had left the supreme direction of affairs in the hands of Parliament.
The people have now taken it into their own hands. The committee of
Dublin, by communicating with other committees through the kingdom,
will be able to conduct the body of the kingdom, and unite the various
parts of it in certain principles, which will by degrees work
themselves into a system, and complete the independence of Irish
legislation. This will depend, however, upon the continuance of the
war; for if England should be wise enough to make peace, of which
there is little probability, the spirit of Ireland will evaporate, and
their beautiful edifice dissolve, like the fabric of a vision.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, June 2d, 1780.
Sir,
We are informed from the Hague, of the 28th of May, that the merchants
of the Republic have presented two petitions, one to their High
Mightinesses, and the other to their Noble and Grand Mightinesses. The
tenor of the first is as follows.
"To their High Mightinesses, our Lords, the States-General of the
United Provinces.
"The undersigned, merchants, assurers, and owners of vessels, and
freighters, established in these Provinces, give respectfully to
understand, that it is with sentiments of the most sensible gratitude,
that the Commerce has been informed of the affectionate resolution
taken by your High Mightinesses to equip a number of vessels of war to
the end to protect the free navigation of the subjects of this State.
But as the petitioners were ignorant, that the activity of the
progress of the said equipment has to this time been retarded, both by
the sickness, which prevails among the crews of the vessels ready to
put to sea, and by the want of experienced seamen, necessary to the
equipment of vessels put into commission, and by other causes; while
in this interval the most favorable season for navigation slips away,
many ships loaded with merchandises dare not set sail from the ports
of this country, for want of the necessary protection; while they
cannot find means here, nor elsewhere, of insuring but a small portion
of those vessels and their cargoes, and that, even at enormous
premiums, such as have never before been demanded, being from twenty
to thirty per cent, which occasions an interruption and an inactivity
to their navigation so excessive as well as to their commerce, that
their total ruin must necessarily result from it; all the commissions
for merchandises passing elsewhere, without a hope of being able ever
to see them return here, which an unfortunate experience has already
many times proved. For these causes, the petitioners humbly pray, that
it may please your High Mightinesses, to grant and effectuate as soon
as possible the protection necessary; as the commercial interest on
their part are ready to co-operate effectually, to complete the crews,
and to submit to all prompt and convenient measures, which, according
to the exigence of the case, and the urgent circumstances your High
Mightinesses, according to your enlightened wisdom, shall judge to be
the most proper for the preservation of the commerce and the
navigation of your subjects."
The second petition is as follows.
"To their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, our Lords, the States of
Holland and West Friesland.
"The subscribing merchants, assurers, owners of ships, and freighters,
all living in these Provinces, give respectfully to understand, that
the petitioners pressed by the urgent necessity, and to the end to
ward off the total ruin of commerce and navigation, without which
neither they nor the greater part of the inhabitants of the Republic
can subsist, have addressed themselves to your High Mightinesses, our
Lords, the States-General of the United Provinces, to solicit a prompt
protection, by the way of petition, of which the petitioners have the
honor to annex a copy.
"Nevertheless, although the petitioners have every reason to flatter
themselves, that an arrangement equally ready and efficacious, will
soon fulfil their wishes; nevertheless, the better to complete their
views, and for the preservation of commerce and navigation, the soul
and the nerve of the prosperity of the Republic, and to the end to
prevent its inaction, as well as the total ruin of the petitioners,
which would infallibly follow, they think that it would be very
necessary, that it may please your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, to
second in this the petitioners, as in your high wisdom you shall judge
expedient and convenient."
I have before sent a copy of what was published for the answer of the
Court of Madrid to the Russian Declaration. But, as that Court has now
published an authentic copy, which is a little different from that,
although more clear and better, I beg leave to trouble Congress with
a translation of it.
"The King has been informed of the fashion of thinking of the Empress
of Russia, in regard to the powers, both belligerent and neuter, by a
Memorial, which M. Stephen de Zinowioff, Minister of that sovereign,
has presented on the 15th of this month, to the Count de Florida
Blanca, first Secretary of State. The King considers this act of the
Empress, as an effect of the just confidence, which his Majesty has
merited on his part; and it is to him so much the more agreeable, as
the principles adopted by this sovereign are those which have ever
governed the King, and which his Majesty endeavored, by all possible
means, although without effect, to induce England to observe, during
the time that Spain herself was neuter. These principles are those of
justice, of equity, and of moderation; these same principles in fine,
Russia, and all the powers have acknowledged in the resolutions of his
Majesty; and it is only by the conduct, which the English navy has
established, both in the last and present war, (a conduct, which
subverts the rules the most constantly observed in regard to neutral
powers) that his Majesty has seen himself under the necessity of
imitating it; because the English not respecting the neutral flag,
when it had on board the effects of an enemy, although they were not
contraband, and this flag not defending itself against these
violences, they could not, with justice, hinder Spain from using equal
reprisals, to secure herself from the enormous prejudice, which would
result from an inequality in this respect.
