This point I shall not dispute with the Dean of Gloucester. Yet I wish
she would give some better proof of it, than she has done hitherto.
But of Americans I can speak with confidence and certainty; and so far
from being sick of the part they have taken, they look upon the past
madness of Great Britain, which has compelled them to overcome all the
prejudices and weak passions, which heretofore bound them to her, and
to become independent, as the greatest blessing which Providence ever
bestowed upon them, from the first plantation in the new world. They
look upon it, that a council of the wisest statesmen and legislators,
consulting together on the best means of rendering America happy,
free, and great, could not have discovered and digested a system so
perfectly adapted to that end, as this one, which the folly and
wickedness of Great Britain has contrived for them. They not only see,
and feel, and rejoice in the amelioration of their forms of
government, but in the improvement of their agriculture and their
manufactures, and in the discovery, that all the omnipotence of
British fleets has not been able to prevent their commerce, which is
opening and extending every year, as their population is increasing in
the midst of the war.
2. To suppose that France is sick of the part she has taken, is to
suppose her to be sick of that conduct, which has procured her more
respect and consideration in Europe, than any step she ever took. It
is to suppose her sick of that system, which enabled her to negotiate
the peace between Russia and the Ottoman Porte, as well as the peace
of Teschen; that system, which has enabled her to unite, in sentiment
and affection, all the maritime powers, even the United Provinces, in
her favor, and against England. It is to suppose her sick of that
system, which has broken off from her rival and natural enemy the most
solid part of his strength, a strength that had become so terrible to
France, and would have been so fatal to her. I do not mean to enlarge.
As to the propositions themselves, it would be wasting time to
consider them. Of all the malicious plans of the English against
America, none has ever been more so than this. It is calculated only
to make America the sport of Britain in future; to put it in her power
to be forever fomenting quarrels and wars; and, I am well persuaded,
that America would sooner vote for a hundred years' war.
I may be thought again too sanguine. I have been too sanguine these
twenty years, constantly too sanguine; yet eternally right.
Adieu,
JOHN ADAMS.
_P. S._ I do not see Captain Waters's engagement yet in any of the
papers. I would have sent it to England and Holland for publication,
if I had known it could not be printed here.
J. A.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 9th, 1780.
Sir,
I have the honor to enclose to Congress proposals for a general
pacification, by the Dean of Gloucester.
"Proposals to the English, Americans, French, and Spaniards, now at
war.
"First. That Great Britain shall retain Newfoundland, with the desert
coasts of Labradore; also Canada, Nova Scotia, and the country
bordering on the Bay of Fundy, as far as the bay and river of
Penobscot.
"Secondly. That all the country from the Penobscot river to the river
Connecticut, containing almost all the four populous Provinces of New
England, shall be ceded to the Americans.
"Thirdly. That all the country from the Connecticut to the river
Delaware, containing the whole of New York, Long Island, and the
Jerseys, with some parts of two other Provinces indenting with them,
shall return to Great Britain.
"Fourthly. That all the country from the Delaware to the northern
boundary of South Carolina, containing the greatest part of
Pennsylvania, all Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, shall be
ceded to the Americans.
"Fifthly. That all the country from the northern boundary of South
Carolina to the extreme point of the eastern Florida, containing three
whole Provinces, shall be retained by Great Britain.
"Sixthly. That West Florida, chiefly barren sand, and the Fortress of
Gibraltar (totally useless,) shall be ceded to Spain, in order to
satisfy the punctilio of that nation, and that the Spaniards shall
give Porto Rico in exchange, an island on which they seem to set no
value and which indeed is of no use to them, though large in itself,
stored with good ports, well situated, and capable (in the hands of
the English) of great improvements.
"Seventhly. Lastly, that the English shall give up the conquests they
have made on the French in the East Indies, who shall do the like to
the English in the West Indies."
