hemp, are raised and manufactured in America. Fields, of a hundred
thousand acres, of hemp, are to be seen spontaneously growing between
the Ohio and the Mississippi, and of a quality little inferior to the
European."
Are not these articles as precious to France, Spain, and Holland as to
England? Will not these powers be proportionably active to procure a
share of them, or a liberty to trade in them, as England will be to
defend her monopoly of them? And will not America be as alert to
obtain the freedom of selling them to the best advantage in a variety
of markets as other nations will for that of purchasing them?
Will the coasting trade, and that of the Baltic and Mediterranean,
with the small intercourse we have in our bottoms with other nations,
furnish seamen sufficient for a navy necessary for the protection of
Great Britain and its trade? Will our mariners continue as they are,
when our manufactures are laboring under the disadvantage of receiving
their materials at higher and exorbitant prices, and selling at
foreign markets at a certain loss. Will these nurseries of seamen,
thus weakened, supply the loss of eighty thousand, sustained by the
independence of America, and the conquest of the West Indies?
But what is the tendency of this? If it serves to convince Britain
that she should continue the war, does it not serve to convince the
allies that they ought to continue it too? For they are to get all
that Britain is to lose, and America is to be the greatest gainer of
all; whereas she is not only to lose these objects, but her liberties
too, if she is subdued. France, Spain, and all the other maritime
powers, are to gain a share of these objects, if Britain loses them;
whereas they not only lose all share in them, but even the safety and
existence of their flags upon the ocean may be lost, if America is
reduced, and the British monopoly of American trade, fisheries, and
seamen is revived.
"It does not require the spirit of divination to perceive that Great
Britain, robbed of her foreign dominions and commerce, her nurseries
of seamen lost, her navy weakened, and the power of her ambitious
neighbors thus strengthened and increased, will not be able to
maintain her independence among the nations."
If she would now make peace, she might preserve not only her
independence, but a great share of her present importance. If she
continues this war but a year or two longer, she will be reduced to
the government of her own island, in two independent kingdoms,
Scotland and England probably. As to conquest and subordination to
some neighboring power, none that has common sense would accept the
government of that island, because it would cost infinitely more to
maintain it than it would be worth.
Thus I have given some account of these "cool thoughts on the
consequences of American independence," which I consider as the result
of all the consultations and deliberations of the refugees upon the
subject.
I think it might as well have been entitled, an Essay towards
demonstrating that it is the clear interest and the indispensable duty
of America, to maintain her sovereignty and her alliances at all
events, and of France, Spain, Holland, and all the maritime powers to
support her in the possession of them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, June 16th, 1780.
Sir,
I have just received a letter from Nantes, brought in a ship from New
London. I enclose your Excellency a newspaper enclosed in it, and an
extract of the letter, which is from a gentleman who is a member of
the assembly, and one of the judges of Boston. This is all the news I
have. I hope your Excellency has more by the same vessel.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
_P. S._ I have mislaid the letter from Boston. The extract informed,
that a bill had passed the two Houses of Assembly, adopting the
resolution of Congress of the 18th of March, and establishing an
annual tax for seven years, for the redemption of their part of the
bills payable in silver and gold, or in produce at the market price,
in hard money.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, June 17th, 1780.
Sir,
The refugees in England are so great an obstacle to peace, that it
seems not improper for me to take notice of them to Congress. Governor
Hutchinson is dead. Whether the late popular insurrections, or whether
the resolutions of Congress of the 18th of March, respecting their
finances, by suddenly extinguishing the last rays of his hopes, put a
sudden end to his life, or whether it was owing to any other cause, I
know not. He was born to be the cause and the victim of popular fury,
outrage, and conflagrations. Descended from an ancient and honorable
family, born and educated in America, professing all the zeal of the
congregational religion, affecting to honor the characters of the
first planters of the new world, and to vindicate the character of
America, and especially of New England, early initiated into public
business, industrious and indefatigable in it, beloved and esteemed by
the people, elected and trusted by them and their representatives, his
views opened and extended by repeated travels in Europe, engaged in
extensive correspondence in Europe as well as in America, favored by
the Crown of Great Britain, and possessed of its honors and
emoluments; possessed of all these advantages and surrounded by all
these circumstances, he was perhaps the only man in the world who
could have brought on the controversy between Great Britain and
America, in the manner and at the time it was done, and involved the
two countries in an enmity, which must end in their everlasting
separation. Yet this was the character of the man, and these his
memorable actions. An inextinguishable ambition and avarice, that were
ever seen among his other qualities, and which grew with his growth
and strengthened with his age and experience, and at last predominated
over every other principle of his heart, rendered him credulous to a
childish degree, of everything that favored his ruling passion, and
blind and deaf to everything that thwarted it, to such a degree, that
his representations, with those of his fellow-laborer, Bernard, drew
on the King, Ministry, Parliament, and nation, to concert measures,
which will end in their reduction and the exaltation of America.
