At the evening meal of the day before Easter the lenten fast is partly

broken by eating fish and boiled eggs, but no meat. [151] The denial

of the flesh recommences, however, at bedtime, for not a morsel is

eaten until Easter midday. Early dawn sees the people putting on their

new clothes, especially new shoes which are considered a necessity

on this day, and all, newly attired, go to church where communion is

celebrated. The church is usually filled with flowers and its most

brilliant ornaments are displayed, the service ending at midday in time

for the usual feast of stuffed roast lamb, the customary red eggs, and

the egg bread made only at Easter time. In the afternoon the men visit

from house to house and something dainty is always served, a cocktail

or a cup of coffee with sweets like Turkish delight or bonbons. The

formula repeated by the guest upon entering a house is always the same;

"Christ is risen from the dead," he exclaims, and is answered by the

host with the usual formula, "Blessed is the resurrection of Christ."

Perhaps the boys enjoy Easter most of all. Provided with red Easter

eggs, they collect in groups, whereupon there follows a most vivacious

competition to win each other's eggs by clashing them together. The

champion egg is used until it is broken, when a new champion is quickly

brought forth. This process continues as long as there are two or

more unbroken eggs, the game being won when all of the broken eggs are

in the possession of the boy who holds the champion egg. Picnic day,

or the "Day of the Dead," follows Easter Day, as I have described it,

and it is singularly strange that a "day of resurrection" should be

followed by a "day of the dead," when prayers are said and offerings

given in sacrifice for the departed. But people are not mindful of

such little incongruities; they are simple and carry out the festival

celebrated by their fathers, much as their fathers celebrated it.

The week before Christmas is likewise devoted to a thorough

housecleaning by the Armenian housewife, and on the day before,

special dishes are prepared for the next day's feast. Again there

is the customary bath which is observed by all the members of the

household. On Christmas Eve the abstinence of the preceding days

is partly broken, usually with fried fish, lettuce, and boiled

spinach. Boiled spinach is the rule because it is believed that this

dish made up the supper of the Virgin Mary on the eve of Christ's

birth. At church special vespers are sung and there is much emphasis

laid upon special selections from the prophets which are also sung. An

hour before dawn the sexton alone, or with a group of choir boys,

goes from door to door singing what is called "the good tidings." It

is the signal for the faithful to awake, don their best clothes and go

to church again without eating breakfast. The holy bread and wine are

not to be profaned by the people having eaten a breakfast of ordinary

food, with the consequence that not a few faint during the service,

even as at Easter time. But the ceremony is finished by half past ten,

after which the women go home to prepare the midday feast while the

men visit the homes of their friends. The never-failing formula of

the guest upon entering the house of a friend is, "Christ is born and

manifested to-day," which is responded to by the host with "Blessed is

the manifestation of Christ." Each visit lasts about fifteen minutes

and sweets and coffee are served. At midday the Christmas feast is

partaken of, all make merry around the table, and in the afternoon

more calls are paid and received. The festivities are observed for

three days, the third being ladies' day, which is devoted by the

ladies to giving and receiving visits. They offer their salutations

and good wishes to each other, eating dainties even as the men. Shops

and business places of Armenians are usually kept closed for three

days. [152]

There is thus considerable similarity between Easter and the Christmas

festivities, which is probably due to more or less sameness in the

church ceremonies. These ceremonies, always well attended, are made

attractive to the people by beautiful displays of flowers, vested choir

boys, the charm of whose singing can only be understood by those who

have heard them; also by special singing, not by the congregation,

but by those who can sing, and with such enticing little additions

as the Lighting of Lights. The services are thus as much and as

real a part of the day's rejoicings as the feasts and social visits,

and if they are designed consciously or unconsciously to give active

expression to the sentiment of loyalty to the church one must admit

that the expression is a perfectly free and natural one. Abstinences

do not make the festivities attractive, to be sure, and there are

more unfortunate communities who can not afford so lavish a display

as others; but flowers need only to be picked from the fields, and

boys there are always, even in the poorest churches. The holiday

rejoicing has somewhat more of the serious blend which is to be

contrasted with the more perfect gaiety of New Year's Day, and is

probably due to the weightiness of its religious significance of which

one is constantly reminded, not only by the services at the church

but also by the salutations of visitors and the necessary replies,

always the same. But even the gaiety of New Year is not to be compared

with the perfect lightness and freedom of merriment that characterize

some aspects of Vartavar, nor do any of the Christian folk festivals

have the completeness of Vartavar.

SECTION 2. SPECIAL CHURCH CEREMONIES

Together with this second group of festivals including as they do

Christmas, Easter, New Year, and the Blessing of the Grapes, I wish

to include a short series of church ceremonies all of which have a

very distinct festival value, beside their value in being singularly

characteristic of the Armenian church. They are distinctly different

from the festivals of the preceding section, in that the festivities

are incidental to a ceremony peculiar to the Armenian church. The

"Washing of Feet," the "Blessing of the Water," the consecration

of the Katholikos, and the manufacture of the holy oil, are those I

desire to describe.

The "Washing of Feet" occurs on Maundy Thursday, three days before

Easter. [153] This day is the first of three successive days of

mourning spoken of, during which the altar is closed, and no lights

are lit. After the mass the bishop puts away his brocaded robes,

and kneeling in imitation of Christ washing the feet of His disciples

on the night of the betrayal, he washes the feet of the priests and

choristers, of whom there are usually eleven. Christ washed the feet

of twelve, but one of them was unworthy. The service then continues

until midnight, and while the ceremony is in progress, the lights are

put out one by one, to remain out until the "Lighting of the Lights"

on Easter eve. If the church is a parish church in which a priest

officiates, a number of little boys are ranged in order for the

"Washing of Feet," which in this case is performed by the priest,

who anoints the soles of their feet with oil after he has washed

them. Each boy is given a walnut shell and before he moves from his

place he carefully scrapes some of the oil into his shell, and carries

it home to place in the butter. If he does this it is believed that

the supply of butter will not fail throughout the year.