I shall make no remarks upon this plan, but there is no Englishman who
thinks of a wiser, or at least who dares propose one. All, who talk of
propositions, throw out something as absurd and idle as this, which
will convince Congress that we shall have no peace for some time.
The French armament, which sailed from Brest the 2d of May, under the
command of M. de Rochambeau, of the troops, and M. de Ternay, of the
fleet, and the armament from Cadiz, of twelve ships of the line,
besides frigates and other armed vessels, with eleven thousand five
hundred land forces, with a fine train of artillery, which were to
sail about the same time, or earlier, both destined for America, as it
is supposed, will I hope bring the English to think of some plan a
little more rational.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 10th, 1780.
Sir,
On the 19th of April, Mr Grattan, in the House of Commons of Ireland,
moved a resolution, "That the King's Most Excellent Majesty, Lords and
Commons of Ireland, are the only powers competent to make laws to bind
this Kingdom." Mr Stewart seconded the motion.
The Attorney General moved an amendment to adjourn the question until
the 1st day of September next.
Mr Burgh moved another amendment, "That there being an equal
resolution on the books (in the journals in the month of July, 1641)
with the one now moved, the same may be, for that reason, adjourned to
the 1st day of September next."
The House divided at a late hour on the original amendment, when there
appeared, ayes, ninetyseven; noes, one hundred and thirtysix;
majority, thirtynine.
Thus the House of Commons have refused to pursue the sense of the
people, but these are so unanimous and so determined, that no
magistrate will venture to execute any act of the English Parliament.
Philip and Mary, 4. chap. 4th, thus explains Poyning's law. "And this
act of the 10th of Henry the Seventh, shall be expounded and taken as
followeth, that is to say, that no Parliament be holden or summoned
within this realm of Ireland, until the Lieutenant, Chief Governor, or
Governors, and the Council of Ireland, shall have certified the King
and Queen's Majesties, her heirs and successors under the great seal
of the realm, the considerations, causes, and articles of such acts,
as by them shall be thought meet to be enacted and passed here by
Parliament, and shall also have received again their Majesties' answer
under the great seal of England, declaring their pleasure, either for
the passing of the said acts in such form as they should be sent into
England, or else for the alteration of them, or any part of the same."
"Section 2d. After such return made, and after license and authority
to summon a Parliament within the said realm of Ireland, granted under
the great seal of England unto the said lieutenant, or chief governors
of the same realm, the same lieutenant, chief governor or governors,
may summon and hold a Parliament for passing and agreeing upon such
acts, and no other, as shall be so returned under the great seal of
England."
"6 of George 1, chap. 5, sec. 1. The kingdom of Ireland has been, is,
and of right ought to be, subordinate unto, and dependent upon the
Imperial Crown of Great Britain, as being inseparably united and
annexed thereunto; and the King, with the consent of the Lords and
Commons of Great Britain, in Parliament, hath power to make laws of
sufficient force to bind the kingdom and people of Ireland."
"Section 2d. The House of Lords of Ireland have not, nor of right
ought to have, any jurisdiction to judge of, affirm, or reverse any
judgment or decree made in any court within the said kingdom; and all
proceedings before the said House of Lords upon any such judgment or
decree are void."
These are the political shackles, which the people of Ireland are
endeavoring to shake off; and if the war continues long, they will
succeed; otherwise, not entirely, although the authority of the
British Parliament will, undoubtedly, be much weakened.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.
Translation.
Versailles, May 10th, 1780.
Sir,
I owe you thanks for the different communications, which you have been
so good as to make to me. If the views contained in the letter, which
you have confided to me, are exact, you ought not to delay in
obtaining a proof; and in such case, it would be expedient for you to
ascertain what overtures it is expected you will make. I think you
should not refuse to listen to them.
I have the honor to be, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 11th, 1780.