I think I see visible traces of his councils in a number of pamphlets,
not long since published in London, and ascribed to Mr Galloway. It is
most probable, that they were concerted between the Ministry and the
refugees in general, and that Mr Galloway was to be given out as the
ostensible, as he probably was the principal author.
"The cool thoughts on the consequences of American independence,"
although calculated to inflame a hasty warlike nation to pursue the
conquest of America, are sober reasons for defending our independence
and our alliances, and therefore proper for me to lay before my
countrymen. The pamphlet says, "it has been often asserted, that Great
Britain has expended in settling and defending America, more than she
will ever be able to repay, and that it will be more to the profit of
this kingdom to give her independence, and to lose what we have
expended, than to retain her as a part of her dominions." To this he
answers, "that the bounties on articles of commerce, and the expense
of the last war, ought not to be charged to America, and that the sums
expended in support of Colonial governments, have been confined to New
York, the Carolinas, Georgia, Nova Scotia, and East and West Florida.
That New England, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, and
Virginia, have not cost Great Britain a farthing, and that the whole
expense of the former is no more than £1,700,000, and when we deduct
the £700,000, extravagantly expended in building a key at Halifax, we
can only call it one million." He concludes, "that posterity will feel
that America was not only worth all that was spent upon her, but that
a just, firm, and constitutional subordination of the Colonies, was
absolutely necessary to the independence and existence of Great
Britain." Here I think I see the traces of Mr Hutchinson.
Another argument, he says, much relied on by the advocates for
American independence is, "that a similarity of laws, religion, and
manners, has formed an attachment between the people of Great Britain
and America, which will ensure to Great Britain a preference in the
commerce of America." He agrees, "that a uniformity of laws and
religion, united with a subordination to the same supreme authority,
in a great measure forms and fixes the national attachment. But when
the laws and the supreme authority are abolished, the manners, habits,
and customs derived from them will soon be effaced. When different
systems of laws and governments shall be established, other habits and
manners must take place. The fact is, that the Americans have already
instituted governments, as opposite to the principles upon which the
British government is established as human invention could possibly
devise. New laws are made, and will be made in conformity to, and in
support of their new political systems, and of course destructive to
this national attachment. Their new States being altogether popular,
their essential laws do already, and will continue to bear a greater
resemblance to those of the democratical Cantons of Switzerland, than
to the laws and policy of Great Britain. Thus we find, in their first
acts, the strongest of all proofs of an aversion in their rulers to
our national policy, and a sure foundation laid to obliterate all
affection and attachment to this country among the people. How long
then can we expect that their attachment, arising from a similarity of
laws, habits, and manners, if any such should remain, will continue?
No longer than between the United Provinces and Spain, or the
Corsicans and the Genoese, which was changed, from the moment of their
separation, into an enmity, which is not worn out to this day."
How it is possible for these rulers, who are the creatures of the
people, and constantly dependent upon them for their political
existence, to have the strongest aversion to the national policy of
Great Britain, and at the same time the far greater part of the people
wish and hope for a union with that country, and are ready to unite in
reducing the powers of those rulers, as this author asserts, I know
not. I leave him to reconcile it. If he had been candid, and confessed
that the attachment in American minds in general is not very strong to
the laws and government of England, and that they rather prefer a
different form of government, I should have agreed with him, as I
certainly shall agree, that no attachment between nations arising
merely from a similarity of laws and government, is ever very strong,
or sufficient to bind nations together, who have opposite or even
different interests.
"As to attachments," says he, "arising from a similarity of religion,
they will appear still more groundless and ridiculous. America has no
predominant religion. There is not a religious society in Europe,
which is not to be found in America. If we wish to visit the churches
of England, or the meetings of the Lutherans, Methodists, Calvinists,
Presbyterians, Moravians, Menonists, Swinfielders, Dumplers, or Roman
Catholics, we shall find them all in America.
"What a motley, or rather how many different and opposite attachments,
will this jumble of religions make.