This same service was observed by a writer in the Survey, in a church

on East 27th Street, New York, rented by a company of Armenian folk

residing in that city. [154] The same symbolic "Washing of Feet" was

carried out on the evening of Maundy Thursday in much the same fashion

as it is carried out in the home-land. The symbolism, the pageantry,

the color of oriental Armenian worship, the silver-mounted Bible on

the altar in the center, the rising steps, the crosses, the lighted

candles, and the incense were all there. A white-robed choir with green

velvet copes filed in, singing long chants. The choir was followed

by two priests, and the priests by the bishop with his mitre, robe

of crimson and gold, and his ivory cross held in the right hand with

a kerchief of crimson silk. A shining crozier held in his left hand

marked his office as shepherd of the flock; a large jewel locket and

cross hung from his breast and was probably the gift of the Czar. The

choir chant that continues all the while was described as an intricate,

rhythmless tune, now passionate, now wailing and altogether "oriental,"

accompanied by a few older folk here and there who were humming in

unison with the choir and the leader, who was beating time. Beside

the humming the congregation took no part in the service except that

it stood up for the psalm and prayer. Suddenly a sound to the right

brought the observer's attention to an old woman lying prostrate

in the aisle. No one helped her, no one even seemed to notice her,

but presently she rose to a kneeling posture and lifted her eyes in

prayer to the altar. Again she prostrated herself, and again rose to

lift her eyes to the altar, which performance was repeated a third

time before the old woman took her seat. "Der Voghormia" meaning

"Lord have mercy upon us," was repeated ten times by the interceding

bishop in a voice loud and intense, and a second ten times, and a

third ten times. The chant quickened, and as the aged priest took the

Bible from its place and held it toward the audience the bishop gave

his benediction of peace to the "four corners of the earth." There

was another chant after which the washing of the feet commenced. With

deep seriousness the bishop placed his staff by the altar, laid aside

his mitre and brocaded robes, and beginning with the aged priest,

he knelt beside a bowl of water to wash his feet. Ten more of those

who came forward shared in the ceremony. "I can not so serve you

all," he said at the close of his address, "I am sorry. Take as

symbolic what is done." There was a short intermission, but before

ten o'clock the penitential service recommenced and continued until

midnight. The story of Christ's betrayal in the garden was read, and

the chants continued, wilder, sadder, and more wailing, accompanied

by murmurs and occasionally by low cries from the people. As midnight

approached the lights were dimmed one by one, and the emotion became

more intense. As the hour struck, the congregation rose, and with

clasped hands joined in a closing song and prayer. There were only

a few score people present.

The prostration of the old woman reminds one of the spiritually

wounded who lay prostrate over the floor during the times of the

Kentucky revivals, but the fact is there is nothing hysterical in

this particular phase of Armenian worship. The attitude is commonly

practiced by Armenians, especially among the peasant classes. They lie

flat touching their heads to the ground. [155] But the posture is more

peculiarly oriental than it is peculiarly Armenian. No sight is more

common in the countries of Islam than the faithful Moslem who spreads

his bit of carpet upon which he kneels with gaze fixed toward Mecca,

prostrating himself repeatedly as he murmurs his prayers.

Although the picture given by Dubois of a simple church service he

attended in Koulpe, Armenia, is not the ceremony of Maundy Thursday,

it has one or two strokes of native color that make it impossible to

omit. [156] The church was poor and simple, the walls were built of

stone cemented by clay or bad lime. Two rows of large beams neither

squared nor trimmed supported the earthen roof in the manner of

columns. At the farther end was a kind of niche, partitioned off by

means of soiled curtains, thus forming a sanctuary where stood the

priest, clothed in torn robe, to read the prayers. All of the little

boys of the village encircled him, kneeling and chanting or reciting

prayers, turn by turn. The eldest placed themselves outside of the

choir and knelt on straw mats or on sheep's skins which marked their

customary places, and kissed the earth, or murmured very low the words

of the priest, or responded to the chanting at high pitch. The women

held themselves apart, their faces half veiled, filling the back of

the church behind the men, and, with lowered heads, were the first

to leave.

The kneeling posture and the prostration is again clearly in

evidence, which together with what has been said is sufficient to

show that this attitude, especially among the common people, is a

very ordinary one and is therefore to be regarded merely as a very

generally recognized posture of worship, and not at all significant

necessarily of "conviction of sin" or a "feeling of penitence," which

is nevertheless suggested. The church at Koulpe must have been a very

poor one not to have benches, but it had its little chorus of boys,

and the people participated in much the same way as in the little

church in New York, although nearly a hundred years have passed since

Dubois attended the simple service.

"Khatchahankist," meaning literally, "repose of the cross," is the

second of the four church ceremonies I shall describe. The ceremony

might better be named "the Blessing of the Water," for that is what it

really consists of. In the towns of Turkey the churches devote one day

each week to the performance of this rite, but in other churches it

occurs at the end of a special mass, as for example on Ascension Day,

or on the commemoration day of St. Gregory. [157] There is always a

very great gathering on this occasion largely because of the various

superstitions connected with it. A large silver bowl of water is

brought and placed on a stand at the foot of the altar, after which

the officiating priest comes forward with relics of the Holy Cross, of

the saints, or a simple silver cross in his hand. The more frequently

used relics are those of St. Gregory the Illuminator, St. John the

Baptist, St. James of Nisibis, or St. George the Martyr. The priest

reads prayers over the water, which are answered by the chants from

the choir, after which he dips the relic or the cross into the water

three times, finally making the sign of the cross over the bowl. The

Lord's prayer is repeated, after which a ladle is placed on one side

of the vessel, while the priest kneels on the other, cross or relic

in hand. Now the people crowd about, cross their faces and kiss the

cross, and then take up the ladle to drink of the water thus blessed

especially for drinking purposes. It is used also for ablutions,

for popular belief endows the sacred liquid with curative power.

Some of the prayers that are repeated and the texts that are read

during this ceremony are well worth noting, for they illustrate the

candid interest of all participating. After the reading of the texts,

the deacon repeats the following proclamation: "Let us pray unto God

who loveth mankind and hath given for hope and refuge his victorious

holy cross, which is armor invincible against the inworkings of Satan,

to the end that whatsoever it touches, this water and all creatures. He

shall through the same vouchsafe both healing and mercy." The priest

then prays: "Bless, O Lord, this water, and hallow it with thy holy

cross, in order that the flocks and sheep which may approach and drink

of the same, may derive therefrom freedom from disease and sterility;

for from them we select sacrifices of fragrant sweetness and offer them

as victims to thyself." And again the priest prays: "Bless, O Lord,

this water with the life-giving powers of the cross that everyone who

shall drink thereof may derive therefrom a medicine of soul and body,

and a health from the diseases which afflict him." Again: "Bless,

O Lord, this water with thy holy cross, that it may impart to the

fields where it is sprinkled profitable harvests, and that all plants

and herbs may be more than ever increased in fruitfulness." [158]

The cross is then passed three times over the water with the words,

"Let this water be blessed and hallowed in the name of the Father,

and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, Amen." This is followed by a

short proclamation by the deacon and a closing prayer by the priest,

after which the assembled people receive of the magic water as above

described.