Sir,
On Monday, the first of May, Mr David Hartley explained what was the
substance of his intended motion for Friday, respecting the state of
the war. In the course of his speech, he moved for a copy of the
French Memorial, entitled _Observations on the justifying Memorial of
Great Britain_, which contains many points of serious information
respecting France, Spain and America. He then read to the House the
three following motions; the first of which, originating in the county
of York, is to be made jointly by Mr Hartley and his friend Sir George
Saville.
"1st. That it is the opinion of this House, that the prosecution of an
offensive war in America is most evidently a measure, which, by
employing our great and enormously expensive military operations
against the inhabitants of that country, prevents this from exerting
its united, vigorous, and firm efforts against the powers of France
and Spain, and has no other effect upon America, than to continue, and
thereby increase the enmity, which has so long subsisted between the
arms of both, can be productive of no good whatever, but by preventing
conciliation, threatens the accomplishment of the final ruin of the
British Empire.
"2dly. That an address be presented to his Majesty, stating the
matter of the foregoing resolution, and entreating him to concur
therewith; representing, at the same time, that they think that they
should betray his Majesty and their constituents, if they did not
distinctly state to his Majesty, that nothing less than a total change
of councils, proceeding from the conviction of past errors, can
prevent the consummation of public ruin; but, at the same time, to
express their fullest confidence, that with a speedy and fundamental
reformation of councils, under a prudent and vigilant administration,
they shall be enabled to maintain the honor and dignity of this
country against any confederacy of France and Spain, and to effect a
reconciliation with America, upon beneficial, just, and honorable
terms.
"3dly. That leave be given to bring in a bill, to enable his Majesty
to appoint Commissioners with sufficient power to treat, consult, and
finally agree upon the means of restoring peace with the Provinces in
North America."
After which, General Conway rose to declare, that he had a bill to
propose on the subject of the American war, which he would lay before
the House tomorrow. He gave a general hint of the ideas he entertained
on this subject. He thought that Parliament ought to come to some
resolutions to agree on certain propositions, which should be held out
to the Americans as the foundation of a treaty of peace and
reconciliation.
I shall give an account of the debates and decisions on the motions
when the papers arrive.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, May 9th, 1780.
Sir,
I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me,
on the 10th of this month.
Although the writer of the letter, an extract of which I had the honor
to enclose to you, may be right in his conjectures, that the British
administration wish to know more than they do at present of my
sentiments upon the great subject of a pacification, yet I have had
too long experience of their principles, views, and tempers, and I
know that they are too well acquainted with mine, for me to expect,
that they will directly convey any proposition to me. When we hear
them affirm in Parliament, that America is upon the point of returning
to an allegiance to the King of England, and that they seriously
believe, that America will return to such an allegiance; when the
members of the opposition, even those who are the most inclined to
peace, such as Mr Hartley, General Conway, &c. discover plainly, by
their motions and arguments, that their object is a separate peace
with America, in order to be the better able to gratify their revenge
against France and Spain, I can have no expectations, that they think
of applying to me, because I think they must be convinced of this, at
least, that I shall make no separate peace. I thank your Excellency,
however, for your sentiments, that I ought to hear them, in case any
overtures should be made to me. I should, in such a case, endeavor to
hear them with decency and respect; but it would require much
philosophy to hear, with patience, such absurd and extravagant
propositions, as are published in pamphlets and newspapers, and made
in Parliament, even by the members of the opposition, who profess to
be most zealous for peace.
Our alliance with France is an honor and a security, which have ever
been near to my heart. After reflecting long upon the geographical
situation of the old world and the new, the agriculture, commerce, and
political relations of both, upon the connexions and oppositions among
the nations of the former, and the mutual wants and interests of both,
according to such imperfect lights as I was able to obtain, the result
has long since been this, that my country, in case she should be
compelled to break off from Great Britain, would have more just
reasons to depend upon a reciprocity of the good offices of friendship
from France, Spain, and the other sovereigns, who are usually in their
system, than upon those in the opposite scale of the balance of power.