"Should there be any remains of this kind of national attachment, we
may conclude, that the Lutherans, Calvinists, Menonists, Swinfielders,
Dumplers, and Moravians, will be attached to Germany, the country from
whence they emigrated, and where their religions are best tolerated;
the Presbyterians and Puritans to Ireland, and the Roman Catholics to
France, Spain, and the Pope, and the small number of the Church of
England to Great Britain.
"Do we not daily see, Monarchies at war with Monarchies, Infidels with
Infidels, Christians with Christians, Catholics with Catholics, and
Dissenters with Dissenters? What stress then can be justly laid on an
attachment arising from a similarity of laws, government, or religion?
"It has also been asserted, that America will be led from motives of
interest, to give the preference in trade to this country, because we
can supply her with manufactures cheaper than she can raise them or
purchase them from others.
"But a commercial alliance is already ratified, greatly injurious to
the trade of Great Britain, and should France succeed in supporting
American independence, no one can doubt but other treaties, yet more
injurious, will be added; and as to the ability of America to
manufacture, she possesses, or can produce a greater variety of raw
materials, than any other country on the globe. When she shall have a
separate and distinct interest of her own to pursue, her views will be
enlarged, her policy exerted to her own benefit, and her interest
instead of being united with, will become not only different from, but
opposite to that of Great Britain. She will readily perceive, that
manufactures are the great foundation of commerce, that commerce is
the great means of acquiring wealth, and that wealth is necessary to
her own safety. With these interesting prospects before her, it is
impossible to conceive, that she will not exert her capacity to
promote manufactures and commerce. She will see it to be clearly her
interest not only to manufacture for herself but others. Laws will be
made granting bounties to encourage it, and duties will be laid to
discourage or prohibit foreign importations. By these measures her
manufactures will increase, her commerce will be extended; and feeling
the benefits of them as they rise, her industry will be excited, until
she shall not only supply her own wants, but those of Great Britain
herself, with all the manufactures made with her own materials. The
nature of commerce is roving; she has been at different periods in
possession of the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and the Venetians;
Germany and France lately enjoyed her, and supplied Great Britain with
their manufactures. Great Britain at present folds her in her arms."
Surely it was never intended that any American should read this
pamphlet, it contains so many arguments and motives for perseverance
in our righteous and glorious cause. It is astonishing, however, that,
instead of stimulating England to pursue their unjust and inglorious
enterprise, it does not convince all of the impracticability of it,
and induce them to make peace.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, June 20th, 1780.
Sir,
Last evening I received the letter, an extract of which I have the
honor to enclose. It is from Mr Gerry, a member of Congress, who has
been a member of their Treasury Board from the beginning of the year
1776.[5]
[5] See this letter above, dated May 5th, 1780, p. 52.
It is much to be regretted, that the Congress did not publish their
resolution to pay off the loan office certificates, according to the
value of money, at the time of their being respectively issued, with
their resolutions of the 18th of March; because this I think would
have prevented the alarm, that has been spread in Europe. It will be
found, that almost all the interest that European merchants or others
have in our funds, lies in these certificates, and that almost all the
paper bills now in possession of their factors in America, have been
received within a few months; immediately before the 18th of March,
and consequently received at a depreciation of forty for one, at
least, perhaps at a much greater.
Although some Europeans may have considerable sums in loan office
certificates, yet I have reason to believe, that the whole will be
found much less than is imagined. They have realized their property
generally as they went along. Some may have purchased land, others
have purchased bills of exchange, others have purchased the produce of
the country, which they have exported to St Eustatia, to the French
West India Islands, and to Europe.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
Versailles, June 21st, 1780.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on
the 16th of this month, and also the extract of the letter addressed
to you from Boston, dated the 26th of April.
From this it appears, that the Assembly of Massachusetts has
determined to adopt the resolution of Congress, fixing the value of
the paper money at forty for one in specie. On reading that
resolution, I was persuaded, that it had no other object than that of
restoring the value of the paper money by lessening its quantity, and
that in consequence of that operation the paper not brought in would
take its course according to the circumstances, that would give it a
greater or less degree of credit. What confirmed me in this opinion,
was the liberty given to the possessors of the paper money to carry it
to the treasury of their State, or to keep it in their own possession.
But from the information I have since received, and the letter, which
you have been pleased to communicate to me, I have reason to believe,
that it is the intention of Congress to maintain the paper money
invariably at the exchange of forty for one, and to settle on that
footing all the paper money, which has been thrown into circulation,
in order to reduce insensibly the two hundred millions of dollars, for
which it is indebted, to five millions.