This frank personal interest is characteristic of many of the church

ceremonies. For example in the sacrament of holy communion, incense

is offered with the prayer, "Do thou in its stead send upon us the

graces and gifts of thine Holy Spirit." [159]

Of central importance to the nation as to the religion is the ceremony

of the consecration of the Katholikos, the supreme authority of the

church, which is held in front of the Cathedral at Etchmiadzin. [160]

People from near and far gather together to witness this event,

and lest they should fail to see the central act of the ceremony,

the roofs near-by are all used for the greater advantage they give

to the observer. The banner of the Katholikos is set flying from

the belfry tower; in front of the entrance to the Cathedral is set

a wooden dais covered with carpets and costly embroideries whereon

the ceremony is performed; the procession is formed and all is then

in readiness. A service is held in the Cathedral, after which the

procession issues from the church, and the various state and church

officials including representatives from the Russian government,

the choir and deacons, all take their places about the platform. The

twelve bishops who reside at Etchmiadzin, and whose business it is

to wait upon the Katholikos, now appear gorgeously attired, escorting

the central figure of the day, over whose head two attendants carry a

richly embroidered canopy. The patriarch falls on his knees, his feet

beneath his body in full accordance with the ordinary posture. One

bishop now reads, after which another advances bearing in his hands the

image of a dove wrought in gold. It is the receptacle of the holy oil,

which is a mixture of the sacred oil blessed by St. Gregory, sparingly

used and carefully preserved in the treasury of the Cathedral, and

of the specially prepared oil consecrated in Sis in Cilicia. While

one bishop is pouring the holy oil from the neck of the golden dove

over the head of the patriarch, the other bishops gather around to

spread the oil about with their thumbs, making at the same time the

sign of the cross. A piece of cloth is now placed over his head, his

face being covered at the same time by a veil which is attached to

the cloth. After a brief interval the newly consecrated Katholikos,

followed by the bishops, officials, and procession, reenters the

church in order to complete the ceremony. When the procession again

files out escorting the pontiff to his residence, the choir sings,

and the Russian band plays. Festivities continue throughout the day

and into the night, including mainly the banquet with its toasts

and songs by the choir, and the concert furnished by the band in the

evening. The band is a foreign innovation, although the particular

band observed by Lynch consisted mostly of Armenians.

The holy oil used in the consecration consists for the most part of

the preparation manufactured in Sis, as stated, and with which there

is a special ceremony connected, which is of general importance,

for the oil is also used for the various necessary consecrations

of all the churches. In the church at Sis is treasured a gorgeous

silver bowl, decorated with turrets and pinnacles, in which "Muron"

as it is called, or holy oil is made every four years. Pilgrims

come from far to witness the event. The bowl, which holds about a

gallon of oil is placed outside the church, and in it are placed

a hundred and one kinds of flowers amid prayers and chants. [161]

These flowers are stirred with the arm of St. Gregory, after which

the lid is put on and the mixture made to boil. [162] The privilege

of lifting off the lid is auctioned, and it is said that L100 was

once paid for the distinction. The oil is then sold to the pilgrims,

all of whom take a phial of it along to their homes where it is used

in baptism, marriage, and burial ceremonies. It is also believed to

have wonderful medicinal properties.

The chief social value of these ceremonies lies in the fact that they

bring large groups of people together under unusual circumstances,

all of which adds importance to the various rites and festivities

of the occasion. Especially is this true of the consecration of the

Katholikos, which may occur twice or at the most three times in a

generation. For this reason and also because of the authority and

position of the Katholikos, not only as head of the church, but also

in a very real sense, as head of the nation, this ceremony is attended

by many pilgrims from the various sections of the country. Having

assembled, the occasion is thus made a great deal more of than if it

were an ordinary event. The day is a festival day in the full meaning

of the term. Besides the services there is the banquet, the special

choir, and the band. The relics kept in the treasury, which it is

probable that most people who come have not seen before; also the

holy churches of St. Gaiane and St. Rhipsime, which are visited by

small groups throughout the day; and most of all the sacred altar of

the Cathedral, where Christ descended in the vision of St. Gregory,

are special attractions. And then there is the library where many

ancient and precious manuscripts are exhibited, the institution of

the monastery, the garden of the Katholikos, the printing press, and

the seminary, all of which are of interest to the spectator. In fact

there is sufficient to induce the pilgrims to remain for a number of

days, which many of them do. The grounds are provided with a pilgrim's

court surrounded by guest chambers utilized at this time. Naturally

enough the various monuments suggest the traditions and legends with

which they are connected, such as the traditions of St. Gregory,

Tiridates, the legends of St. Rhipsime and St. Gaiane, and the other

legends associated with the introduction of Christianity. Although

centered about a religious ceremony which probably lasts no longer

than fifteen minutes, the occasion is thus made a festival, and is

about as important in fostering a real sentiment of patriotism and

of church loyalty as any other single festival.

The ceremony of the manufacture of the holy oil is not of such central

importance. It also, however, has the advantage of not occurring very

frequently, coming as it does only once in every four years. This

together with the general utility of the oil in all of the various

church ceremonies, plus the superstitions connected with it, is

sufficient to induce pilgrims to make the journey to Sis in Cilicia,

where the ceremony is held. It is again this assembly of pilgrims

that gives the ceremony a social importance. In a nation like the

United States where all parts are connected by railroads, telegraphs,

and telephones, such a pilgrimage would have comparatively little

social value. Except for government centers, there are no telegraphs

in Armenia, the telephone is known only in a few cities, and railroads

there are none. This lack of communication gives such ceremonies to

which pilgrimages are made a very special social value which they

otherwise would not at all have. The electoral assemblies spoken of

have the same value, and for the same reason. The Armenian is not a

person to be silent, and talks even when prudence is the better part

of valour. He criticizes, condemns, and praises openly, fearlessly,

and carelessly, and such a gathering of pilgrims, or electors, if

it means anything, would mean a wholesale exchange of facts relating

to current events, opinions, and rumors with reference to politics,

religion, and every phase of social and industrial life.

The Blessing of the Water can not be said to have so great a social

value, occurring as it does in some parts of the country once every

week. And yet this service is unusually well attended, largely because

of the superstitions connected with the blessed water. Religion here

appears to offer its biggest attraction to the less fortunate, such

as the rheumatic, the tubercular, the dyspeptic, the epileptic, and

the feeble-minded. But enough facts have been mentioned to show that

the Armenian church is something more than an institution of cure and

relief. It has identified itself too completely with the common life

by keeping alive the streams and cross currents of social activity

to admit of such a supposition.

The ceremony of Maundy Thursday, or Washing of the Feet, is, of

the four I have mentioned, of the least social importance. But it

is generally attended, especially by the women who are compelled

by the ban of custom to complete their house-cleaning before this

service begins. And then too, it is the commencement of the Easter

celebration, and as such has a distinct festival value. I have

reviewed them therefore in the order of their social importance. The

consecration of the Katholikos first; second the making of holy oil;

third, the Blessing of the Water, and finally, the Washing of the Feet,

which complete the second group of festivals.