"The neutral powers, on their side, have also given occasion to the
inconveniences, which they have suffered, by having served themselves
with double papers, and other artifices, to the end to prevent the
capture of their vessels. From this have followed the numerous
captures and detentions, as well as the consequences, which have
resulted from them; although in truth, these have not been so
prejudicial as has been pretended. On the contrary, we know, that some
of these detentions have turned to the advantage of the owners of the
cargoes; the provisions, of which they were composed, having been sold
in the port where the ships were tried, at a price higher than the
price current at the place of their destination.
"The King, nevertheless, not content with these proofs of his
justification, manifested to the eyes of all Europe, would at this day
have the glory of being the first to give the example of respecting
the neutral flag of all the Courts, which have consented, or which
shall consent, to defend it, until his Majesty shall see the part,
which the English navy shall take, and until he shall discover, by
experience, whether this navy will restrain itself or not, as well as
the English privateers. And to this end to make it appear to all the
powers how ready Spain is to observe, now she is at war, the same
rules, which she desired while she was neuter, his Majesty conforms
himself to the other points contained in the declaration of Russia, it
being well understood, that what concerns the place blockaded, of
Gibraltar, the danger of entering into that subsists in the manner in
which this point is ascertained by the fourth article of the said
declaration, by the means of the number of vessels stationed there to
form the blockade; a danger, however, which the neutral vessels may
avoid, by conforming to the rules of precaution established in the
declaration of his Majesty, of the 13th of March last, which has been
communicated to the Court of Petersburg by the means of its Minister.
"Aranjuez, the 18th of April, 1780.
DE FLORIDA BLANCA."
* * * * *
There are two articles worth translating from the foreign gazettes, if
it were only as specimens of the art, which is employed to keep the
enemy in uncertainty about the designs of this Court, and the
destinations of their fleets, whether successfully or not.
The first is, Amsterdam, 29th of May. A letter from Toulon, of the 8th
of this month, contains the following details. "Orders have arrived
here from Court, to send out into the Road, as soon as may be, the
ships of the line, the Zélé and the Marseillois; but as the
destination of these two ships is kept extremely secret, we exhaust
ourselves in conjectures concerning the object of the operations,
which they are ordered to execute. Some will have it, that they have
orders to go and join the squadron of Don Solano, which sailed from
Cadiz the 28th of last month, which it is pretended is bound to Brest.
Others presume, that they have no other commission, than to go and
cruise in the neighborhood of Mahon, to keep in the privateers, which
frequently come out from thence, and which give extreme trouble to the
navigation of the ports of the Mediterranean; in fine, there are some
who believe that these vessels are to co-operate in an important
enterprise, which is to be attempted in that sea. However this may be,
as we know that a number of vessels have been taken up upon freight,
on account of the King, and that they may easily embark in our port
eleven or twelve thousand men; as moreover, it is more than probable
that on the one hand, the entrance of the Straits of Gibraltar being
sufficiently guarded by the Spaniards, so that there will not be
occasion for a strong squadron to protect the transport vessels, which
may be employed in an expedition against Mahon; and that on the other
hand, the English being sufficiently occupied on diverse sides, may
not be able easily to send to the relief of this island, we conclude
from the combination of these different circumstances, that it may
very well happen, that they may attempt this conquest, the success of
which does not appear in effect to present any very insurmountable
difficulties, and which would procure, after all, an advantage
sufficiently important to the good of our commerce in general to merit
that at least we should make the essay."
The other article is in the Amsterdam Gazette of the 30th of May, and
from Paris the 23d of May, 1780.
"We are of opinion here, that M. de Ternay is ordered to conduct the
division of M. de Rochambeau to Canada, and that with so much the more
foundation, as we see everywhere what M. de Sartine has published of
the despatches of the Count de Guichen, that the arrival of his
squadron in the seas of the Antilles, was sufficient to give us there
a decided superiority. We cannot, moreover, but applaud the prudence
of M. de Guichen and M. de Bouillé, in not sacrificing, perhaps in
vain, a great many lives, to expel the English from the island of St
Lucia, these two Generals having, without doubt, designs more
important, and the success of which appears to them more certain,
which naturally raises conjectures, that M. de Guichen proposed very
soon to put to sea. However this may be, there are, nevertheless,
other people who presume, that if the Count de Rochambeau does not go
directly to Canada, he may very well go and disembark at Rhode
Island, where he may make a place of arms, in order to go from thence,
and join himself to General Washington, and attack New York together,
while it is unfurnished with a strong garrison."
