that I cannot but suspect, that the motive at bottom has either been
a wish to have an opportunity of continuing the profitable
speculations, which artful men are able to make in a depreciating
currency, or else by spreading a diffidence in American credit, to
discourage many from engaging in American trade, that the profits of
it may still continue to be confined to a few.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, June 29th, 1780.
Sir,
The disputes about the Alliance, have been so critical and
disagreeable, that Congress will pardon me for making a few
observations upon our arrangements here.
I apprehend, that many of the disputes, delays, and other
inconveniences, that have attended our affairs in this kingdom, have
arisen from blending the offices of political Minister, Board of
Admiralty, Chamber of Commerce, and Commercial Agent together. The
business of the Minister is to negotiate with the Court, to propose
and consult upon plans for the conduct of the war, to collect and
transmit intelligence from other parts, especially concerning the
designs and the forces of the enemy. This is business enough for the
wisest and most industrious man the United States have in their
service, aided by an active, intelligent, and laborious secretary. But
added to all this, our Ministers at the Court of Versailles, have ever
been overloaded with commercial and Admiralty business, complicated
and perplexed in its nature, and endless in its details. But for this,
I am persuaded much more might have been done in the conduct of the
war, and the United States might have had more effectual assistance,
and France and Spain too fewer misfortunes to bewail.
I would, therefore, beg leave to propose, to appoint a consul without
loss of time to reside at Nantes, and to him consign all vessels from
the United States. I think it should be an American, some merchant of
known character, abilities, and industry, who would consent to serve
his country for moderate emoluments. Such persons are to be found in
great numbers in the United States. There are many applications from
French gentlemen. But I think that a want of knowledge of our
language, our laws, customs, and even the humors of our people, for
even these must be considered, would prevent them from giving
satisfaction, or doing justice. Besides, if it is an honor, a profit,
or only an opportunity to travel and see the world for improvement, I
think the native Americans have a right to expect it; and further,
that the public have a right to expect that whatever advantages are
honestly to be made in this way, should return sometime or other to
America; together with the knowledge and experience gained at the same
time.
These consuls, as well as the foreign Ministers, should all be
instructed to transmit to Congress, written accounts of the civil and
military constitutions of the places where they are, as well as all
the advantages for commerce with the whole world, especially with the
United States. These letters preserved, will be a repository of
political and commercial knowledge, that in future times may be a rich
treasure to the United States. To these consuls, the commercial
concerns of the public should be committed, and the vessels of war. It
will be necessary sometimes to send a frigate to Europe to bring
intelligence, to bring passengers, even, perhaps, to bring
commodities, or fetch stores. But I hope no frigate will ever again be
sent to cruise, or be put under the command of anybody in Europe,
consul or Minister. They may receive their orders from the Navy Board
in America, and be obliged to obey them. I have had a great deal of
experience in the government of these frigates, when I had the honor
to be one of the Ministers Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles,
and afterwards at Nantes, L'Orient, and Brest, when I was seeking a
passage home. Disputes were perpetually arising between officers and
their crews, between captains and their officers, and between the
officers of one ship and another. There were never officers enough to
compose a court martial, and nobody had authority to remove or suspend
officers without their consent; so that in short, there was little
order, discipline, subordination, or decency.
Another thing, when frigates are under the direction of an authority
at a distance of three or four hundred miles, so much time is lost in
writing and sending letters and waiting for answers, it has been found
an intolerable embarrassment to the service. It is now two years since
consuls were expected, and a secretary to this mission. It is a great
misfortune to the United States that they have not arrived. Every man
can see that it has been a great misfortune, but none can tell how
great. There is much reason to believe, that if our establishments
here had been upon a well digested plan and completed, and if our
affairs had been urged with as much skill and industry as they might
in that case have been, that we should at this moment have been
blessed with peace, or at least with tranquillity and security, which
would have resulted from a total expulsion of the English from the
United States and the West India Islands.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Paris, June 29th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose a copy of a letter of the Count de
Vergennes to me, of the 21st of this month, and a copy of my answer to
his Excellency, of the 22d.
This correspondence is upon a subject that has lain much out of the
way of my particular pursuits, and, therefore, I may be inaccurate in
some things; but, in the principles, I am well persuaded I am right. I
hope that things are explained so as to be intelligible, and that
there is nothing inconsistent with that decency, which ought in such a
case to be observed.