CHAPTER IV

PRIVATE FESTIVAL OCCASIONS

SECTION 1. BAPTISM

The third group of festivals comprises those connected with the common

life of the people, including the ceremonies of baptism, betrothal,

marriage, and funeral. The church is vitally related to each of them,

and they are of importance here because of their social value, which

I shall again endeavor to point out.

First after birth, the most important event in the life of every

Armenian child is that of baptism, for the belief is that the

unbaptized child has no soul. The infant is therefore generally

baptized on the day after birth, and when this is impossible always

within eight days of birth. If the child is sick there is all the more

reason to hurry; in this case the essential parts of the ceremony are

performed in the home, the remainder being celebrated at the church at

some later time. The very first thing to be done therefore after the

birth of a child is to make the necessary preparations for baptism,

which are very elaborate in the case of the first-born, especially if

the child is a boy. [163] A girl is always better than no child at all,

but not much better. A godfather and godmother are selected, presents

are exchanged between them and the parents of the child, invitations

are sent to friends and relations, and at a fixed time the assembled

people form a procession to the church, led by the midwife holding the

child. The godfather pays all expenses, and therefore such splendor as

the ceremony may have in the way of special ornaments for the altar,

numbers of priests, and a large choir, is determined by him. After the

group has properly assembled at the church, the priest takes the child

from the midwife and gives it to the godfather. The profession of faith

follows immediately and then the priest turns to the west to abjure the

devil and to the east to invoke the Trinity. [164] Having placed the

hem of his chasuble upon the babe, the priest proceeds to the sacristy

reciting a psalm, and followed by the people. The central event now

takes place. The baptism consists of three immersions in the name of

the Holy Trinity. First water is poured over the head of the child,

after which the whole body is plunged into the water. Confirmation is

administered right after the ceremony of immersion, and takes place

upon the altar of the church proper, before the image of the Blessed

Virgin. The forehead, eyes, ears, nose, mouth, hands, back, breast

and upper part of the feet of the infant are anointed with holy oil,

and two wax tapers are placed in the hands of the godfather while

carrying the child. The priest then takes the tapers and the babe,

consecrates and confirms him by three profound inclinations before

the altar, gives candles and child back to the godfather and blesses

both. Now the child may be called by its Christian name, which is

usually that of a saint. [165] Led by the priest and the singing

choir, the procession now starts back to the home of the little one,

still carried by the godfather who continues to hold the candles. When

he reaches the door of the mother, she kneels and prostrates herself

before him. He in turn delivers the child to the mother's arms who may

now kiss it for the first time, the child not having been kissed by

any one from the moment of birth to the delivering over to the mother

by the godfather after baptism. Others may now also kiss the babe,

and each endeavors to be the first, for there is a superstitious value

attached to the first kiss following the mother's after baptism. The

priests and the family of the godfather spend the evening in the

child's home. They are served constantly by the father who does not

himself sit down. For forty days the mother must keep her room, and

walk only in such parts of the house as are exposed to the sun. [166]

Having completed the fortieth day she and her babe are taken to

church by the grandmother. [167] On this occasion the young mother

must bring an offering, which in times past was a rich Persian rug,

but is now merely a package of tapers. She waits at the door of the

sacristy until the priest comes and leads her in before the high altar

where both mother and child receive a blessing. After this ceremony

she must visit the godfather and kiss his hand in token of gratitude.

If a funeral passes during the first forty days of the child's life,

the little one must be snatched up from the cradle and be carried

upright. People now come to offer their felicitations. The greeting

of the guest is always, "May God raise the child in the shadow of its

parents," to which answer is given, "May God bless you according to

your desire," or "May your tongue be always in good health."

SECTION 2. BETROTHAL

It is the popular belief among Armenians that the practice of

early marriages dates from the proclamation of a Persian shah of

the sixteenth century, to whom part of Armenia was tributary. [168]

This edict was intended to wipe out Christianity, and provided for the

marriage of Armenian boys and girls with Persian children. In order to

evade the edict, the Armenian parents ran secretly from house to house

for several nights marrying off their children to each other. The

custom on the part of the parents of arranging for the marriage of

their children without the knowledge of the latter is supposed also

to be rooted in this event. Whether the explanation be true or not,

it certainly is not uncommon for children to marry at sixteen in the

interior of Armenia, and it is still generally true that arrangements

for the marriages of children are made without the knowledge of those

most concerned. [169] The girl does occasionally exercise choice, but

when the unfortunate suitor is not desired by the parents the feeling

of obligation on the girl's part, simply because she has lived at her

father's table, is sufficient to induce her to submit. [170] And the

same may be said of the young man, although the greater independence

of a son gives him a little more ground for acting contrary to his

father's wishes, than in the case of the daughter. But even when the

choice of the children is accepted, the arrangements and ceremony of

betrothal are always carried out by the parents.

These arrangements are something as follows. The parents of a young man

consult his grandparents, and choose a young girl who to them seems

eligible. They then inform a woman match-maker of their decision,

and it is her business to sound the ground, so to speak, before a

proposal is made, since a refusal would ruin the boy's reputation. The

matchmaker is often a professional woman, and can therefore be relied

upon not to make a bungle of the job. Among other things, she finds

out what gifts the bridegroom-to-be must make to his future bride,

which can of course be done only after the proposal has met with a

favorable response on the part of the parents of the girl. "What can he

offer his bride," is the all important question from the standpoint of

the girl's family. Among the rich, but in times past, gold bracelets

bejeweled with diamonds or strings of gold pieces for adorning the

head or neck were common varieties of gifts. To-day silver plate, or

expensive heirlooms are given. After these matters have been decided

upon, preparations are made for the ceremony of betrothal, usually

held in the evening. The friends of the young man are notified to

meet together in his house at an appointed hour with the priest who

is given a ring which he blesses. The procession of the bridegroom's

friends headed by the priest now starts for the house of the bride. All

are provided with lighted wax candles which they hold in their hands

as they proceed down the streets accompanied by the sound of violin,

clarinets, drum, and joyful singing. Sometimes a detour is made in

order to lengthen the procession.

