amount only to 660,000
-------
Which leaves a surplus of 44,000
There cannot be a more striking contrast than that between the conduct
of Lord North and M. Necker. The abilities of the former as a
financier consist wholly in laying new taxes without end; those of the
other lie in finding resources for vast expenses, without laying any
new burthens on the people. M. Necker is laying a foundation for a
credit in France as solid as that of Great Britain, by stating to the
public the expenses and revenues. This is the only solid foundation of
public credit. America will never obtain a credit of any consequence
in Europe until she has a credit at home. It is demonstrable that the
people of America are able to lend to Congress every year more than
money enough to carry on the war, and pay all expenses. What is the
reason they do not. The reasons are plain; first, they have not known
that their public money was expended by any fixed rule, so that they
could judge how much it amounted to; secondly, they did not see any
certain prospect of the punctual payment of interest or principal at a
fixed value. All the art of financiering in America lies in
ascertaining with precision by a fixed standard, how much our expenses
are; next ascertaining what our income is; thirdly, how much must be
borrowed; fourthly, how to assure the payment of interest and
principal.
If taxes could be laid by Congress upon exports and imports, and upon
the consumption of articles of luxury, convenience, and necessity, as
they are in Europe, America would be able to raise more every year in
taxes than she has ever spent in one year. Nay, we might oblige
foreigners to pay all the expenses of the war, and establish a credit
much more solid than that of Great Britain, because we have not such a
debt to begin with. But without recurring to this system, which might
injure our commerce as well as our liberties, it is unquestionably
owing entirely to regulations of prices, embargoes, and stamping an
arbitrary value upon what had no value, that has hitherto ruined our
credit. But when all these systems shall be totally abolished in the
several States, and measures shall be taken to lay annual taxes of a
certain value, and these taxes mortgaged for the payment of interest,
there is not a doubt but every State may obtain credit enough for the
necessities of its own inhabitants.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON.
Leyden, April 16th, 1781.
Sir,
I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that I have received
from Congress full powers and instructions to treat with the
States-General, and to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce
consistent with the relations already formed between the United States
and France; and that I have also received a letter of credence, as a
Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and another to
His Most Serene Highness the Prince of Orange.
With the greatest respect, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
MEMORIAL TO THE STATES-GENERAL.
To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces
of the Low Countries.
High and Mighty Lords,
The subscriber has the honor to propose to your High Mightinesses,
that the United States of America in Congress assembled, have lately
thought fit to send him a commission (with full powers and
instructions) to confer with your High Mightinesses, concerning a
treaty of amity and commerce; an authentic copy of which he has the
honor to annex to this memorial.
At the time, when the treaties between this Republic and the Crown of
Great Britain were made, the people who now compose the United States
of America, were a part of the English nation; as such, allies of the
Republic and parties to those treaties; entitled to all their
benefits, and submitting cheerfully to all their obligations.
It is true, that when the British administration, renouncing the
ancient character of Englishmen, for generosity, justice, and
humanity, conceived the design of subverting the political systems of
the Colonies; depriving them of the rights and liberties of
Englishmen, and reducing them to the worst of all forms of government;
starving the people by blockading the ports, and cutting off their
fisheries and commerce; sending fleets and armies to destroy every
principle and sentiment of liberty, and to consume their habitations
and their lives; making contracts for foreign troops and alliances
with savage nations, to assist them in their enterprize; casting
formally, by act of Parliament, three millions of people at once out
of the protection of the Crown; then, and not till then, did the
United States of America, in Congress assembled, pass that memorable
act, by which they assumed an equal station among the nations.
This immortal Declaration, of the 4th of July, 1776, when America was
invaded by a hundred vessels of war, and, according to estimates laid
before Parliament, by fiftyfive thousand of veteran troops, was not
the effect of any sudden passion, or enthusiasm; but a measure which
had been long in deliberation among the people, maturely discussed in
some hundreds of popular assemblies and by public writings in all the
States; it was a measure which Congress did not adopt, until they had
received the positive instructions of their constituents in all the
States; it was then unanimously adopted by Congress, subscribed by all
its members, transmitted to the Assemblies of the several States, and
by them respectively accepted, ratified, and recorded among their
archives; so that no decree, edict, statute, placard or fundamental
law of any nation was ever made with more solemnity, or with more
unanimity or cordiality adopted, as the act and consent of the whole
people, than this; and it has been held sacred to this day by every
State with such unshaken firmness, that not even the smallest has ever
been induced to depart from it; although the English have wasted many
millions, and vast fleets and armies, in the vain attempt to
invalidate it. On the contrary, each of the thirteen States instituted
a form of government for itself, under the authority of the people;
has erected its legislature in the several branches; its executive
authority with all its offices; its judiciary departments and judges;
its army, militia, revenue, and some of them their navy; and all these
departments of government have been regularly and constitutionally
organised under the associated superintendency of Congress now these
five years, and have acquired a consistency, solidity, and activity,
equal to the oldest and most established governments.