In this manner it is, that some person or other is employed to give
scope to the speculations and conjectures of the public, while the
Courts of Europe flatter themselves, that their real Councils are kept
secret. There is reason, however, to believe that, in fact, the
Councils of all the Courts of Europe are penetrated by their enemies.
The Councils of Congress, in many striking and important instances,
although necessarily confided to such numbers, have been much more
inviolably kept, without the aid of hired paragraph writers to
disguise them. Our character and interest depend upon improving this
fidelity, as well as upon discountenancing both by manners and
authority, that base art so prevalent in Europe, that of political
lying.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, June 2d, 1780.
Sir,
When a Minister of an ancient nation, which has been renowned for its
wisdom and virtue, as well as power, rises in a popular assembly,
which is the most conspicuous theatre in Europe, and declares, as it
were, in the face of all the world, and with an air of reflection, of
deliberation, and of solemnity, that such and such are his own
opinions, concerning the truth of facts, and the probability of future
events, one cannot call in question his good faith, although we may
know his information to be false, and his judgment erroneous.
Lord George Germain, in the debate in the House of Commons, on the 6th
of May, declared, that "he flattered himself the completion of the
chief wish of his heart, peace with America, on what he thought good
and honorable terms for Great Britain, was not far off. He verily
believed, and his belief was not merely speculative, but founded on
recent information, that the moment of conciliation was near. His
Lordship described the misery, which the Americans felt at this time,
and stated, that the greatest majority of the people there were ready
and desirous to return to their allegiance, but that they were
prevented by the tyranny of those, who had got the power of government
into their own hands. He did not believe the Congress would ever treat
for peace, but from the condition of affairs in America, from the
depreciation of their paper currency, from the poverty and distress of
the country, from the great debt it groaned under, from the
dissatisfaction, which all ranks of people expressed at the alliance
with France, from the little benefit America had derived from that
alliance; from all these considerations he did believe, that the
people of America and the Assemblies of America would soon come to
terms."
There may be some ambiguity in the phrase, "good and honorable terms
for Great Britain;" but there can be no reasonable doubt, that his
Lordship meant either to return to their allegiance to Great Britain,
or at least to make a peace with her, separate from France. Whether
the Americans ever will agree to such terms or not, being a question
concerning a future event, cannot be decided by witnesses, nor any
other way, but by probable arguments. There is one argument, which his
Lordship does not appear to have considered. It is of some weight. It
is this, that in order to return to their allegiance to the King of
England, or make a peace with him, separate from France, they must
involve themselves in a certain war with France and Spain, at least,
and indeed, according to present appearances, with Russia, Sweden,
Denmark, Holland, and Portugal, for every one of these powers appear
to be as decided against the claims, pretensions, and usurpations of
Great Britain upon the seas, as France and Spain are. There is not an
American merchant, yeoman, tradesman, or seaman, but knows this, or
will know it very soon. Americans must therefore be destitute of that
common share of reason, which God has given to men, to exchange the
friendship of all the nations of the world for their enmity, merely
for the sake of returning to a connexion with Great Britain, which
could not protect them, and which they have the best reasons to dread
as the greatest evil that could befal them, from the unheard of
tyrannies and cruelties they have already experienced from her. His
Lordship is desired to consider this, and to ask himself if he was an
American, whether he would wish to run under the broken fragments of
an empire, that is dashed in pieces, like a china vase, and commence a
fresh war against a combination of all the nations of the world, who
discover a degree of esteem and regard for America.
If the Americans are as miserable as his Lordship represents them,
will they be likely to increase that misery tenfold, and make it
perpetual, by exposing the cause of a ruined empire, and going to war
with half a dozen that are not ruined?
If we believe the testimonies of witnesses, who come from all parts of
America, we shall be convinced, that his Lordship deceives himself.
Every man from that country, who knows the principles and opinions of
the people, declares, that they are, with an unanimity, that is
unexampled in any other revolution, firmly determined to maintain
their sovereignty and their alliances, and that there is nobody there
who utters a wish of returning to the government of Great Britain, or
even of making a separate peace.
But if his Lordship was a candid inquirer after truth, and had a mind
sufficiently enlightened to discover the means, that are in the power
of all men, of obtaining it, he might have seen his error. There are
certain marks, by which the opinions, principles, inclinations, and
wishes of a people, may be discovered with infallible certainty,
without recurring to witnesses, or to far fetched arguments.
The press, the towns, the juries, and the Assemblies, are four
sources, from whence an unerring demonstration of the true sentiments
of the people of America may be drawn. There is not in any nation of
the world so unlimited a freedom of the press as is now established in
every State of America, both by law and practice. Every man in Europe,
who reads their newspapers, must see it. There is nothing that the
people dislike, that they do not attack. They attack officers of every
rank in the militia, and in the army; they attack judges, governors,
and magistrates, of every denomination. They attack Assemblies, and
Councils, members of Congress, and Congress itself, whenever they
dislike their conduct. But I appeal to every newspaper upon the
Continent, whether one paragraph, one wish, or hint of returning to
the government of Great Britain, or of making a separate peace, has
ever appeared.