Having arrived at their destination, the father and mother of the

girl pretend to know nothing whatever of the reason for the coming

of the guests, and conversation proceeds for a considerable time

without the slightest allusion to the matter of chief moment. The

priest finally makes the following statement amid profound silence:

"According to the law of the supreme Creator, and following the

usages of human society, we have the happiness of demanding the

hand of Miss X, for Mr. Y." The father of the girl pretends not to

wish to accept, stating that she is too young, or that her mother

is very desirous to keep her at home. But upon further pressing on

the part of the parents of the boy, the acceptance is given. It is

now the turn of the girl to be consulted; she, however, is nowhere

to be found. The priest searches, and when finally discovered she

does not speak a word. The former, however, knows, and offering his

hand he says, "If you consent, kiss the hand," which is straightway

done, for the girl has been informed beforehand that the kiss is to

be forthcoming. This part of the procedure takes place apart from

the crowd, and is followed by the presentation of the ring and the

benediction which must take place before the public. But since custom

forbids the girl to appear during the entire evening, a brother or

a sister comes forward and kneels before the priest to receive the

ring. The rest all kneel at the same time, and the priest gives the

benediction. The ring is carried by the child to the fiancee, the

health of the couple is drunk in rose-syrup, and congratulations and

compliments are exchanged. Whatever else is eaten or drunk, rose-syrup

must be at hand, for this is essential and peculiar to the ceremony.

All this while the young man is within the walls of his own

home. Custom forbids him to appear at the house of his bride-to-be

until the wedding day, and if perchance the two should meet, he must

turn his head away while she hides herself. Towards ten o'clock the

party breaks up, and each guest is given a wax candle. All try to steal

something from the house before leaving, such as a bottle, a glass,

or a spoon, and if the thieves are not caught before they leave the

house, the articles are returned only at the price of a supper from

the head of the family. The party now returns to the home of the future

bridegroom, accompanied by the friends and relatives of the girl. The

procession formed, there is the same lighting of wax candles received

from the host, brightening the otherwise darkened streets, and the same

music and singing to triumph over the silence of the night. The young

man must stand upright before his future father-in-law all through the

visit. For him the great moment comes when the brother of his fiancee

takes him aside and offers him a glass of syrup prepared by her own

hands. The whole night is passed in song and amusement. During the

following fortnight both families receive visits of congratulation,

and at every visit the host or hostess must offer the syrup drunk at

the betrothal ceremony.

SECTION 3. MARRIAGE

Elaborate and gay as are the festivities of betrothal, the celebrations

of marriage are so much more so that one is inclined to look upon the

essential religious ceremony as a pretext for the merry-making. [171]

The interval of a month which ordinarily intervenes between engagement

and marriage is devoted to making the necessary preparations for

the wedding. The bridegroom must get ready the promised ornaments,

a white wedding-dress for his bride, a fine veil to cover her face,

and a pair of shoes, a rather strange combination of gifts. One

wonders also why the necessary gloves and silk stockings are not

included. The young lady on her part prepares her trousseau including

garments of various sorts, bits of jewelry, a wooden chest filled with

her clothing, a mirror, a nuptial bed with the necessary accessories,

and a few cooking utensils; altogether an outfit quite as varied and

singular as the gifts of the bridegroom, but certainly practical

and sensible enough. Two days before the wedding, which usually

occurs on a Sunday afternoon, invitations are sent out to friends and

relatives, and musicians are secured. On the eve of the ceremony, the

godfather invites the bridegroom with his friends to a Turkish bath,

where they go to the accompaniment of music and singing. This part

of the celebration is full of laughter and song, and is continued on

the forenoon of the next day in the home of the bridegroom, when the

barber comes to shave him in the presence of the guests and musicians,

who sing and play as on the preceding evening at the bath. The occasion

is one of importance for the barber, who brings all sorts of perfumes

which are purchased by the guests and poured over the bridegroom;

he receives not only a large fee for his service but also a double

price for the scented extracts. The young man is then dressed up

while the priest and choir children who have arrived sing canticles.

In the meantime very similar festivities occur in the home of the

bride, participated in by her young girl friends and relatives,

except that they are not characterized by the same spirit of loud

laughter and rejoicing. On the eve of the wedding the girls gather

around her to sing melancholy songs, in considerable contrast with

the gay, spirited music and singing taking place in the Turkish

bath at the same time. Having shared the sadness, they place a rose

leaf on the palm of each hand of the bride, which is covered with

henneh, a green Persian powder made into paste, after which each

hand is carefully bandaged up. So the poor sad girl must go to bed,

to sleep if she can. On the next morning her friends again arrive

to take the bandages off her hands, to dress her, and to sing and

dance about her. Except for the print of the rose leaf, the henneh

leaves the hands orange red, which is supposed to be beautiful. The

songs and dancing are again of a decidedly melancholy tone. Her white

dress, together with the coat of the bridegroom, must be blessed by

the priest, a ceremony which the church functionary performs alone,

both articles being sent to him early in the morning. Preliminary to

the day's events, and before breakfast, both bride and bridegroom,

being previously confessed, go separately to church, where they take

communion. This done, the festivities described follow, bride and

bridegroom are dressed, and all is in readiness for the ceremony

which occurs in the late afternoon or evening.

The bride must ride to church on horseback, and having arrived she

is dismounted, and later remounted without touching her feet to the

ground, which rather cumbersome performance is accomplished through

the help of a brother or relative, who also rides the bride's steed

while the ceremony takes place within, for the horse is not to

be left riderless. The procession to the church is accompanied by

musicians. Before the rail which separates the choir from the body

of the church, two wooden chairs are placed, upon which the couple

sit down while the people present kneel on the mats covering the

floor. When the time comes for the blessing of the priest, the couple

arise, step inside the choir space, and stand facing each other between

the high altar and two witnesses, their foreheads touching. In this

position they receive the sacrament of matrimony, answering in the

affirmative the questions of the priest regarding their duties to

each other and to their children. Of the bride is demanded perfect

faithfulness to conjugal duties, entire obedience to the husband

of whom care, patience, wisdom, and love are required. The priest,

taking the right hand of the bride and placing it in the hand of

the bridegroom, says, "According to the divine order God gave to our

ancestors, I give thee now this wife in subjection. Wilt thou be her

master?" "Through the help of God I will," answers the bridegroom. The

priest then asks the woman, "Wilt thou be obedient to him?" to which

is answered, "I am obedient according to the order of God." These

questions are repeated and replied to thrice, in evident implicit

belief that once would not be sufficient. Finally, the priest ties

to each of their heads a cord and cross, which is again removed by

him late at night in the home with special ceremony, and it is only

after this performance that the couple may enter the nuptial chamber.

