despatches of Clinton, Cornwallis, Tarleton, &c. of their triumphant
progress in Carolina, and we are unable to obtain a syllable from any
part of America to contradict it, or explain it. It is devoutly to be
wished, that Congress would appoint some active and intelligent
Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and make it his duty to transmit the
journals, newspapers, and other intelligence, and duplicates and
triplicates of them, to their servants abroad. Vessel after vessel
arrives, even directly from Philadelphia, and we cannot get the
journals, papers, and scarcely a private letter by them. Surely, the
department of foreign affairs is of some importance to the United
States, and their most important officers abroad ought not to be less
informed, than every private merchant. The successes of the English in
Carolina have filled them with the most ridiculous exultations. They
have thrown off the mask entirely, and talk now almost universally of
nothing but unconditional submission; not an idea of peace is
entertained. They are perfectly confident the Congress will not
maintain their authority three months. They have filled the world with
histories of insurrections at Philadelphia, which drove the Congress
to Lancaster, killed the French Minister, &c. &c. &c. The stocks rose
three and threefourths per cent. This is the wise nation, that is to
govern America, as they think, at their pleasure.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, July 15th, 1780.
Sir,
The news from Petersburg of the 13th of June is, that the last advices
received from Mohilew have confirmed the news, that the Empress would
return sooner than was at first expected, and that the Emperor, under
the name of the Count de Falckenstein, would arrive at the same time,
at Petersburg. That the fleet of Cronstadt had been eight or ten days
in the road, waiting only for their final instructions to put to sea.
It will be separated into three divisions, each of five ships of the
line, under the command of the Rear Admirals Barisson, Cruse, and
Polibin. Since the departure of a courier, which Mr Harris, the
British Envoy, has expedited to his Court, the 26th of last month, a
report has been spread, that he has demanded his recall.
The ordinance, which the Empress has passed at Czarsko-Zelo, on the
19th of May, to the end to ascertain the rights and duties of her
subjects relative to the neutrality, is too remarkable, in the present
conjuncture, not to be given entire to the public. The following is
the preamble.
"The maritime war, subsisting for some time between Great Britain, on
the one part, and France and Spain on the other, has begun lately to
do equal injury to the commerce and the navigation of our faithful
subjects. We have not in consequence failed to employ for their
protection and indemnification from all the losses, which have been
occasioned to them, our most efficacious intercession; in consequence
of which several merchants have already obtained, in proportion to
their demands, a considerable indemnification. Nevertheless, although
we doubt not, that all the others will be equally indemnified by the
belligerent powers, yet we cannot regard the particular compensation
of individuals, as a sufficient pledge of the safety upon which
neutral nations may hereafter depend. From this motive, we have
resolved not only to take measures the most effectual for the
maintenance of the maritime commerce of our subjects, but to put them
in execution, in case of need. They have already been announced to all
Europe, by a declaration delivered in the same terms to the three
belligerent powers, by which we fix expressly and with precision, the
rights and prerogatives of a commercial neutral flag. The one and the
other are founded either upon the proper terms of our Treaty of
Commerce with the Crown of Great Britain, or upon the evident and
immutable principles of the law of nature and nations. But while we
require of other nations, for our proper utility the entire and
unlimited accomplishment of their duties, we are not less fixed in the
intention on our part to observe inviolably, in regard to them, the
obligations of the strictest neutrality. Thus it is necessary, that
all our subjects should conform themselves vigorously in their
maritime commerce, and in the enterprises relative to it, to this our
will. In default of which, they will render themselves unworthy of our
protection and of our succor. But to the end, that no man may fall
into error by ignorance, we order our College of Commerce to notify
the Russian merchants trading in our ports, that while they enjoy an
entire liberty of trading and sending their vessels to all parts of
Europe, they are bound to observe, conformably to our treaties with
different powers, and to the ordinances of each place, that which
follows."
This is the preamble; the purview shall be sent to Congress as soon as
it appears.
