thirtyseven ships of the line; but it is well known, that they depend
upon seamen to be pressed from their first West India fleet, in order
to make up this computation, without which they cannot make thirty. It
is, therefore, of great importance that this first West India fleet
should be intercepted. It will come home the latter end of June, or
the beginning of July; certainly not before the middle of June. A ship
or two of the line, with a fifty gun ship or two and five or six
frigates, would have a great probability of intercepting this fleet.
Is there any service upon which such a number of vessels could be
better employed, than in cruising pretty far in the Bay of Biscay, and
somewhat north of Cape Clear with this view? It is really astonishing
that France and Spain should be so inattentive to the English convoys.
The safest, easiest, and surest way of reducing the power and the
spirits of the English is to intercept their trade. It is every year
exposed, yet every year escapes; by which means they get spirits to
indulge their passions, money to raise millions, and men to man their
ships.
Pray is it not necessary to think a little of Portugal? Should not
Spain, France, and America too, use their influence with Portugal, to
shut her ports against the armed vessels of all nations at war, or
else admit freely the armed vessels of all? Under her present system
of neutrality, as they call it, the ports of Portugal are as
advantageous to England as any of her own, and more injurious to the
trade of Spain and America if not of France, while they are of no use
at all to France, Spain, or America. This little impotent morsel of a
State ought not to do so much mischief so unjustly. If she is neutral,
let her be neutral; not say she is neutral, and be otherwise.
Would it not be proper for Congress to discover some sensibility to
the injuries, which the United States receive from these States, such
as Denmark and Portugal? I think they should remonstrate coolly and
with dignity; not go to war, nor be in a passion about it; but show
that they understand their behavior. Denmark restored Jones' and
Landais' prizes to England, without knowing why. Why would it not do
to remonstrate; then prohibit any of the productions of Portugal from
being consumed in America?
The prospect brightens in the West Indies. De Guichen has arrived. De
la Motte Piquet has defended himself very well, secured his convoys,
fought the English, even with inferior force, and got the better. De
Guichen's appearance dissipated all thoughts of their expedition, and
threw the English Islands into great consternation; but you will see
in the public prints all the news.
The force from Brest, which sailed on the 2d, and that from Cadiz,
which I hope sailed as soon or sooner, will not diminish the terror
and confusion of the English in America and the islands.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 16th, 1780.
Sir,
I have delivered to the Chevalier de la Colombe, formerly aid-de-camp
to the Marquis de Lafayette, and afterwards to the Baron de Kalb, and
one of my fellow passengers in the leaky Sensible to Ferrol, a number
of letters and three packets of newspapers. He goes in the Alliance.
In a private letter, which I have received from Brussels, I am
informed there is a talk of opening the navigation of Antwerp. This is
a hint. And in the Gazette of France of this day, is a paragraph from
Vienna of the 14th of April, which is another. This Court (Vienna) not
having yet made any maritime treaty with the States of Barbary, and as
its commerce in the Mediterranean may be exposed to their corsairs,
their Imperial and Royal Majesties have resolved in their Council,
that there shall be this year equipped at Trieste and at Fiume one
ship and two frigates of war, for the protection of the commerce of
their subjects.
Time will discover whether there is any English politics in either of
them. Two and twenty millions a year is enough, without sending
additional millions in subsidies.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO M. GENET, AT VERSAILLES.
Paris, May 17th, 1780.
Sir,
General Conway, in his speech in the House of Commons, on the 6th of
May, affirms, that the alliance between France and the United States
is not natural. Whether it is or not, is no doubt a great question. In
order to determine whether it is or not, one should consider what is
meant by a natural alliance; and I know of no better rule than this;
when two nations have the same interests in general, they are natural
allies; when they have opposite interests, they are natural enemies.
The General observes, first, that nature has raised a barrier between
France and America; but nature has raised no other barrier than the
ocean; and the distance and this barrier are equally great between
England and America. The General will not pretend that nature, in the
constitution of American minds or bodies, has laid any foundation for
friendship or enmity towards one nation more than another. The General
observes, further, that habit has raised another barrier between
France and America. But he should have considered, that the habits of
affection or enmity between nations are easily changed, as
circumstances vary, and as essential interests alter. Besides, the
fact is, that the horrible perfidy and cruelty of the English towards
the Americans, which they have taken care to make universally felt in
that country for a long course of years past, have alienated the
American mind and heart from the English; and it is now much to be
doubted, whether any nation of Europe is so universally and heartily
detested by them. On the contrary, most of the other nations of Europe
have treated them with civility, and France and Spain with esteem,
confidence, and affection, which has greatly changed the habits of the
Americans in this respect.