It is true, that in some speeches and writings of the English, it is
still contended, that the people of America are still in principle and
affection with them; but these assertions are made against such
evident truth and demonstration, that it is surprising they should
find at this day one believer in the world. One may appeal to the
writings and recorded speeches of the English for the last seventeen
years, to show that similar misrepresentations have been incessantly
repeated through that whole period, and that the conclusion of every
year has in fact confuted the confident assertions and predictions of
the beginning of it. The subscriber begs leave to say from his own
knowledge of the people of America, (and he has a better right to
obtain credit, because he has better opportunities to know, than any
Briton whatsoever,) that they are unalterably determined to maintain
their independence. He confesses, that, notwithstanding his confidence
through his whole life, in the virtuous sentiments and uniformity of
character among his countrymen, their unanimity has surprised him;
that all the power, arts, intrigues and bribes, which have been
employed in the several States, should have seduced from the standard
of virtue so contemptible a few, is more fortunate than could have
been expected.
This independence stands upon so broad and firm a bottom of the
people's interests, honor, consciences, and affections, that it will
not be affected by any successes that the English may obtain, either
in America or against the European powers at war, or by any alliances
they can possibly form, if indeed in so unjust and desperate a cause
they can obtain any. Nevertheless, although compelled by necessity,
and warranted by the fundamental laws of the Colonies and of the
British constitution; by principles avowed in the English laws, and
confirmed by many examples in the English history; by principles
interwoven into the history and public right of Europe, in the great
examples of the Helvetic and Batavian confederacies and many others,
and frequently acknowledged and ratified by the diplomatic body;
principles founded in eternal justice and the laws of God and nature;
to cut asunder forever all the ties which had connected them with
Great Britain; yet the people of America did not consider themselves
as separating from their allies, especially the Republic of the United
Provinces, or departing from their connexions with any of the people
under their government; but, on the contrary, they preserved the same
affection, esteem, and respect for the Dutch nation in every part of
the world, which they and their ancestors had ever entertained.
When sound policy dictated to Congress the precaution of sending
persons to negotiate natural alliances in Europe, it was not from a
failure in respect that they did not send a Minister to your High
Mightinesses with the first whom they sent abroad; but instructed in
the nature of the connexions between Great Britain and the Republic,
and in the system of peace and neutrality, which she had so long
pursued, they thought proper to respect both so far, as not to seek to
embroil her with her allies, to excite divisions in the nation or lay
embarrassments before it. But since the British administration,
uniform and persevering in injustice, despising their allies, as much
as their colonists and fellow-subjects; disregarding the faith of
treaties, as much as that of royal charters; violating the law of
nations, as they had before done the fundamental laws of the Colonies
and the inherent rights of British subjects; have arbitrarily set
aside all the treaties between the Crown and the Republic, declared
war and commenced hostilities, the settled intentions of which they
had manifested long before, all those motives, which before restrained
the Congress, cease, and an opportunity presents of proposing such
connexions as the United States of America have a right to form,
consistent with those already formed with France and Spain, which they
are under every obligation of duty, interest, and inclination to
observe sacred and inviolate, and consistent with such other treaties
as it is their intention to propose to other sovereigns.
A natural alliance may be formed between the two Republics, if ever
one existed among nations. The first planters of the four northern
States, found in this country an asylum from persecution, and resided
here from the year 1608 to the year 1620, twelve years preceding their
migration. They have ever entertained, and have transmitted to
posterity, a grateful remembrance of that protection and hospitality,
and especially of that religious liberty they found here, though they
had sought them in vain in England.
The first inhabitants of two other States, New York and New Jersey,
were immediate emigrants from this nation, and have transmitted their
religion, language, customs, manners, and character; and America in
general, until her relations were formed with the House of Bourbon,
has ever considered this nation as her first friend in Europe, whose
history and the great characters it exhibits in the various arts of
peace, as well as achievements in war by sea and land, have been
particularly studied, admired, and imitated in every State.