After the ceremony at the church the procession starts back for the

home of the bridegroom's father, the bride riding upon her horse,

musician playing, and choir boys singing. The water-carriers, who

have supplied drinking water, break their jars noisily before the

bridegroom, drenching his marriage costume and giving rather an abrupt

signal to the godfather whose business it is to tip them. Noisily

the procession moves along the streets until it arrives at the

gate of the house. In days past it was the custom at this point in

the ceremony to place a sheep ready to be sacrificed at the feet

of the young couple, the poorer people contenting themselves with

chickens. The butcher put his knife to the neck of the sheep saying,

"May God thus put all your enemies under your feet, Amen, Amen." Then

pieces of coin mixed with raisins, pistachios, and other bits of nuts

or dried fruits are showered over the people from the windows above,

while the godfather leads the bridegroom within to the crowd of men,

and the godmother leads the bride to the women, everybody trying

to kiss the cross on their heads. The bride is then placed in the

seat of honor and in her arms is laid first a little boy, and then a

little girl, so that the first child may be a boy and if perchance

the will of God be otherwise at least a girl. Each guest now comes

to the bride to place at her feet a fruit in season. The bridegroom

is called "the prince of the feast" and must never quit his seat of

honor. If he does leave his chair he must place an object belonging

to him upon his seat, and if he should at any time omit to do so,

the assembly makes the godfather pay the necessary forfeit, which is

usually a dinner. Towards nine, the guests take their leave, having

eaten and sung to their uttermost desire. [172]

Living in the home of her patriarchal father-in-law, the young

wife is subject to the severest restraints. She must wear a lightly

fitting veil enclosing her face below the eyes, without which she

can not appear even in the house. [173] She wears a close fitting

bodice fastened at the neck with silver clasps, full trousers of

rose colored silk gathered in at the ankles by a filet of silver;

her feet are bare, a silver girdle of curious workmanship loosely

encircles her waist, and a long padded garment, open down the front,

hangs from her shoulders. Not a single word must she utter to any

member of the household, except when alone with her husband, and then

only such as may be absolutely necessary, until she has given birth

to her first child. Then she may speak to her nursling, after a while

to her mother-in-law, later to her own mother, and by and by to the

young girls of the household, but never in all her life may she have

word with a young man not a relative. During her first year of married

life, she may not go out of the house except for two visits to the

church. Every morning and at the end of each meal she must pour water

over the hands of her father- and mother-in-law, and for a certain

time after marriage, when visitors come, she must kiss their hands,

except of course, for men, before whom she may not even appear. [174]

Apart from these troublesome restraints the young wife is treated

with the utmost solicitude, and in some parts, even the peasant

wife is not allowed to do outdoor work. In the mountain villages of

Persian Armenia, however, the women do all the tilling in the fields,

wearing their veils over their mouths as they work. [175] The author

here quoted states that husbands never see the mouths of their wives,

who not only must not speak during the first year of married life,

or until a child is born, but also may not converse freely with their

husbands until six years of married life have elapsed. [176]

In such fashion the sanctity of the marriage relation is strictly

guarded, and as one would suppose, illegitimate births are unknown in

Armenia. Intermarriage among relations is forbidden, and until recent

years, divorce has been unknown. [177] As for the taboo on speech,

it is calculated not so much as an inducement to the production of

offspring as to preserve harmonious relations between the various

members of the patriarchal household. Even the patriarch with all

his authority would find difficulty in preserving proper decorum of

speech and manners in so heterogeneous a household, if every newly

acquired daughter-in-law were given a free rein in the use of her

tongue. As the neophyte is made to understand his position by a

brutal initiation, so the young wife is kept from assuming command

over the female household by the placing of a moral valuation upon

the silence which alone is compatible with the essential modesty

regarded as the first and chief of virtues among wives. In the

household of the patriarch there is a great deal to be done in common,

and unfortunately the occasion for mutual aid is not sufficient to

bring about the desired cooperation. Hence singleness of command and

authority is a necessary condition, not only of efficiency, but also

of peace, for it can not be supposed that so many daughters-in-law

would work together in harmony. It would be a mistake, therefore,

to regard the customary silence as an inducement to child-bearing.

Identifying itself with the common events of life, such as birth,

marriage, and death, the church has not only given a religious meaning

to these occasions but has also sanctioned and even encouraged the

festivities that accompany them. These festivities have up to this

point been occasions for rejoicing, with the single and significant

exception of the melancholy singing of the bride's friends on the

eve and day of her wedding. There is a perfect naturalness about

all the merry-making and festivals so far considered, and this is

no less characteristic of the funeral celebrations now to be taken

up. The description of these will conclude my treatment of the last

group of festivals, which are more properly festival-ceremonies,

or ceremonies that have been made the occasion of festivity.

SECTION 4. FUNERAL

The funerals, as one would naturally suppose, are more ceremonious,

more ritualistic, and although there is now generally a minimum of

festivity connected with them, this has not always been so. [178]

When the condition of a sick person is beyond hope, the priest is

notified and the person is given confession, communion, and extreme

unction. After death the eyes and mouth are closed, the body washed and

dressed up in the newest and cleanest clothes to be had, and the arms

crossed on the breast. [179] Two candles are kept burning until the day

of the funeral, one at the foot and one at the head of the coffin. Sad,

wooden bells are sounded, and guests are invited to pay their last

respects. Coffee is served to them, but without sugar, as a sign of

grief. Mourning women are secured, who eulogize the departed and weep

and lament until the priests begin their chanting. The corpse is now

taken to the church in a special coffin which is covered with a black

velvet cloth adorned with small white crosses, among the wealthy, but

among the poor the body is wrapped in linen and laid in a simple bier,

carried by relatives and friends. At the head of the procession, which

marches very slowly and chants on the way, there are carried a great

cross and two lighted torches, followed by the priests and then by

the coffin. The passer-by must stop and cross himself many times. At

the church the coffin is laid down, and if the relatives are wealthy

each person in the church is provided with a small wax candle which

is kept lighted during the service. While the ceremony proceeds the

body is blessed with holy water and perfumed with incense, after which

the procession re-forms to accompany the body to the cemetery. The

chanting is kept up all the way. At the cemetery the body is lowered

into its last resting-place, and the priest, after making the sign of

the cross on the four corners of the grave, throws three shovelfuls

of earth into it and three more on the coffin. The people imitate

by throwing three handfuls of dust, and the ceremony completed, all

return to the home of the deceased where they partake of steaming

broth prepared by the neighbors and friends, and recite prayers for

the soul of the dead. This latter practice, as said before, is a pagan

survival, as is also the chanting of mass for the departed, which

occurs three days later, at which time broth is again distributed,

but this time to the poor as a sacrifice to the dead. The grave is

blessed on the third day, again on the ninth, at the close of the

third month, and for the last time, at the close of the year.

The funeral of a priest is performed with much splendor. [180]

The procession makes a circuit of all the churches, and stopping at

different places, portions of the gospel are read. If the priest be

of high rank, as an archbishop, or a bishop, he is carried in an open

coffin and in a sitting posture, dressed up in official vestments, in

which position he is interred in the courtyard of the church. Farmers

send sheep to be killed and given to the poor as a sacrifice. The

Greeks in Constantinople also carry their dead in an open coffin,

but this is because a Greek official who was a refugee prisoner in

Constantinople at the time of the war of the Turks with the Greeks,

endeavored to get himself carried out of the country by feigning death

and boxing himself up in a coffin. But the Turks discovered the ruse

and it was enacted by the sultan that thereafter all Greeks must be

carried to their graves in open coffins. The custom in respect to

the Armenian bishops, however, has no connection with this.