The towns in many parts of America are small districts of territory,
on an average perhaps six miles square. By the ancient laws of the
country, which are still in force, any seven inhabitants of one of
these towns have a right to demand of the magistrates a public
assembly of all. There are necessarily several of these town meetings
every year, and generally a great number of them. In these assemblies,
every man, high and low, every yeoman, tradesman, and even day
laborer, as well as every gentleman and public magistrate, has a right
to vote, and to speak his sentiments upon public affairs, to propose
measures, to instruct their representatives in the Legislature, &c.
This right was constantly and frequently used under the former
government, and is now much more frequently used under the new. The
world has seen some hundreds of sets of instructions to
representatives under the former government, wherein they enjoined an
open opposition to judges, governors, acts of Parliament, King, Lords,
and Commons of Great Britain. What is there now to prevent them from
opposing Congress? Nothing. Has a single vote of any one of these
towns been read, or one speech heard, proposing, or uttering a wish to
return to the government of Great Britain? Not one. Is not this a
demonstration of the sentiments of the people?
Juries in America were formerly another organ, by which the sentiments
of the people were conveyed to the public. Both Grand Juries and Petit
Juries, have expressed themselves in language sufficiently bold and
free, against acts of Parliament, and the conduct of Great Britain.
But has any one ever uttered a word against Congress, or the
Assemblies, or the judges, under their new governments? or a wish to
return to the obedience of England? Not one. But it is said, the paper
money embarrasses Congress. What then? Does this tend to make them
dissolve their union? To violate their alliances? Would the paper
money embarrass Congress less if they had a war to maintain against
France and Spain, than it does now? Would not the embarrassment be
much greater? Does the paper money prevent the increase and the
population of the States? No. Does the war prevent it? No. Both the
population and the property of the States have increased every year,
since this war began. And all the efforts of Great Britain cannot
prevent it. On the contrary, has the wealth and population of Great
Britain increased? Has her commerce increased? Has the political
weight of the nation in the scales of Europe increased? Let a
melancholy Briton tell.
His Lordship talks about the misery of the people in America. Let him
look at home, and then say, where is misery! where the hideous
prospect of an internal civil war is added to a war with all the
world. The truth is, that agriculture and manufactures, not of
luxuries, but of necessaries, have been so much increased by this war,
that it is much to be doubted, whether they ever fed or clothed
themselves more easily or more comfortably. But, besides this, the
immense depredations they have made upon the British trade, have
introduced vast quantities of British merchandises of every sort. And
in spite of all the exertions of the British fleet, their trade is
opening and extending with various countries every year, and Britain
herself is forced to aid it, and will be more and more; a recent proof
of which, is the permission to import American tobacco into the
kingdom from any part of the world in neutral bottoms.
The great debt is also mentioned. Do they pay an interest for this
debt? Is every necessary and convenience of life taxed to perpetuity,
to pay this interest? Is the whole equal in proportion to their
abilities to the debt of England? Would the debt be rendered less, by
joining Great Britain against France and Spain? Would the war against
France and Spain be shorter, less expensive, or less bloody, than the
war against England? By returning to England, would not their debt be
ten times more burdensome? This debt is as nothing to America, once
give her peace, let the Americans trade freely with one another, and
with all other nations, and this debt would be but a feather. Let them
come under Great Britain again, and have the communication between one
Colony and another obstructed, as heretofore, and their trade confined
to Great Britain, as heretofore, and this debt would be a heavier
millstone about their necks, than that of England is about theirs.
A general repugnance to the alliance with France, is mentioned. A
greater mistake was never made. On the contrary, every step of
Congress, every proceeding of every Assembly upon the continent, every
prayer that is made in the pulpit, and every speculation in the
newspapers, demonstrates the high sense they have of the importance of
this alliance. It is said, that this alliance has been of little
utility. Has it not employed the British army? has it not cut out work
enough for the British navy? has it not wasted for England her annual
twenty millions? has it not prevented these from being employed
against America? has it not given scope to American privateers? has it
not protected the American trade? has it not hurt that of Great
Britain? has it not engaged Russia, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, and
Portugal, at least to a neutrality? at least has it not contributed
much to these vast advantages to America? has it not taken away from
Great Britain the dominion of the sea, so far as to allow liberty of
navigation to others? It is true, the alliance might have been of more
utility to all the allies with the same expense, if France and Spain
had sooner adopted the policy of sending more of their forces to
America. But they are now so well convinced of it, that unless
miracles are wrought to prevent it, America and England too will soon
see more of the effects of this alliance. Let Britain tremble at the
consequences of her own folly and her own crime.