A similitude of religion, although it is not deemed so essential in
this as it has been in former ages to the alliance of nations, is
still, as it ever will be thought, a desirable circumstance. Now it
may be said with truth, that there are no two nations whose worship,
doctrine, and discipline, are more alike, than those of the two
Republics. In this particular, therefore, as far as it is of weight,
an alliance would be perfectly natural.
A similarity in the forms of government is usually considered as
another circumstance, which renders alliances natural; and although
the constitutions of the two Republics are not perfectly alike, there
is yet analogy enough between them to make a connexion easy in this
respect.
In general usages, and in the liberality of sentiments in those
momentous points, the freedom of inquiry, the right of private
judgment, and the liberty of conscience, of so much importance to be
supported in the world, and imparted to all mankind, and which at this
hour are in more danger from Great Britain, and that intolerant
spirit, which is secretly fermenting there, than from any other
quarter, the two nations resemble each other more than any other.
The originals of the two Republics are so much alike, that the history
of one seems but a transcript from that of the other; so that every
Dutchman instructed in the subject must pronounce the American
revolution just and necessary, or pass a censure upon the greatest
actions of his immortal ancestors; actions which have been approved
and applauded by mankind, and justified by the decision of Heaven.
But the circumstance, which, perhaps in this age, has stronger
influence than any other in the formation of friendships between
nations, is the great and growing interest of commerce, of the whole
system of which through the globe, your High Mightinesses are too
perfect masters for me to say anything, that is not familiarly known.
It may not, however, be amiss to hint, that the central situation of
this country, her extensive navigation, her possessions in the East
and West Indies, the intelligence of her merchants, the number of her
capitalists, and the riches of her funds, render a connexion with her
desirable to America. And on the other hand, the abundance and variety
of the productions of America, the materials of manufactures,
navigation, and commerce, the vast demand and consumption of the
manufactures of Europe, of the merchandises from the Baltic, and from
the East Indies, and the situation of the Dutch possessions in the
West Indies, cannot admit of a doubt, that a connexion with the United
States would be useful to this Republic. The English are so sensible
of this, that, notwithstanding all their professions of friendship,
they have ever considered this nation as their rival in the American
trade; a sentiment which dictated and maintained their severe act of
navigation, as injurious to the commerce and naval power of this
country, as it was both to the trade and the rights of the Colonies.
There is now an opportunity offered to both to shake off this shackle
for ever. If any consideration whatever could have prevailed with the
English to have avoided a war with your High Mightinesses, it would
have been an apprehension of an alliance between the two Republics;
and it is easy to foresee, that nothing will contribute more to oblige
them to a peace than such a connexion once completely formed.
It is needless to point out particularly what advantages might be
derived to the possessions of the Republic in the West Indies, from a
trade opened, protected, and encouraged between them and the Continent
of America, or what profits might be made by the East India Company,
by carrying their effects directly to the American market; how much
even the trade of the Baltic might be secured and extended by a free
intercourse with America, which has ever had so large a demand, and
will have more, for hemp, cordage, sailcloth, and other articles of
that commerce; how much the national navigation would be benefitted,
by building and purchasing ships there; how much the number of seamen
might be increased, or how much advantage to both countries to have
their ports mutually opened to their men-of-war and privateers, and
their prizes.
If, therefore, analogy of religion, government, original manners, and
the most extensive and lasting commercial interests, can form a ground
and an invitation to political connexions, the subscriber flatters
himself, that in all these particulars the union is so obviously
natural, that there has seldom been a more distinct designation of
Providence to any two distant nations to unite themselves together.
It is further submitted to the wisdom and humanity of your High
Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for the good of mankind, that
the powers of Europe, who are convinced of the justice of the American
cause, (and where is one to be found that is not) should make haste to
acknowledge the independence of the United States, and form equitable
treaties with them, as the surest means of convincing Great Britain of
the impracticability of her pursuits? Whether the late Marine Treaty,
concerning the rights of neutral vessels, noble and useful as it is,
can be established against Great Britain, who never will adopt it nor
submit to it, but from necessity, without the independence of America?