In some parts of Armenia, as for example in Erzerum, the snow lies

so deep in winter-time that burial is well-nigh impossible. During

spring-time, with the melting of the snow, coffins have been found

perched up on tree tops. This was related by an Armenian boy I know

of, who lived in the vicinity of Erzerum. Curious customs of the past

have left their marks. In Tarsus, for example, there are Armenian

graves ranged about a tree which is asserted to have been planted

by St. Paul, each provided with a stone upon which has been carved a

symbol of the deceased, for the merchant, a representation of weights

and measures, for the blacksmith, an anvil and hammer, for the scribe,

an inkstand and pen, and for the industrious housewife, a distaff

and spindle. In the cemetery of Nakhitchevan is a large building

in which the mourners have a great repast after the funeral, and in

certain other graveyards, Dubois found innumerable pieces of broken

pitchers and crockery, which were probably broken, as the custom is,

to ward off the evil spirit of the dead.

These four ceremonies complete the third and last group of festivals

described. I have called them ceremonies because fundamentally that is

what they are, but they are to be distinguished sharply from the many

church ceremonies I have not so much as mentioned, by reason of their

festival or social value which alone makes them proper subject-matter

for this thesis. The relation between these ceremonies as revealed in

the common procession, as well as in the religious ceremony necessary

to each is due largely to the fact that they have to do with the

most ordinary, and yet most extraordinary of life's events, birth,

betrothal, marriage, and death.

Reviewing them from the standpoint of their social or festival value,

it is obvious that the marriage celebration easily takes first place,

the betrothal festivities second, baptism and funeral third. There is

the rather uncouth, perhaps, but none the less spontaneous gaiety of

the friends of the bridegroom, not only on the eve of the wedding-day

when they go to the bath, but also on the morning of the wedding-day

when the unfortunate youth is assuredly cured of any addiction he

might have to the use of perfumes. I should imagine that the music

would begin to bore the young men by the time the barber arrives,

since the musicians also accompany the rejoicing of the night before,

and yet it may be said that there could be nothing more convenient

or ingenious devised to carry over a lull in the merry-making, for

after all, the young men could not well be singing, joking, laughing,

and teasing all the time. In striking contrast is the melancholy

rejoicing of the party of young women at the home of the bride. But

where there is dancing and singing there can not well be weeping,

although no doubt it is more natural for the bride to be thoughtful

on her wedding-day, than for the bridegroom, for it is the former

who leaves her home to spend the rest of her days in a very new,

very strange, perhaps even unkindly world. There is still another

reason for the melancholy, in that the girl must know she is bidding

farewell forever to the delights and joys and freedom of childhood,

for although to-day she may speak and sing and make merry, to-morrow

morning she must be silent and prepared to pour water over the hands

of her father- and mother-in-law. Henceforth it is for her to be

submissive, obedient, docile, uncomplaining even at heart, for what

use will it be to complain, and though her most cherished dreams

may be of motherhood, does she not also have spirit, and why must

it be broken? Is she then only a chattel to be sold into everlasting

bondage? It is all too evident, even to the dullest of brides, that

the happiness of childhood is forever past, and the brighter one can

hardly fail to feel that she has been bartered for the bit of gold

about her waist or neck.

There is then the very highest of social value to be attributed to both

of these festivities, and largely because in each group of people,

the young men on one side, the young women on the other, there is

perfect community of feeling, mutual understanding, and freedom

of thought and expression. In comparison with these gatherings,

the mixed assembly at the house of the bridegroom after the marriage

ceremony is of little importance. The succession of events covering a

period of nearly thirty-six hours, of which only a few, and perhaps

none at all, are spent in sleep by the members of the bridal party,

must certainly begin to have its effect by the time the little baby

doll is placed in the lap of the bride.

The betrothal party is always out for a good time, for they realize

that the merry-making is to be an all-night affair. There is the

procession with its candles lighting up the darkened streets, the music

and singing filling all space, the humorous little artificialities in

the house of the bride,--real enough, at least ceremoniously, from

the standpoint of the family,--the syrup, the attempted stealing of

utensils, the return procession, the singing, music, and dancing at

the home of the young bridegroom-to-be, without stop until dawn. All

of this makes a rather complete occasion, even for young people.

Baptism and funeral rites come nearest being pure ceremonies. But

even the baptismal rite has its procession to and from the church

participated in by all the friends and relatives of the family, and

though the event is an occasion neither for rejoicing nor for sorrow,

it is important enough, occurring as it does but once in the lifetime

of each individual. There are, to be sure, the social calls that follow

the ceremony. But the event can not be said to have any attraction

for the young; and if this is true of baptism, it is still more true

of funerals. Nevertheless there is the distinct psychological value

of each, calling up as they do various associations, as the baptism

of this one, or the death of another one, and thus keeping alive

the deepest experiences of life. If they are crude and offensive

to more delicate tastes, it must be remembered that a belief is

represented in the concrete fashion essential to the simple mind,

a mode of representation necessary to the best of intellects even

though on another plane.

CHAPTER V

SUMMARY

Such are the festivals treated in the second and last part of this

thesis. Is it true that they form a vehicle of expression for the

national sentiment created by the large mass of social material

of which the legends of Part One are a considerable and important

portion? Again it will be necessary to remind ourselves of the

chief sentiments included within Armenian national sentiment, i.e.,

the sentiment of loyalty to the church, the sentiment of reverence

amounting almost to worship for the ancient glory of the nation,

and the sentiment of love for the country. It would be ridiculous

to suppose that every festival was designed to give expression to

some one of these sentiments. But that these sentiments are given

very clear, very real outward expression in the great majority of the

celebrations described, should be so evident at this point as to make

further exposition unnecessary. In the summer Festival of Vartavar,

the spring Festival of Mihr, Vartan's Day, and in the consecration

of the Katholikos there is the proud and reverent looking back to the

times when Armenia was an independent nation; the festival ceremonies

of the third group, baptism, betrothal, marriage, and funeral, though

they are not positive expressions of the sentiments of loyalty to the

church, are yet so completely interwoven with the church and dependent

upon it that one is compelled to regard the feeling as something to be

taken for granted, while in most of the festivals of the second group,

Christmas, Easter, Maundy Thursday, and the Blessing of the Grapes

especially, the sentiment is given a more positive expression. As for

the sentiment of love for the country, that is identified especially

with Vartavar and Vartan's Day. It is evident, therefore, that each

of these festivals and festival-ceremonies forms a medium more or

less evident as the case may be, for the expression of one or more or

all of the sentiments that make up Armenian national sentiment. Some

of them are not to be classified as readily as this, as for example,

the festival of Ascension morning, or Fortune-Telling Day, in which

the dominant sentiment is one of romantic love, or in the Blessing

of the Water, where the desire for a gain in health or wealth is the

main psychological fact.