If your Excellency thinks me materially wrong in anything, I should be
much obliged to you to point it out to me, for I am open to
conviction.
This affair, in America, is a very tender and dangerous business, and
requires all the address, as well as all the firmness of Congress, to
extricate the country out of the embarrassment arising from it; and
there is no possible system, I believe, that could give universal
satisfaction to all; but this appears to me, to promise to give more
general satisfaction, than any other that I have ever heard suggested.
I have added copies of the whole correspondence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
Versailles, June 30th, 1780.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on
the 22d inst. on the subject of the resolution of Congress of the 18th
of March last. I have already informed you, that it was by no means my
intention to analyse this resolution, as it respects the citizens of
the United States, nor examine whether circumstances authorise the
arrangement or not. I had but one object in writing to you with the
confidence I thought due to your knowledge and your attachment to the
alliance, which was to convince you that the French ought not to be
confounded with the Americans, and that there would be a manifest
injustice in making them sustain the loss with which they are
threatened.
The details into which you have thought proper to enter have not
changed my sentiments; but I think that all further discussion on this
subject will be needless, and I shall only observe, that if the King's
Council considers, as you pretend, the resolution of Congress in a
wrong point of view, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who is on the spot,
will not fail to elucidate the matter; and if Congress on their part
shall not adopt the representations, which that Minister is charged to
make to them, they will undoubtedly communicate to us their reasons to
justify their refusal.
Should they be well founded the King will take them into
consideration, his Majesty demanding nothing but the most exact
justice. But should they be otherwise, he will renew his instances to
the United States, and will confidently expect from their penetration
and wisdom a decision conformable to his demand. His Majesty is the
more persuaded that Congress will give their whole attention to this
business, as this Assembly, which has frequently renewed the
assurance, values, as well as yourself, Sir, the union which subsists
between France and the United States, and that they will assuredly
perceive that the French deserve a preference before other nations,
who have no treaty with America, and who even have not, as yet,
acknowledged her Independence.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, July 1st, 1780.
Sir,
I had this morning the honor of your letter of the 30th of June.
It is very certain, that the representations from his Majesty, which
may be made by his Minister, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, will be
attended to by Congress with all possible respect; and its due weight
will be given to every fact and argument, that he may adduce; and I am
well persuaded, that Congress will be able to give such reasons for
their final result, as will give entire satisfaction to his Majesty,
and remove every color of just complaint from his subjects.
As in my letter of the 22d of last month, I urged such reasons as
appeared to me incontestible, to show that the resolution of Congress
of the 18th of March, connected with the other resolution, to pay the
loan office certificates, according to the value of money at the time
they were emitted, being a determination to pay the full value of all
the bills and certificates, which were out; and the depreciation of
both being more the act and fault of their possessors than of
government, was neither a violation of the public faith, nor an act of
bankruptcy. I have the honor to agree with your Excellency in opinion,
that any further discussion of these questions is unnecessary.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, July 6th, 1780.
Sir,
In the public papers of the latter end of June, are lists of the
vessels of war and privateers taken and destroyed by the powers at
war.
VESSELS TAKEN FROM FRANCE.
Vessels. Guns.
Protée, 64 Taken by Admiral Digby,
Fortune, 42 " " " Rowley,
Blanche, 36 " " " "
Prudente, 36 Ruby, Everett,
Danaë, 34 Experiment, Wallace,
Sartine, 32 Admiral Vernon,
Licorne, 32 " "
Alcmène, 30 Proserpine, Sutton,
Oiseau, 26 Apollo, Pownal,
Adventure, 26 Admiral Arbuthnot,
Pilote, 14 Commodore Reynolds,
Mutin, 14 Commodore Reynolds,
Coureur, 14 Admiral Keppel.
_Destroyed._
Valeur, 26 Experiment, Wallace,
Recluse, 24 " "
VESSELS TAKEN BY FRANCE.