The third material, of which the general barrier is created, is
language. This, no doubt, occasions many difficulties in the
communication between the allies; but it is lessening every day.
Perhaps no language was ever studied at once by so many persons at a
time, in proportion, as the French is now studied in America. And it
is certain, that English was never so much studied in France as since
the revolution; so that the difficulties of understanding one another
are lessening every day.
Religion is the fourth part of the barrier. But let it be considered,
first, that there is not enough of religion of any kind among the
great in England to make the Americans very fond of them. Secondly,
that what religion there is in England, is as far from being the
religion of America as that of France. The hierarchy of England is
quite as disagreeable to America as that of any other country.
Besides, the Americans know very well, that the spirit of propagating
any religion by conquest, and of making proselytes by force or by
intrigue, is fled from all other countries of the world, in a great
measure, and that there is more of this spirit remaining in England
than anywhere else. And the Americans had, and have still, more reason
to fear the introduction of a religion that is disagreeable to them,
at least as far as bishops and hierarchy go, from a connexion with
England, than with any other nation of Europe.
The alliance with France has no article respecting religion. France
neither claims nor desires any authority or influence over America in
this respect; whereas, England claimed and intended to exercise
authority and force over the Americans; at least, so far as to
introduce bishops; and the English Society for Propagating Religion in
Foreign Parts, has, in fact, for a century, sent large sums of money
to America to support their religion there, which really operated as a
bribe upon many minds, and was the principal source of toryism. So
that upon the whole, the alliance with France is in fact more natural,
as far as religion is concerned, than the former connexion with Great
Britain, or any other connexion that can be formed.
Indeed, whoever considers attentively this subject, will see, that
these three circumstances of habit, language, and religion, will for
the future operate as natural causes of animosity between England and
America, because they will facilitate migration. The loss of liberty,
the decay of religion, the horrible national debt, the decline of
commerce, and of political importance in Europe, and of maritime
power, which cannot but take place in England, will tempt numbers of
their best people to emigrate to America; and to this, fashion,
language, and religion will contribute. The British government will,
therefore, see themselves obliged to restrain this by many ways; and
among others, by cultivating an animosity and hatred in the minds of
their people against the Americans. Nature has already sufficiently
discovered itself, and all the world sees, that the British government
have for many years, not only indulged in themselves the most unsocial
and bitter passions against Americans, but have systematically
encouraged them in the people.
After all, the circumstances of modes, language, and religion, have
much less influence in determining the friendship and enmity of
nations, than other more essential interests. Commerce is more than
all these and many more such circumstances. Now it is easy to see,
that the commercial interests of England and America will forever
hereafter be incompatible. America will take away, or at least
diminish, the trade of the English in ship building, in freight, in
the whale fisheries, in the cod fisheries, in furs and skins, and in
other particulars, too many to enumerate. In this respect, America
will not interfere with France, but on the contrary, will facilitate
and benefit the French commerce and marine, to a very great degree.
Here, then, will be a perpetual rivalry and competition between
England and America, and a continual source of animosity and war.
America will have occasion for the alliance of France, to defend her
against this ill will of England, as France will stand in need of that
of America, to aid her against the natural and continual jealousies
and hostility of England.
The boundaries of territory will also be another constant source of
disputes. If a peace should unhappily be made, leaving England in
possession of Canada, Nova Scotia, the Floridas, or any one spot of
ground in America, they will be perpetually encroaching upon the
States of America; whereas, France, having renounced all territorial
jurisdiction in America, will have no room for controversy.
The people of America, therefore, whose very farmers appear to have
considered the interests of nations more profoundly than General
Conway, are universally of the opinion, that from the time they
declared themselves independent, England became their natural enemy
and as she has been for centuries, and will be the natural enemy of
France, and the natural ally of other natural enemies of France,
America became the natural friend of France, and she the natural
friend of the United States; Powers naturally united against a common
enemy, whose interests will long continue to be reciprocally secured
and promoted by mutual friendship.
It is very strange, that the English should thus dogmatically judge of
the interests of all other nations. According to them, the Americans
are, and have been for many years, acting directly against their own
interest; France and Spain have been acting against their own
interests; Holland is acting against her own interest; Russia and the
Northern Powers are all acting against their own interests; Ireland is
acting against hers, &c.; so that there is only that little island of
the whole world, that understands their own interest; and of the
inhabitants of that, the committees, and associations, and assemblies,
are all in the same error with the rest of the world; so that there
remains only the Ministry and their equivocal and undulating majority,
among all the people upon the face of the earth, who act naturally,
and according to their own interests. The rest of the world, however,
think that they understand themselves very well, and that it is the
English or Scottish majority who are mistaken.