I will not presume, Sir, to criticise upon this operation, because I
have no right to examine or comment upon the internal arrangements,
which Congress may consider as just and profitable; and moreover I
readily agree, that there may be some situations so critical as to
force the best regulated and best established governments to adopt
extraordinary measures to repair their finances, and put them in a
condition to answer the public expenses; and this I am persuaded has
been the principal reason, that induced Congress to depreciate the
money, which they themselves have emitted.
But while I admit, Sir, that that Assembly might have recourse to the
expedient abovementioned in order to remove their load of debt, I am
far from agreeing, that it is just, or agreeable to the ordinary
course of things to extend the effect to strangers, as well as to
citizens of the United States. On the contrary, I think it ought to be
confined to Americans, and that an exception ought to be made in favor
of strangers, or at least, that some means ought to be devised to
indemnify them, for the losses they may suffer by the general laws.
In order to make you sensible of the truth of this observation, I will
only remark, Sir, that the Americans alone ought to support the
expense, which is occasioned by the defence of their liberty, and that
they ought to consider the depreciation of their paper money, only as
an impost which ought to fall upon themselves, as the paper money was
at first established only to relieve them from the necessity of paying
taxes. I will only add, that the French, if they are obliged to submit
to the reduction proposed by Congress, will find themselves victims of
their zeal, and I may say of the rashness, with which they exposed
themselves in furnishing the Americans with arms, ammunition, and
clothing; and in a word, with all things of the first necessity, of
which the Americans at the time stood in need. You will agree with me,
Sir, that this is not what the subjects of the King ought to expect,
and that after escaping the dangers of the sea, the vigilance of the
English, instead of dreading to see themselves plundered in America,
they ought on the contrary, to expect the thanks of Congress, and of
all the Americans, and believe, that their property will be as secure
and sacred in America as in France itself.
It was with this persuasion, and in a reliance on public faith, that
they received paper money in exchange for their merchandise, and kept
that paper with a view to employ it in new speculations of commerce.
The unexpected reduction of this paper overturns all their
calculations at the same time that it ruins their fortune. I ask, Sir,
if these consequences can induce you to believe, that this act of
Congress is proper to advance the credit of the United States, to
inspire a confidence in their promises, to invite the European nations
to run the same risks, to which the subjects of his Majesty have
exposed themselves?
These, Sir, are the principal reflections occasioned by the resolution
of Congress of the 18th of March. I thought it my duty to communicate
them to you with an entire confidence, because you are too enlightened
not to feel their force and justice, and too much attached to your
country, not to use all your endeavors to engage it to take steps to
do justice to the subjects of the King.
I will not conceal from you, that the Chevalier de la Luzerne has
received orders to make the strongest representations on this subject,
and that the King is firmly persuaded, that the United States will be
forward to give to him, on this occasion, a mark of their attachment
by granting to his subjects the just satisfaction, which they solicit
and expect, from the wisdom and justice of the United States.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, June 22d, 1780.
Sir,
I received this day the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor
to write me on the 21st of this month.
I thank your Excellency for the confidence, which induced you to
communicate this letter to me, and the continuance of which I shall
ever study to deserve.
When your Excellency says, that his Majesty's Minister at Congress has
already received orders to make representations against the
resolutions of Congress of the 18th of March, as far as they effect
his subjects, I am at a loss to know with certainty, whether your
Excellency means only, that such orders have lately passed, and are
sent off to go to America, or whether you mean, that such orders were
sent so long ago as to have reached the hand of the Chevalier de la
Luzerne.
If the latter is your Excellency's meaning, there is no remedy; if the
former, I would submit it to your Excellency's consideration, whether
those orders may not be stopped and delayed a little time, until his
Excellency Mr Franklin may have opportunity to make his
representations to his Majesty's Ministers, to the end, that if it
should appear, that those orders were issued in consequence of
misinformation, they may be revoked, otherwise sent on.
I will do myself the honor to write fully to your Excellency upon this
subject without loss of time, and although it is a subject on which I
pretend not to an accurate knowledge in the detail, yet I flatter
myself I am so far master of the principles as to demonstrate, that
the plan of Congress is not only wise, but just.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, June 22d, 1780.
Sir,
I this day acknowledge the receipt of the letter, which you did me the
honor to write to me on the 21st.
I have the honor to agree with your Excellency in opinion, that it is
the intention of Congress to redeem all their paper bills which are
extant, at an exchange of forty for one, by which means, the two
hundred millions of dollars, which are out, will be reduced to about
five millions.