Ardent, 64 D'Orvilliers,
Experiment, 50 D'Estaing,
Minerva, 32
Montreal, 32 Le Bourgoyne,
Fox, 28 La Junon,
Active, 28
Ariel, 20 D'Estaing,
Lively, 20 D'Orvilliers,
Ceres, 18 D'Estaing,
Weazel, 16
Senegal, 16
Zephyr, 14
Alert, 10 D'Orvilliers,
Thunder Bomb, 8 D'Estaing.
_Destroyed._
Juno, 32 At Rhode Island,
Flora, 32
Lark, 32
Orpheus, 32
Quebec, 32 By the Surveillante,
Cerberus, 28 At Rhode Island,
Rose, 20 At Savannah,
Falcon, 18 At Rhode Island,
King Fisher, 16 " " "
PRIVATEERS TAKEN FROM FRANCE.
Lion, 40
Monsieur, 40
Duc de Cogny, 36
Belhune, 30
Ménagère, 30
Hercule, 30
Comte d'Artois, 28
Lis, 28
Sphinx, 20 Retaken by the French,
Helena, 16 " " "
Jackall, 10 " " "
VESSELS TAKEN FROM SPAIN.
Phoenix, 80 By Admiral Rodney,
Monarca, 70
Princessa, 70
Ammonica, 32 Pearl, Montagu,
Margarita, 28 Johnstone.
_Destroyed._
S. Domingo, 70 By Admiral Rodney,
S. Eugenio, 70
S. Julian, 70
PRIVATEERS TAKEN FROM THE SPANIARDS.
Guipuscoa, 64
San Carlos, 52
San Carlos, 32
San Rafael, 30
Sta Teresa, 28
Sta Bruna, 26
Solidad, 26
VESSELS OF WAR TAKEN FROM CONGRESS.
Hancock, 32 Rainbow, Sir George Collier,
Raleigh, 32 Experiment, Wallace,
Providence, 32 Admiral Arbuthnot,
Boston, 32 " "
Delaware, 30 Lord Howe,
Virginia, 30 St Albans, Onslow,
Oliver Cromwell, 24 Beaver Sloop, Jones,
Hampden, 20 Sir George Collier,
Trumbull, 20 Venus, Ferguson,
Cumberland, 20 Pomona, Waldgrove,
Ranger, 20 Admiral Arbuthnot,
Alfred, 20 Ariadne, Pringle,
Hunter, 18 Sir George Collier,
Cabot, 18 Hope, Dawson,
Lexington, 16 Alert, Bazeley.
_Destroyed._
Bricole, pierced for
60, mounting 40 Admiral Arbuthnot,
Bon Homme Richard, 44 Serapis, Pearson,
Randolph, 36 Yarmouth, Vincent,
Warren, 32 Sir George Collier,
Washington, 32 Captain Henry,
Effingham, 28 " "
Queen of France, 28 Admiral Arbuthnot,
Fruit, 26 " "
General Moultrie, 20 " "
Notre Dame, 16 " "
_N. B._ Seventeen armed ships, from fourteen to twentyfour guns,
destroyed by Sir George Collier, at Penobscot; three frigates, and
two sloops destroyed by the same, upon the stocks at Portsmouth, the
gallies destroyed upon Lake Champlain, in Georgia, &c., the ships
destroyed in Egg Harbor, at Bedford, &c.
VESSELS OF WAR TAKEN BY CONGRESS.
Vessels. Guns.
Serapis, 44 Paul Jones,
Drake, 18 Ranger, Paul Jones,
Thorn, 16 Boston, Tucker,
Countess of Scarborough, 22 Paul Jones.
_Destroyed._
Augusta, 64 At Mud Fort,
Acteon, 28 At Fort Sullivan,
Mermaid, 21 Off Cape Henlopen,
Merlin, 18 At Mud Fort.
VESSELS OF WAR DESTROYED BY ACCIDENT.
_English._
Somerset, 64
Repulse, 32
Arethusa, 32
Liverpool, 28
Syren, 28
Leviathan, 26
Grampus, 26
Tortoise, 26
Glasgow, 24
Vestal, 20
Mercury, 20
Cruiser, 16
Otter, 16
Pomona, 16
Zebra, 16
Cupid, 16
Savage, 16
Pegasus, 14
Spy, 14
Swallow, 14
Viper, 14
_French._
Roland, 64
Zephyr, 32
Monarque, 64
Fox, 28
_Spanish._
Pondersoso, 70
Notre Dame,
St Joseph, 70
Rosa, 30
Congres,
Carmes, 36
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, July 6th, 1780.