Your friend, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, May 19th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose a few newspapers, received by the last
post from Boston, by the way of Bilboa. There is very little news. I
have letters as late as the 27th of March.
The most remarkable thing in the Pennsylvania Gazette is, that the
great seal of the Province of Pennsylvania was brought into the House
of the Assembly of that State, and by order of the House defaced and
cut to pieces, which, to be sure, is no proof of a desire to go back
to their old government. I do not see how they could have expressed a
stronger contempt of it.
In the Independent Chronicle of the 9th of March is a list of prizes,
made by the privateers of the middle district of the Massachusetts
Bay, only since the last session of the Court of Admiralty. They
amount to nineteen vessels; which shows that privateering flourishes
in those seas, and also shows what havoc may, and probably will be
made among the English transports, provision vessels, and
merchant-men, when the superiority of the French and Spanish fleets
comes to be as clear, as it soon will be; perhaps, as it is now, and
has been, since the arrival of M. de Guichen.
In a private letter of the 27th of March I am told, that two prizes
had just then arrived, one with four hundred hogsheads of rum, and
another with four thousand barrels of flour, pork, and beef, articles
much wanted by the enemy, and not at all amiss in Boston.
The convention had gone through the constitution of government, and
had accepted the report of the committee with some few unessential
amendments.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 19th, 1780.
Sir,
The answer of the King of Spain to the declaration of the Empress of
Russia, is said to be in substance,
"That the King has received with pleasure the overtures, which have
been made to him on the part of her Majesty, the Empress of Russia,
relative to the measures which this Princess proposes to follow, both
with regard to the Courts actually at war and the neutral powers; that
these principles are precisely the same which have governed the King
heretofore, and which he has endeavored to recommend to Great Britain;
that from the beginning of the troubles, his Catholic Majesty has not
departed from the system of equity and of moderation, of which he has
given proofs to all the powers of Europe, and that he is solely upon
the arbitrary proceedings of England, that he determined upon more
vigorous measures; that since the English, far from respecting the
neutral flags, have even allowed themselves to attack vessels, the
cargoes of which are authorised by treaties, it became necessary, that
Spain on her part should take care of her interests; that the King,
not content to confine himself to the frequent marks which he has
given of his equity, declares, moreover, that he is ready to show all
possible deference for those of the neutral powers, who shall
determine to protect their flags, and that he will continue faithful
to his engagement, until England shall put an end to those exactions,
which her ships do not cease to commit; that in fine, his Catholic
Majesty accedes to the other articles of the declaration presented the
15th of April, by the Sieur de Sinovief, but flatters himself at the
same time, that for what concerns the blockade of Gibraltar, her
Imperial Majesty will prescribe to her subjects to conform themselves
to the restrictions proposed by the ordinance issued at Madrid the
13th of March last."
It is said, that in conformity to the resolutions taken by their High
Mightinesses the 25th of last month, the Count de Welderen has
presented a Memorial to Lord Stormont, who after having run it over
answered, "that he would lay it before his Majesty, and request his
orders upon the subject; although beforehand he could assure him, that
the King highly approved the conduct held by Mr Fielding, as well as
the manner in which he had executed his orders," adding, "that at
London we think that Mr Fielding conducted himself according to the
tenor of treaties, and that it was the Count de Byland that violated
them."
This answer having given rise to an animated conversation between the
Count de Welderen and Lord Stormont, the latter employed all possible
arguments to prove, that it was the Count de Byland who had been the
aggressor, while, on the contrary, the Minister of their High
Mightinesses had asserted, and incontestably proved, "that their High
Mightinesses had never consented, that any ship found under the convoy
of one of their vessels of war should be visited; and that,
consequently, Commodore Fielding, who ought not to have been ignorant
of the treaties, and who, nevertheless, had so manifestly infringed
them, had been truly the aggressor, in sending out his armed boat."
That as to the last point of the said Memorial, relative to the
liberation, without any form of process, of the vessels seized sailing
under convoy of the Count de Byland, Lord Stormont answered, "the way
of appeal lay open to the parties interested, but that it was not in
the power of his Majesty to transgress the ordinary forms, by making
any alteration in the decrees pronounced upon this occasion."