It seems that the Empress, as well as the Ottoman Porte, has not a
little resented the indecent and groundless assertions, with which
England has filled Europe and America, that the Empress would take
part with them, and that there were misunderstandings subsisting
between Petersburg and Constantinople. I think it can be no longer
doubted, that Russia will never take part with England, and that while
she is determined upon a neutrality, every other maritime power of
Europe must do the same, or join against England. It is equally plain,
that England must come into the system of rights preparing for
neutrals, or go to war with all the maritime powers of the world. This
is too decisively and obviously advantageous to North America, to need
any comments.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, July 15th, 1780.
Sir,
The news from Constantinople is, "that upon the advice, that a fleet
of French merchant-men from Marseilles, was blocked up by the English
cruisers in the port of Milo, the Count de St Priest, Ambassador of
France, presented a Memoir to the Porte, complaining of this last
violation of the last agreement made between the Ottoman government
and the Ambassadors of the belligerent powers, for the maintenance of
the neutrality. In consequence, the Reis Effendi requested Mr Ainslie,
the British Ambassador, to give orders conformably to the said
agreement, to the cruisers of his nation, to respect the coasts,
forts, and havens of the Ottoman Empire, and not to commit hostilities
but in open sea. The Ambassador answered, "that he approved the
requisitions of the Porte too much, not to contribute all that lay in
his power, to make the English cruisers observe the orders which had
been before given them." Nevertheless, the Count de St Priest judged
proper, by way of further precaution, to send the consul of his
nation, who resides at the Dardanelles, to the Capitan Pacha, who is
now in the Archipelago with his fleet, to desire him to have a care
that the French fleet should suffer no insult. The Ottoman Admiral
immediately complied with this requisition; and we learn by the French
consul, who is returned here, that having found this commandant at
Metelin, he had no sooner learned the object of his commission, than
he detached some to go to the succor of the fleet blocked at Milo. But
his assistance will not have been necessary, because, according to
letters from Smyrna, the six English cruisers, which held the French
fleet shut up, having had the audacity to attack this convoy even in
the port, the Chevalier d'Entrecasteux, who commanded it, had
shattered them, after an engagement of several hours, in such a
manner, that he had put them out of a condition to keep the sea, and
that they must have retired to Paros."
_Stockholm, 27th of June._ "The King having judged proper to name an
Admiral General of his fleet, has chosen for this eminent post, the
Major-General and Commander of the Grand Cross of the Order of the
Sword, Henry de Trolle. M. de Moussin Puschkin, Envoy from Russia, is
arrived here from Petersburg."
_Hague, 10th of July._ "The Admiralty of Amsterdam has put in
commission, with the advice of the Prince Stadtholder, the vessels,
the Admiral de Reister, of sixtyeight guns, and the Hereditary Prince,
of fiftysix."
_Hamburg, 23d of June._ The Mars, a Danish man-of-war of fifty guns,
commanded by Captain Luken, and three frigates, with seventyeight
merchant ships of different nations, under convoy, sailed from the
Sound the 18th of this month."
It thus appears, that Russia, Holland, Sweden, and Denmark, are
proceeding in earnest to convoy their trade, and increase their naval
force, to protect the confederacy in favor of the rights of
neutrality.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, July 15th, 1780.
Sir,
It is worth while to lay before Congress the following statement,
which is lately published in the papers.
_English Ships of the Line._
Now under Rodney, including the Triumph of
seventyfour guns, arrived from Cork, the beginning
of May, 22
_N. B._ The Fame, of seventyfour guns, was
taken to pieces last winter, to repair the other
vessels of Jamaica. The Sultan from St Lucia,
and the Hector from Europe joined, in March, the
two sixtyfours which were at that station. Jamaica, 4
They say that Arbuthnot has sent to Jamaica
the Russell and Robust, 2
The 15th of May, sailed with Graves, 7
The 3d of June, sailed with Walsingham, 4
--
39
_French and Spaniards._
With De Guichen, 23
Left at Martinique, the Dauphin Royal, of
seventyfour guns, to protect the port, 1
At the Havana, under D. Bonnet, 8
At St Domingo, under De la Motte Piquet, 5
Sailed from Cadiz, the 28th of April, under D.
Solano, 12
M. de Ternay, the 3d of May, 7
--
56
A superiority, against which, all the events of the war evidently show
that it is impossible to resist. But the ministerial people have made
Rodney take Don Solano with his twelve ships, which shifts the balance
to--English, fiftyone, French and Spaniards, fortyfour.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, July 17th, 1780.
Sir,
In your Excellency's letter to me of the 24th of February last, I was
honored with your opinion in the following words.
"With regard to the full powers, which authorise you to negotiate a
treaty of commerce with the Court of London, I think it will be
prudent not to communicate them to any body whatever, and to take
every necessary precaution, that the British Ministry may not have a
premature knowledge of them. You will no doubt readily feel the
motives, which induce me to advise you to take this precaution, and it
would be needless to explain them."
1. I should have been very happy if your Excellency had hinted at the
reasons, which were then in your mind, because after reflecting upon
this subject, as maturely as I can, I am not able to collect any
reasons, which appear to me sufficient for concealing the nature of my
powers in their full extent, from the Court of London. On the
contrary, many arguments have occurred to me, which seem to show it to
be both the policy of the United States, and my particular duty, to
communicate them.
2. Your Excellency will recollect that my commissions empower me to
join with the Ministers of the belligerent powers in making peace; to
make a treaty of commerce with the Ministers of his Britannic Majesty,
and to represent the Congress as their Minister Plenipotentiary, at
the Court of London. It seems to me then, inconsistent with the design
and nature of my appointments, to conceal them from the Court of
London.
3. I think also, that announcing my powers to the Court of London,
would have a tendency to draw out from them some proofs of their
present designs, and it is always important to discover early the
intentions of the enemy, that the people may be prepared, both with
councils and forces, to resist them if hostile.
4. The English nation would expect of the Ministers, that some answer
should be given to me. If it should be an insolent one, as there is
too much cause to expect, it will prepare the minds of the Americans,
and of the other belligerent powers, for what they are to expect, and
it will alarm and arouse, if anything can, the people of England.
5. At this particular time, when an election approaches, it would
throw the Ministry into some embarrassment, for the people of England
sigh for peace.
6. Another consideration has weight with me; a great part of Europe,
as well as the people of England, are amused by the English Ministers
and their emissaries, with reports that there is some secret treaty
between France and the United States, by which the former has secured
to themselves exclusive privileges in some branches of the American
commerce, which misrepresentations, as they are at present an
obstruction to peace, would be cleared up by the communication of my
powers.
7. There are at present many persons of consideration in England, who
have long followed the Ministry in the war against America, who begin
to see the impracticability of succeeding, and now vote for peace, and
will lay hold of every occurrence that favors its accomplishment.
8. At this moment, under the wild impression, that the surrender of
Charleston has made, it might be improper to make the communication,
but upon the news coming of M. de Ternay's arrival, of Don Solano's,
or both, or upon the receipt of some intelligence, which may take off
a part of this impression, I submit it to your Excellency's
consideration, whether it would not be proper to communicate my
appointments to Lord George Germain. It seems to be most proper that
it should be done, so that the nation may consider them before the
meeting of Parliament, and that those who are for peace may digest
their plans accordingly.
9. Notwithstanding the suppression of the late riots, and the
consequent temporary relaxation of the committees and associations,
the nation is in a most critical situation. Those disturbances were
not simply the effect of fanaticism and bigotry, but of deep and
general discontent and distress among the people; and although the
Ministry may at present be confident they have suppressed them
forever, they will surely find themselves mistaken if they pursue this
war. I know of no measure, that will be more likely to increase the
opposition against Administration than communicating my powers. It
will at least show all the world, that the continuance of the war and
the consequent ruin of England is their own fault, not that of the
Americans, who are ready to make peace upon terms honorable and
advantageous to Great Britain.
10. I am the more confirmed in those opinions, by the communication
your Excellency made to me yesterday of the message sent by the Court
of London to the Court of Madrid. I am convinced in my own mind, that
that message is insidious in the last degree, and that it is intended
to answer two ends only; first, to spy out what they can of the
political and military plans of Spain; secondly, and principally, to
amuse France, Spain, and America too, with false ideas of pacific
inclinations, simply in order to slacken and enervate their
preparations for the next campaign.
11. Sincere intentions of making peace upon any terms, which France or
America can agree to, consistent with subsisting treaties, I am as
sure they have not, as I am of their existence. Now I think there is
no way of counteracting this insidious policy so honorably and so
effectually, as by a frank and decent communication of my full powers.
This will necessitate them to come to an explanation of their real
intentions concerning America; for there, Sir, lies the obstacle to
peace; all other questions would be soon arranged if that was settled.
I hope your Excellency will pardon the long letters I write you,
because it is really a voluminous subject we have in contemplation,
and mankind in general are little less interested in it, than our
particular countries. I shall hope for the honor of your Excellency's
answer upon these subjects.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, July 19th, 1780.
Sir,
The news from Petersburg of the 16th of June, is, that the fleet
destined for the protection of the commerce of that empire was ready
to sail. Of the three squadrons of which it is composed, one is to
cruise, as they learn, in the North Sea, the other upon the coast of
Portugal, and the third in the Mediterranean. This last will winter at
Leghorn, and the two first in some port of a friendly power, upon the
North Sea, or in the Baltic.
The news from Copenhagen of the 4th of July, is, that "the maritime
forces of the northern powers begin to put themselves in motion for
the protection of their commerce, in regard to the belligerent powers.
The vessels, the King of Jutland, and the Prince Frederick, of seventy
guns, commanded by the Captains de Kaas, and Lous, have put into the
Road, the 30th of June. The better to man them, as well as the other
vessels of our squadron, we have embarked several detachments of the
regiments of infantry of Holstein, Falster, and Jutland. The first of
July we saw pass by here, towards the Sound, three Swedish ships of
the line, coming from the Baltic; and the next day the Russian fleet,
composed of fifteen ships of the line, and of several frigates, came
to anchor in our Road, separated into three divisions under the
command of Vice Admirals de Borislow, de Kruse, and de Polibin. They
say, that is to be followed by the Admiral's vessel, commanded by Vice
Admiral Greigh, in quality of Commander-in-Chief of all the fleet."
The following are the articles of the Ordinance of the Empress of
Russia, concerning the navigation of the merchant flag of Russia.
"ARTICLE I. They may not take any part in the war, directly nor
indirectly, or under any pretext whatsoever; and they may not even
give succor to any of the powers at war by carrying them merchandises
of contraband under the Russian flag. These consist namely, in cannon,
mortars, muskets, pistols, bombs, grenades, bullets, or balls, proper
to fire, fusils, flints, matches, powder, saltpetre, sulphur,
cutlasses, pikes, swords, scabbards, gibernes, saddles, and bridles.
They ought also to take special care, that there be not found on board
of any vessel more of these warlike stores, than they have occasion
for, for their own use, and so much that each sailor or passenger may
be sufficiently provided.
"ARTICLE II. All other merchandises, whoever may be the owners, and
even although they belong to the subjects of one or another of the
belligerent powers, may be freely embarked upon Russian vessels, and
shall enjoy on board of them equally with the merchandises of our
subjects, the protection of the Russian flag, excepting those, which
are contained in the first article, under the name of contraband, as
in fact they are declared such in the eleventh article of our Treaty
of Commerce with England. By means of this safety of merchandises
permitted in neutral vessels, our subjects ought also to have a care
not to embark effects which belong to them, upon vessels of nations
engaged in the war, to the end to avoid thus all disagreements and
disagreeable rencontres.