Sir,
In looking over the long list of vessels belonging to the United
States, taken and destroyed, and recollecting the whole history of the
rise and progress of our navy, it is very difficult to avoid tears.
Nevertheless, what we have done and lost, shows what we can do. Our
resources of materials, artists, and seamen, are not exhausted. But it
is impossible not to inquire, whether we have not committed errors in
the destination of our vessels? Whether our navy is equal to the
attack or defence of places? Whether our articles of war for the
government of the marine, are adequate to the introduction of that
obedience and discipline that are necessary? Whether cruising for the
protection of our own trade, against the depredations of privateers
and smaller vessels of war of our enemies, and for the purpose of
making prizes of transports and merchant ships, is not the object
fittest in the present stage of our naval history, to encourage seamen
to engage in our service, to form officers, to supply the United
States with many things, and to weaken and distress our foes? Officers
who have a thirst for glory, and wish to distinguish themselves by
brilliant battles, ought not to be discouraged, but I cannot but
think, that at this period they would do more essential service to
their country, by a line of conduct leading to fewer laurels, but more
wealth.
In all events, however, it is to be hoped and presumed, that Congress
will give great attention to their navy, to the augmentation of ships,
the multiplication of seamen, the improvement of discipline, and the
formation of officers. Americans, I see, must cherish their own navy.
I fear that no other nation would grieve very much at the total
destruction of it, before the conclusion of a peace. I am sorry to say
this; but I have heard such hints as convince me, that it is my duty
to put Congress on their guard, and to entreat them to leave nothing
unattempted to put their marine upon the best footing in their power.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, July 7th, 1780.
Sir,
On the 27th of June Mr Hartley, after a speech of an hour long, moved,
that the House would give him leave to bring in a bill, to the end to
empower the Court, to adopt the most proper means to make peace with
America. After a short debate, the question being put, the majority
was for the negative. This motion is said to have had the less
success, because it is founded on a principle absolutely false and
derogatory to the royal prerogative. The King of England, to make
peace, wants nothing but the will. It is in this case only that he is
absolute. The American war was commenced without the participation of
Parliament. Why should they give the King new powers to bring it to a
conclusion? There is but one means of forcing him to it, and that is
by refusing him the necessary subsidies; and they are now further from
this than ever. But it is ridiculous to labor to clothe the King with
powers, which are inherent in his title. It is, in other words, to
permit him to be a King.
The bill is of the following tenor. "Whereas for some years there have
arisen unfortunate disputes between Great Britain and several
Provinces of North America, which have occasioned the calamities of
war; to the end to prevent a greater effusion of blood, and to
re-establish peace, be it enacted, that his Majesty be permitted by
virtue of letters patent, to nominate Commissioners with power to
treat, consult, and agree upon the means of restoring peace, in
concert with persons authorised for this purpose by the said Provinces
of North America. That, to facilitate the good intentions of this
bill, be it enacted, that the King give power to the said
Commissioners, to cause to be suspended all hostilities by land and by
sea, for so long a time and under such conditions and restrictions as
they shall judge proper. That, to the end to establish upon a good
foundation, a cordial reconciliation and a durable peace between Great
Britain and the said Provinces, by reinstating them in their ancient
friendship, his Majesty may legally permit his said Commissioners to
grant and to ratify, from time to time, any article of pacification,
which thus granted and ratified, shall have its full and entire
effect for ten years, to be dated from the 1st of August of the
present year. That, for removing every obstacle, which may oppose
itself, to the full execution of any article of pacification, his
Majesty shall be at liberty, by any order in writing, signed with his
hand and countersigned by one or more Secretaries of State, to
authorise the said Commissioners to suspend, during ten years, to be
dated from the 1st of August of the present year, the execution of any
act of Parliament, which concerns the said Provinces, so far as the
said acts, their clauses or conditions, may put any obstacle to the
full effect, and to the execution of any article of pacification
between Great Britain and the said Provinces. That, to the end to
establish a durable reconciliation, and a perpetual peace between
Great Britain and the said Provinces, be it enacted, that all and
every article of pacification, resolved and ratified for ten years as
aforesaid, shall be from time to time communicated to both Houses of
Parliament, to be by them examined, as forming the base of a sincere
and durable union; and that every one of the said articles having been
once approved in Parliament, shall have forever its full and entire
effect. That the present act shall remain in force until the 31st of
December."