Ireland, although her Parliament has discovered symptoms of timidity
or diffidence in postponing the great question to September, has not
yet finished her roll upon the stage. It should be remembered, first,
that she has postponed, not determined, the controversy. Secondly,
that all parties in the House united in declaring their sentiments,
that Ireland was not subject to any foreign legislation. In this, even
Mr Foster, who is reputed the Ministerial agent in the House of
Commons, and the Attorney General himself, concurred. Thirdly, that it
is still in contemplation to pass a mutiny act through the Irish
Parliament, which must be grounded upon the supposition, that the
English mutiny act is not binding; and whether such a bill shall pass
or not, many magistrates will not execute the English act. Fourthly,
the volunteers of the liberty of Dublin have resolved unanimously, on
the 26th of April, that it is inexpedient to remain any longer under
the command of his Grace the Duke of Leinster. Fifthly, the body of
lawyers, on the 30th of April, admitted Mr Grattan as an honorary
member of their society, and unanimously voted an address to him,
which, with his answer, Congress will see.
I am very sorry it is not in my power to enclose to Congress the
English papers later than the 5th, because they contain intelligence
of importance, which is favorable to us from the West Indies. But the
packet from London to Ostend was taken by a French privateer and
carried into Dunkirk, after the mail had been cast into the sea.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 20th, 1780.
Sir,
In the House of Commons on the 6th of May, General Conway read the
title, and explained the clauses, of his proposed bill for
reconciliation or peace with America. It consisted in the repeal of
all the acts, which have revolted America. He desired, that the House
would receive it, add to it, subtract from it, modify and alter it, as
they pleased.
Lord Nugent agreed to the necessity of doing something, which should
give Great Britain a hope of reconciliation with America; he did not
approve the tenor of the bill, although he seconded the motion, but
invited the House to prepare one.
"It is certain," said Lord Nugent, "that in the alarming situation we
are in, it is of decisive importance to make peace with America, for
in fact we having nothing but her, there does not remain to us one
power in Europe, and what is worse, an armed neutrality against the
spirit of treaties, speaking the language of neutral powers, seconds
efficaciously the powers who are our enemies. It is about twenty
years, that the state of affairs is considerably changed in Europe; it
is the King of Prussia, who has effected this revolution. Considering
the turn, which affairs have taken under his reign, Prussia gives
actually as much umbrage to the House of Austria, as the House of
Bourbon gave it heretofore; so that on one hand the difference of
interests, on the other the influence of certain Courts, and in
several other Cabinets a profound indifference, have totally turned
what is called the balance of power; nevertheless, if those of the
Princes of Europe, who ought to sustain us, contemplate coldly our
fall, they have not only renounced the principles of honor, but they
have even lost out of sight their proper interests; for if they suffer
the House of Bourbon to become the first maritime power of Europe,
their States must in their turn partake of our fall; but they occupy
themselves with momentary interests, and sacrifice to transient
considerations those solid and permanent interests, which wise men
never lose sight of."
By comparing this speech with the declaration of Lord Nugent's
repentance for having called us rebels, and the Ode to Mankind, and
altogether with the true state of facts and political interests of the
world at present, we shall see, that his Lordship is more of a poet
and an honest man, than he is of a great statesman; for in the first
place the armed neutrality is not against the spirit of treaties. In
the next place, it is not in fact the King of Prussia, but the United
States of America, who have effected the revolution in the political
system and the variation in the balance of power. Thirdly, it is not
because certain powers contemplate coldly the fall of England, but
because they see England is unable to stand in the rank she once held,
and that there is a new power arising in the West, in which they are
all interested, who will not only maintain her ground, but advance
with a rapidity, that has no example, and that it is the interest of
all the powers, that no one of them should have an exclusive monopoly
of the commerce or political weight of this rising State, that
stimulates them to favor it.
But it is really surprising to observe how few persons there are in
England, who have reflected upon the present state of the world, and
have had sagacity enough to penetrate the true principles of its
policy.
Mr Eden followed Lord Nugent in the debate, and indulged himself in
sporting with the flowers of rhetoric, and pleasantries of wit,
without many solid observations that deserve notice. It may not be
improper to remark two or three things however. "In general," says he,
"the object of the honorable member, General Conway, is extremely
praiseworthy; but the present moment is not proper for the pursuit of
it; it is not at present, that Parliament can say, we will grant this,
or will refuse that, because they ask nothing of us. Every unsolicited
offer will be regarded as a tacit confession of our weakness; a
useless instrument in the hands of the well intentioned inhabitants,
it will become an offensive and dangerous arm in the hands of
Congress. It is important for the present, to leave the scales in the
equilibrium where they are. The return of the Americans to the
suggestions of duty and loyalty now divides the Continent, by
diminishing the number of the supporters of rebellion, now shaken to
its centre. In such circumstances a manly confidence, wisdom, and
moderation may make the balance incline to our side. Precipitation in
our councils, superfluous discussions, domestic divisions, premature
and imprudent overtures, may draw it over to the other forever. I say
superfluous discussions, this is the most dangerous of all those that
I comprehend in the number, and consequently to put an end to it, I
demand the order of the day."