Whether the return of America, with her nurseries of seamen, and
magazines of materials for navigation and commerce, to the domination
and monopoly of Great Britain, if that were practicable, would not put
the possessions of other nations beyond seas wholly in the power of
that enormous Empire, which has long been governed wholly by the
feeling of its own power; at least without a proportional attention to
justice, humanity, or decency? When it is obvious and certain, that
the Americans are not inclined to submit again to the British
government, on one hand; and that the powers of Europe ought not, and
could not, with safety consent to it, if they were, on the other; why
should a source of contention be left open for future contingencies to
involve the nations of Europe in still more bloodshed, when, by one
decisive step of the maritime powers, in making treaties with a nation
long in possession of sovereignty, by right and in fact, it might be
closed?
The example of your High Mightinesses would, it is hoped, be followed
by all the maritime powers, especially those, which are parties to the
late Marine Treaty; nor can an apprehension, that the independence of
America would be injurious to the trade of the Baltic, be any
objection. This jealousy is so groundless, that the reverse would
happen. The freight and ensurance in voyages across the Atlantic are
so high, and the price of labor in America so dear, that tar, pitch,
turpentine, and ship-timber can never be transported to Europe at so
cheap a rate as it has been and will be afforded by countries round
the Baltic. This commerce was supported by the English before the
revolution with difficulty, and not without large Parliamentary
bounties. Of hemp, cordage, and sailcloth, there will not probably be
a sufficiency raised in America for her own consumption in many
centuries, for the plainest of all reasons, because these articles can
be imported from Amsterdam, or even from Petersburg, or Archangel,
cheaper than they can be raised at home. America will therefore be
for ages a market for most of these articles of the Baltic trade.
Nor is there more, solidity in another supposition, propagated by the
English to prevent other nations from pursuing their true interests,
that other colonies will follow the example of the United States.
Those powers, which have as large possessions as any beyond seas, have
already declared against England, apprehending no such consequences.
Indeed there is no probability of any other power of Europe following
the example of England, in attempting to change the whole system of
the government of colonies, and reducing them by oppression to the
necessity of governing themselves. And without such manifest injustice
and cruelty on the part of the metropolis, there is no danger of
colonies attempting innovations. Established governments are founded
deeply in the hearts, the passions, the imaginations, and
understandings of the people, and without some violent change from
without, to alter the temper and character of the whole people, it is
not in human nature to exchange safety for danger, and certain
happiness for very precarious benefits.
It is submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses,
whether the system of the United States, which was minutely considered
and discussed, and unanimously agreed on in Congress in the year 1776,
in planning the treaty they proposed to France, to form equitable
commercial treaties with all the maritime powers of Europe, without
being governed or monopolised by any; a system which was afterwards
approved by the King, and made the foundation of the treaties with his
Majesty, a system to which the United States have hitherto constantly
adhered, and from which they never will depart, unless compelled by
some powers declaring against them, which is not expected; is not the
only means of preventing this growing country from being an object of
everlasting jealousies, rivalries, and wars among the nations? If this
idea is just, it follows, that it is the interest of every State in
Europe to acknowledge American independence immediately. If such
benevolent policy should be adopted, the new world will be a
proportional blessing to every part of the old.
The subscriber has the further honor of informing your High
Mightinesses, that the United States of America, in Congress
assembled, impressed with a high sense of the wisdom and magnanimity
of your High Mightinesses, and of your inviolable attachment to the
rights and liberties of mankind, and being desirous of cultivating the
friendship of a nation eminent for its wisdom, justice, and
moderation, have appointed the subscriber to be their Minister
Plenipotentiary to reside near you, that he may give you more
particular assurances of the great respect they entertain for your
High Mightinesses, beseeching your High Mightinesses to give entire
credit to everything, which their said Minister shall deliver on their
part, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of their
friendship and regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal
of Congress, the subscriber is ready to deliver to your High
Mightinesses, or to such persons as you shall direct to receive it. He
has also a similar letter of credence to his Most Serene Highness the
Prince Stadtholder.
All which is respectfully submitted to the consideration of your High
Mightinesses, together with the propriety of appointing some person or
persons to treat on the subject of this mission, by
JOHN ADAMS.
Leyden, April 19th, 1781.
* * * * *
MEMORIAL TO THE PRINCE OF ORANGE.
Leyden, April 19th, 1781.
To his Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange and Nassau,
Hereditary Stadtholder and Governor of the Seven United Provinces of
the Low Countries.