Having been disappointed, by another accident, of my English papers, I
have been obliged to translate this bill from the Courier de l'Europe,
I hope to transmit the original in a few days. It is however of so
little consequence, that it is scarce worth transcribing. Other
grounds must be taken than that of General Conway, Governor Pownal, or
Mr Hartley, before anything will be done in earnest towards peace. The
history of Charleston, and the numberless fictions with which the
stockjobbers have decorated it, have raised the stocks three and a
half per cent, and have given such a temporary intoxication to the
people, that scarce anything is talked of but unconditional
submission.
The affair of Mobile, the dispersion of both the outward and homeward
bound Quebec fleet, the indecisive battles between de Guichen and
Rodney, and the anxiety for Walsingham's fleet, and twenty other
fears, begin now to sink their spirits again.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
_N. B._ Sir George Saville moved on the same day a resolution, that
the American war was unconstitutional, expensive, and ruinous, but
this motion was rejected by nearly the same majority.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, July 7th, 1780.
Sir,
On the 21st of last month, the merchants of the city of Amsterdam
arrived at the Hague, and presented to their High Mightinesses a
petition, conceived in these terms.
"To their High Mightinesses, our Lords, the States-General of the
United Provinces.
"The subscribers, all merchants, trading to the West Indies, and
established under the jurisdiction of this State, give respectfully to
understand, that, to their great regret, the petitioners have learned,
by the way of a ship, lately arrived from Curaçoa, the unheard of ill
treatment exercised by the English in taking the barques belonging to
the subjects of their High Mightinesses, which trade with the French
possessions in the said countries, and which, loaded with the
productions of the said countries, purchased or consigned, make sail
to return to the islands or places which belong to the dominions of
their High Mightinesses, without having even to this time, that your
petitioners know of, returned either the barques or cargoes; but so
far from it, that the cargoes of some of them have been already
condemned, and the barques restored empty; a fate which the
petitioners fear to see others undergo likewise. And as by these
vexations and unparalleled ill treatment, the subjects of your High
Mightinesses, contrary to all kinds of right, are deprived of their
property and effects embarked, as well as of the liberty which is
assured to them by the treaties subsisting between the Crown of
England and this State, and by these means see themselves reduced to
an impossibility of being able to procure for the ships sent from home
to the West Indies, the cargoes necessary for their return, all
expeditions and adventures of merchandises from our countries to these
places must absolutely cease, and draw after it the inevitable ruin of
this branch of commerce, so important as well as that of many of the
subjects of your High Mightinesses, both in this country and in the
West Indies."
"For these causes, the petitioners pray, in all humility, that your
High Mightinesses would be pleased to take this navigation and
commerce, forming an object so considerable, under your effectual
protection, in the first place, by granting the necessary convoy to
ships which go to the West Indies, or which return from thence, and in
the next place, to order to cruise in those seas a sufficient number
of vessels of war, or even to order them to escort the barques in
question, and other trading ships, loaded with productions and
effects permitted by the treaties, and making sail for the French
Colonies, or returning from them, to the end to secure them from all
further insult; which will preserve at the same time the petitioners,
as well as many other subjects of the Republic from total ruin. That
it may, moreover, please your High Mightinesses to charge the Count de
Welderen, your Envoy Extraordinary to the British Court, to make the
necessary representations touching the seizure of these barques, to
seek to obtain of the English Ministry, that the requisite orders may
be sent to the Colonies of his Britannic Majesty, for releasing the
aforesaid barques with their cargoes, paying, at the same time, the
expenses occasioned by their seizure; in fine, that by the good and
efficacious offices of his Excellency, things may be directed in such
a manner, that on the part of the Court of St James, they may write to
Jamaica and elsewhere, and not interrupt for the future, the subjects
of their High Mightinesses in the exercise of this lawful commerce,
but to permit them to enjoy a free navigation and commerce, such as
have been solemnly accorded and guaranteed to them by the treaty of
1674."
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *