed him that I had asked his permission to make him

this visit, in order to inform him, that I had received from my

Sovereign, the United States of America, full powers to treat with the

States-General, and a letter of credence, as a Minister

Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and another to his Most

Serene Highness, the Prince; and that it was my intention to

communicate those powers and letters to their High Mightinesses, and

to his Most Serene Highness on Friday next, the 4th of May.

His Excellency said he would acquaint the States-General and his

Highness with it; that, in his private opinion, he thought favorably

of it, but that he must wait the orders of his masters; that it was a

matter somewhat delicate for the Republic. I replied, as to the

delicacy of it in the present state of open war between England and

Holland, I hoped that it would not be any obstacle; that I thought it

the interest of the Republic, as well as that of America. His

Excellency rejoined, "one thing is certain, we have a common enemy."

As this was a visit simply to impart my design, and as I knew enough

of the delicate situation, and of the reputed sentiments of this

officer, to be sensible that he did not wish to enter into any very

particular conversation at this time upon public affairs, I here arose

to take my leave. His Excellency asked me if I had any good news from

America? I answered, none very late. He then said, he should be very

glad to form an acquaintance with me. I answered, this would be very

flattering to me, and thus took my leave.

Tomorrow morning, I propose to go to the President of the

States-General, to Secretary Fagel, and to the Secretary of the

Prince. This moment, for the first time, I have received the Congress

account of General Morgan's glorious victory over Tarleton.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, May 7th, 1781.

Sir,

On the 4th of May, I did myself the honor to wait on Peter Van

Bleiswick, Grand Pensionary of Holland, and presented him a letter

containing a copy of my Memorial to the States-General, &c. His

Excellency said, that it was necessary for me to go to the President

and Secretary of their High Mightinesses, and that it was not

customary for foreign Ministers to communicate anything to the

Pensionary of Holland. I told him that I had been advised by the

French Ambassador to present copies to him, and they were only

copies, which I had the honor to offer him. He said he could not

receive them, that I must go to the President; but said he, "it is

proper for me to apprise you, that the President will make a

difficulty, or rather will refuse to receive any letter or paper from

you, because the State you say you represent, is not yet acknowledged

to be a sovereign State by the Sovereign of this nation; the President

will hear what you have to say to him, make report of it to their High

Mightinesses, and they will transmit it to the several Provinces for

the deliberation of the various members of the sovereignty."

I thanked his Excellency for this information and departed. I then

waited on the President of their High Mightinesses for the week, the

Baron Linde de Hemmen, a deputy of the Province of Guelderland, to

whom I communicated, that I had lately received from my sovereign, the

United States of America in Congress assembled, a commission with full

powers and instructions to treat with the States-General concerning a

treaty of amity and commerce; that I had also received a letter of

credence as Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and I

prayed him to lay before their High Mightinesses either the originals,

or a Memorial, in which I had done myself the honor to state all these

and to enclose copies.

The President said that he could not undertake to receive from me

either the originals, or any Memorial, because America was not yet

acknowledged as a sovereign State by the sovereign of this country;

but that he would make report to their High Mightinesses of all that I

had said to him, and that it would become the subject of deliberation

in the several Provinces; that he thought it a matter of great

importance to the Republic. I answered, that I was glad to hear him

say that he thought it important; that I thought it was the interest

of the two Republics to become connected. I thanked him for his

politeness and retired, after having apprised him that I thought in

the present circumstances, it would be my duty to make public in print

my application to their High Mightinesses. I had prepared copies of my

Memorial, &c. for the Secretary, M. Fagel; but as the President had

refused to receive the originals, I thought it would be inconsistent

for the Secretary to receive copies, so I omitted the visit to his

office.

I then waited on the Baron de Ray, the Secretary of the Prince, with a

letter addressed to his Most Serene Highness, containing a Memorial,

informing him of my credentials to his Court, and copies of the

Memorial to their High Mightinesses. The Secretary received me

politely, look the letter, and promised to deliver it to the

Stadtholder. He asked me where I lodged; I answered, at the Parliament

of England, a public house of that name.

Returning to my lodgings, I heard about two hours afterwards, that the

Prince had been to the assembly of the States-General for about half

an hour; and in about another hour, the servant of the house where I

lodged, announced to me the Baron de Ray. I went down to the door to

receive him, and invited him into my room. He entered, and said that

he was charged on the part of the Prince with his compliments to me,

and to inform me, that as the independence of my country was not yet

acknowledged by the Sovereign of his, he could not receive any letter

from me, and therefore requested that I would receive it back, which I

did respectfully. The Secretary then politely said he was very much

obliged to me for having given him an opportunity to see my person,

and took his leave.

The President made report to their High Mightinesses, as soon as they

assembled, and his report was ordered to be recorded; whereupon the

Deputies of each of the Seven Provinces demanded copies of the record

to be transmitted to the respective Regencies for their deliberation

and decision; or in the technical language of this country, it was

taken _ad referendum_ on the same day.

The next morning I waited on the French Ambassador, the Duc de la

Vauguyon, and acquainted him with all the steps I had taken. He said

he still persisted in his opinion, that the time was not the most

favorable, but as the measure was taken, I might depend upon it he

would, as an individual, support and promote it to the utmost of his

power.

It would take a large space to explain all the reasons and motives

which I had for choosing the present time in preference to a later;

but I think I can demonstrate, that every moment's delay would have

been attended with danger and inconvenience. All Europe is in a

crisis, and this ingredient thrown in at this time will have more

effect than at any other. At a future time I may enlarge upon this

subject.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Amsterdam, May 8th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor of yours of the 29th of April, and according to your

desire I have enclosed a list of the bills accepted, with the times of

their becoming due, and shall draw for the money to discharge them

only as they become payable, and through the house of Fizeaux & Grand.

I sincerely congratulate you upon the noble aid obtained from the

French Court, for the current service of the year. Aids like this for

two or three years, while the United States are arranging their

finances, will be a most essential service to the common cause, and

will lay a foundation of confidence and affection between France and

the United States, which may last forever, and be worth ten times the

sum of money. It is in the power of America to tax all Europe whenever

she pleases, by laying duties upon her exports enough to pay the

interest of money enough to answer all their purposes. England

received into her Exchequer four hundred thousand pounds sterling in

duties upon the single article of tobacco, imported from Virginia

annually. What should hinder the government of Virginia from laying on

the same, or a greater duty, on the exportation? Europe would still

purchase Virginia tobacco, if there were eight pounds per hogshead

duty to be paid. Virginia alone, therefore, could in this way easily

pay the interest of money enough to carry on the whole war for the

thirteen States for many years. The same reasoning is applicable to

every article of export.

Yesterday were presented to me fifty bills of exchange for eleven

hundred guilders each, drawn by Congress upon me on the 27th day of

January, 1781, at six months sight. And on the same day other bills

from No. 37 to No. 76 inclusively, drawn on me on the same 27th day of

January, 1781, for five hundred and fifty guilders each, payable at

six months sight, were presented to me. I asked time to write to your

Excellency, to know if these bills and the others, drawn at the same

time, can be discharged by you. If they cannot, it will be wrong to

accept them, for I have no prospect at all of getting the money here,

unless the States-General, who have taken the independence of America

_ad referendum_, should determine to acknowledge it.

About the same time that their High Mightinesses took the

acknowledgment of the independence of the United States _ad

referendum_, M. Van Berckel demanded a declaration of his innocence,

or a trial. Whether the two affairs will aid or counteract each other

I cannot tell.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose copies of the memorials, which I had the

honor to present on the 4th instant to the President of their High

Mightinesses, and to the Secretary of his Most Serene Highness.[16]

The former has been published in English, French, and Dutch, and has

been favorably received by the public; but the public voice has not

that influence upon government in any part of Europe that it has in

every part of America, and therefore I cannot expect that any

immediate effect will be produced upon the States-General. They will

probably wait until they can sound the disposition of the Northern

Powers, Russia particularly; and if they should not join in the war,

their High Mightinesses will probably be willing to be admitted to

accede to the treaty of alliance between France and America.

[16] These memorials are dated on the 19th of April. See above, p.

493.

The Dutch fleet of about ten-sail of vessels from the Texel and the

Maese has sailed. The news from the southern States of America of

continual fighting, in which our countrymen have done themselves great

honor; the capture of half the convoy under Hotham, by the Chevalier

de la Motte Piquet, and the destruction made at Gibraltar by the

Spaniards, have raised the spirits of this nation from that unmanly

gloom and despondency, into which they were thrown by the capture of

St Eustatia, Demerara, and Essequibo. But after all, this country at

present, is divided in sentiments; it is an Alexandrine, that "like a

wounded snake drags its slow length along."

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

END OF THE FIFTH VOLUME.

* * * * *

Transcriber's note:

Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).

Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.

Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been retained

except in obvious cases of typographical error.

Omitted words, shown as blank spaces in the original, have been

transcribed as four hyphens ( ---- ).

The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 05 · 第 35 / 35 段