I have ever thought it, therefore, a natural alliance, and contended
for it as a rock of defence.
This object I pursued in Congress, with persevering assiduity for more
than a year, in opposition to other gentlemen of much greater name and
abilities than mine, and I had at length the satisfaction to find my
countrymen very generally fall in with the same sentiment, and the
honor to be appointed to draw the first treaty, which was sent to this
Court. These facts have been well known in America, even to the
tories, and the utility and importance of this alliance being known to
be deeply imprinted in my mind and heart, I suppose was a principal
cause why the present trust was confided to me by my countrymen. These
facts, although they may have been unknown in France, yet having been
known to the tories in America, I cannot suppose they are ignorant of
them at the Court of St James; I therefore think, that neither the
administration nor opposition in England will ever think of applying
to me, until they are brought into such a situation as shall compel
them to sue for peace with all the powers at war, which, to be sure,
does not appear to be the case at present, nor likely to be, at least
before the end of this campaign; nor then either, without some notable
good fortune on the part of the allies in the progress of the war.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, May 13th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I had two days ago the pleasure of yours of the 26th of April, and am
very happy to have at last received from your hand an account of your
safe arrival in Madrid.
The Count de Florida Blanca is allowed to be a man of abilities, but
somehow or other there is something in the European understanding
different from those we have been used to. Men of the greatest
abilities and the most experience are with great difficulty brought to
see what appears to us as clear as day. It is habit, it is education,
prejudice, what you will, but so it is.
I can state a very short argument, that appears to me a demonstration
upon French and Spanish principles alone, that it is more for their
interest to employ their naval force in America than in Europe; yet it
is in vain, that you state this to a Minister of State. He cannot see
it or feel it, at least, in its full force, until the proper point of
time is past and it is too late. So I think it may be demonstrated,
that it is the interest of France and Spain to furnish America with a
handsome loan of money, or even to grant her subsidies; because a sum
of money thus expended would advance the common cause, and even their
particular interests, by enabling the Americans to make greater
exertions than the same sums employed in any other way. But it is in
vain to reason in this manner with a European Minister of State. He
cannot understand you. It is not within the compass of those ideas,
which he has been accustomed to.
I am happy, however, that at length we have a Minister at Madrid; I am
persuaded, that this will contribute vastly to opening the eyes both
of France and Spain. I shall be always obliged to you for
intelligence, especially concerning your progress in your affair.
I am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your servant,
JOHN ADAMS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, May 13th, 1780.
Sir,
The answer of the King of France to the declaration of the Empress of
Russia is as follows, dated April 25th, 1780.
"The war in which the King finds himself engaged, having no other
object than the attachment of his Majesty to the principles of the
liberty of the seas, he could not but see with a true satisfaction the
Empress of Russia adopt this same principle, and show herself resolved
to maintain it. That which her Imperial Majesty requires of the
belligerent powers, is nothing more than the rules already prescribed
to the French marine, the execution of which is supported with an
exactness that is known and applauded by all Europe.
"The liberty of neutral vessels, restrained in a small number of cases
only, is a direct consequence of the law of nature, the safeguard of
nations, the solace even of those, who are afflicted with the scourge
of war; thus the King has desired to procure, not only to the subjects
of the Empress of Russia, but to those of all the States who have
embraced a neutrality, the liberty of navigating upon the same
conditions, which are announced in the declaration to which his
Majesty answers this day.