"ARTICLE III. Every vessel going out of the port of this city, or of
any other of our empire, ought to be furnished with sufficient proofs,
that she belongs to Russian subjects; to wit, with sea-letters, as is
the usage, and with a certificate of the custom-house, in which it may
be declared first, with what merchandises she is loaded, and how much;
secondly, on the account of whom they have been purchased, and to whom
the vessel and the cargo are addressed. For the greater safety, the
certificates sent by the custom-house shall be inspected by the
Admiralty, or in his default by the magistrate of the place.
"ARTICLE IV. Not only our native subjects shall enjoy these
prerogatives, but also strangers who are settled in our dominions, and
who bear like them the public burdens; that is to say, during the time
that they shall sojourn in our country, since, in no other case can it
be permitted them to employ the merchant flag of Russia.
"ARTICLE V. Each Russian vessel, even in case one single owner
expedites two or three vessels at a time for the same place, ought to
be provided in particular with the documents mentioned in the third
article, which may serve to justify their property in case that these
ships should separate during the voyage, or be obliged to pursue
different routes.
"ARTICLE VI. It is forbidden to every Russian vessel to have
connoissements, charter parties, or other sea papers double, or
doubtful, much less false declarations, inasmuch as these always
expose to an inevitable danger. Thus they should give their principal
attention, that their documents be in good order and prove clearly, as
it is said before, the true destination of the vessel, and the nature
of her cargo. It is also necessary, that the contract between the
owner of the merchandises and the master of the vessel, or the
agreement known under the name of charter party, be always on board.
But as it happens very often, that the owner of merchandises, in
making his adventure, whether in his own vessel, or whether in a
neutral vessel freighted by him, fixes the sale of them solely by
speculation, by preference in some port, and in case the price in this
port is too low, in some port more distant; in this case they ought
not to fail to name and settle the two ports, according to the order
of the route and their situation in one single connoissement, and not
in two. They ought also to observe the same precautions in regard to
the charter parties, to the end, that there may be no difference
between them and the connoissements; and in case that any one of our
subjects, in contempt of these dispositions, shall allow himself in
artifice and duplicity, he may assure himself, that he shall never
enjoy our protection, which is granted only to lawful and innocent
commerce, and by no means to illicit and fraudulent traffic.
"ARTICLE VII. Every Russian vessel, which, after having unloaded her
cargo in any foreign port, has a design to return into her country, or
to proceed further in another foreign place, ought to provide herself
in this port and in every other, at which she may stop to trade, with
the documents required by the usages of the country, to the end, that
they may prove at all times the nation to which the ship belongs, the
port from which she comes, that to which she is bound, and the
merchandises with which she has been loaded anew.
"ARTICLE VIII. Forasmuch as the aforesaid documents are indispensably
necessary to prove the neutral property of effects, which are found on
board the ship, they ought particularly to take care not to throw them
into the sea, no more than any other writings or papers, without any
exception upon any occasion whatever, especially on the rencontre of
any other vessel, inasmuch as by such a step one might expose himself
to well founded suspicions, and to disagreeable consequences.
"ARTICLE IX. It is necessary to have a scrupulous attention, that
there be not on board of any Russian vessel any merchant, clerk, and
never more than one third of the seamen, subjects of the belligerent
powers, because by conducting differently such vessel might expose
herself to sustain disagreeable disappointments. But as a similar
inconvenience may easily happen to those sorts of ships, which in time
of war are purchased of the subjects of the belligerent powers, for
this reason, from this time, and as long as the present maritime war
shall last, the said vessels may not be purchased, unless under
condition, that they shall be solely employed in the Baltic, or the
Black Sea.
"ARTICLE X. The carriage of all merchandise whatsoever, into places
blocked or besieged by sea and by land, is entirely prohibited, in
consequence of which, if any of the merchants of this empire, engaged
by the hope of gain, shall intermeddle in any such traffic, whatever
loss he may sustain, he cannot ever have the right of demanding our
protection.