"He thinks he has made a great step towards the general good, and
prepared an epoch glorious to his reign, in fixing by his example, the
rights, which every belligerent power may and ought to acknowledge to
be acquired to neutral vessels. His hope has not deceived him, since
the Empress, in determining on the most exact neutrality, has declared
herself for the system which the King supports, at the expense of the
blood of his people, and since she demands the rights, which his
Majesty would make the basis of the maritime code. If there were
occasions for fresh orders, whereby the vessels of her Imperial
Majesty should have no room to fear being disturbed in their
negotiation, by the subjects of the King, his Majesty would make haste
to give them; but the Empress will, no doubt, repose herself upon the
dispositions of his Majesty, contained in the regulations, which he
has published. They are not accommodated to present circumstances,
they are founded upon the law of nations, and they are consistent with
the character of a Prince, sufficiently happy to find always in the
general prosperity the measure of that of his own kingdom. The King
wishes that her Imperial Majesty would add to the means, which she
may take to fix the nature of merchandises, the commerce of which is
reputed contraband in time of war, precise rules concerning the form
of sea papers, with which the Russian vessels shall be furnished.
"With this precaution, his Majesty is assured, that no incident will
arise, which will occasion any regret in any of the parties concerned,
at the measures taken for rendering the condition of Russian vessels
as advantageous as possible in time of war. Happy circumstances have
already more than once put the two Courts in a situation to experience
of how much importance it was, that they should explain themselves
with openness upon their interests respectively.
"His Majesty felicitates himself, upon having an opportunity to
express to her Imperial Majesty his manner of thinking upon a point
interesting to Russia, and the commercial powers of Europe. His
Majesty applauds so much the more sincerely the principles and views
which direct the Empress, as his Majesty enjoys in common with her the
same sentiment, which has prompted this Princess to measures, from
whence must result equal advantages to their subjects and to all
nations."
No state paper, that I have seen this war, has struck me more forcibly
than this. The simplicity, openness, sincerity, and truth of it, form
a striking contrast to the dissimulation and insincerity, which are so
grossly remarkable in the answer of the Court of St James to the same
declaration. The one is perfectly becoming the character of an august
King, the other is what I shall leave others to name.
I have the honor to be, &c.
JOHN ADAMS.
_P. S. Copenhagen, 29th of April._ "There have arrived here, within a
little time, several couriers from Petersburg, some of whom have been
sent back, and others have continued their route for Holland, France,
&c. Since the arrival of the last, it is thought that our Court has
acceded to the project of an armed neutrality, and that it has already
agreed with that of Russia, upon the equipments to be made for this
purpose; at least orders have been given to arm as soon as possible
two ships of the line, the Princess Sophia Frederica, of seventyfour
guns, and the Danebrog, of sixty. These ships, commanded by Krieger
and Ellebracht, will go out into the Road immediately. The government
have determined not to keep the fleet stationed at Fredericksham, as
it has been for five years past; and the Vice Admiral Fischer, who
commanded there, having been recalled, will be relieved only by a
Captain."
The following orders have been given by the King of England.
"Whereas, after our Order in Council of the 17th of April, 1780, the
several treaties, which granted particular privileges to the subjects
of the States-General of the United Provinces, relative to their
commerce and navigation in time of war, are suspended, and the
subjects of the States-General ought to be considered upon the same
footing with other neutral States not privileged by treaties, until it
shall please us formally to signify the contrary; the commanders of
our vessels of war, and those of all ships and vessels of war, which
have letters of marque and reprisals, are authorised by these presents
and required to seize and detain all ships and vessels, belonging to
the subjects of the States-General, when they shall be found to have
on board any effects belonging to the enemies of his Majesty, or
effects which are considered as contraband, by the general law of
nations."
The declaration made to the States-General of the United Provinces by
the Court of St James has been followed by prompt effects. The
privateer, the Neptune, has carried into Margate, the Grede Vizwagten,
going from Amsterdam to Nantes with a load of pitch and tar. This is
the fifth vessel taken from the Hollanders by the 5th of May, in
consequence of this declaration, which makes so much noise.
J. A.
* * * * *
TO JOHN JAY.
Paris, May 15th, 1780.
Dear Sir,
I shall not always stand upon ceremonies, nor wait for answers to
letters, because useful hints may be given, which would be lost if one
were to wait returns of posts.