Each one of these festivals, however, is a great deal more than the

putting into activity of some of the above sentiments. In many of them

the play-instinct is clearly evident, while in a few such as Vartavar,

the whole self, with all its sentiments, instincts, tendencies,

and emotions, is given the fullest and most unrestrained freedom. A

festival, if it is anything, is a letting loose of the reins;

there is nothing to hinder, nothing to keep back, nothing to hide,

nothing to fear, and the self reaches out in a higher consciousness of

fullness and completeness of living. As such it would be the greatest

of fallacies to suppose any one of the festivals to be restricted to

a particular sentiment. Nevertheless, it is clear, that the festivals

do constitute vehicles of expression for the sentiments that make up

Armenian national sentiment.

CONCLUSIONS

The general conclusions to which this study unmistakably gives rise are

in respect to the national traits of the Armenian people. These traits

have been brought out both explicitly and implicitly in connection with

the various legends and festivals considered, and it is my purpose,

therefore, to summarize and substantiate them at this point. They

include, first, the superstitiousness, second, the conservatism,

third, the self-sufficiency, and lastly the familism of the people.

First of these qualities, superstitiousness, may be ascribed in large

measure to geographical isolation. The country to be sure, is so

situated as to form a highway from Europe to the Mesopotamian valley,

and from Asiatic Russia to the Mediterranean, and although it has been

overrun by Assyrians, Greeks, Parthians, Romans, Persians, Turks,

Egyptians, and still others, yet we must speak of it as isolated,

for the science that has brought remote countries into contact has

not affected Armenia to any considerable degree. Subject to a backward

nation, lacking all modern means of communication, the country is shut

off and the plows of civilization have not yet furrowed the social

soil of superstition. How general these superstitions are is brought

out especially by the festivals described, many of which have given

rise to a superstition or a group of superstitions. From Vartavar,

there came the belief that the dust from the sacred altar served as a

talisman for children learning their A B C's; the spring fire festival

gave rise to the practice of taking home a glowing brand for good luck;

there is the belief that the blessed water will cure various diseases,

and that the oil scraped from the anointed foot with a walnut given by

the priest after washing the feet at the ceremony of Maundy Thursday,

will keep a supply of butter throughout the year. And then there are

the beliefs in the miraculous power of the holy oil, manufactured with

due ceremony every four years at Sis; in the healing power of the

various sacred relics kept at Etchmiadzin and other places, and ten

thousand others. There are also beliefs not of a religious character

as the above, such as the one in regard to the tetagush, the little

locust-eating bird, which is supposed to be attracted by Ararat spring

water. The same superstition obtains in other parts of the country with

the difference that the inconvenience of obtaining Ararat spring water

makes it necessary for the people to believe in the peculiar efficacy

of other springs. These illustrations are sufficient, and although it

could hardly be proved that Armenians are more innately superstitious

than the Anglo-Saxon ancestors who believed only a few generations

ago in the power of the malignant eye, and that an innocent person

might pass through fire unharmed, yet their superstitious nature and

beliefs are present-day facts explained most completely on the ground

of comparative isolation from the rest of the world.

Second of the national characteristics of the people clearly

brought out by this study is their conservatism. This may also be

traced in large measure to their secluded condition, but in larger

proportion is it due to the solidarity and national consciousness,

which naturally consider innovations as foreign, and intrusions of

foreign cultures, ideals, customs, and manners as hostile. That this

is true is indicated conclusively by the fact that in Constantinople,

where Armenian culture has naturally come in conflict with that of the

Greek, the Turk, and the European, the Armenians have not at all given

up their ways to imitate any of the three peoples mentioned. To be

sure they have not adhered rigidly to the old beliefs and practices of

the interior. Comparison has resulted in substitution, and conflict

between the rational and irrational, the utile and the inutile,

has meant displacement, but invariably by something distinctly

different from the usages and practices current among Turk or

European. That is, Armenians are themselves centers of imitation

by fellow Armenians who, though they follow the lines suggested by

their fellow countrymen, scorn to imitate even the European, whose

superiority is generally recognized in Constantinople. The Armenian,

recognizing no superior, has merely modified his own practices, usages,

manners, and customs to suit his changed environment. And therefore

I say that the characteristic Armenian conservatism is due rather to

a strong feeling of nationality than to isolation.

The conservatism of the church has been an important element. Refusing

to have anything to do with the decisions of the Council of Chalcedon,

the church became independent and has maintained a policy of the most

rigid ultra-conservatism ever since. Says Ormanian:

The Armenian church would have nothing to do with this transaction

(Chalcedon) which was prompted by a design that had no bearing

on theology. She remained firm in her original resolve, and ever

maintained an attitude of ultra-conservatism. She set herself

to resist every new dogmatic utterance said to emanate from

revelation, as well as every innovation which could in any way

pervert the primitive faith. [181]

That this same spirit is reflected in the social life of the people

is something one would naturally expect, in view of the important

influence of the church over the entire life of the people. As the

father of the Alan princess replied when requested to give the hand

of his daughter to Artasches, "From whence shall brave Artasches give

thousands upon thousands and ten thousands upon tens of thousands unto

the Alans in return for the maiden?" so to-day the first question

that is asked when the hand of a young Armenian girl is requested

in marriage is "What can he give for his bride?" The practice of

wife purchase has only changed in that the required riches are given

to the bride instead of to the father of the bride. Occasionally a

young man is pressed to the point of mortgaging property in order

to obtain the necessary funds, and it has been known that in many

such cases the young bride found her treasure gone shortly after

her marriage, her master having taken it to pay off his mortgage. So

parents arrange for the marriage of their children, the young wife is

delivered up to her husband as the obedient and submissive servant,

children are baptized after they have scarcely opened their eyes, and

church ceremonies are conducted much as they have been for generations.

The self-sufficiency of the Armenian people has been indicated in

the repeated failures of missionary religions and foreign cultures to

alter appreciably the native folkways and mores. In spite of political

subordination to Islam, the Gregorian church has held tenaciously

to its ideals and has successfully maintained its independence. The

distinctive social tradition,--which includes the political and the

religious traditions,--has remained intact in the face of recurrent

invasion, vassalage, and persecution. The Armenian will not be

assimilated. Death is preferable to the loss of those intangible

realities that make the people a distinctive group. When Haic, the

patriarchal progenitor of the race, was invited to "soften his hard

pride," and to return to the kingdom of the god Bel, the alternative,

war, was chosen. In the year 450, when the Persian fire-worshippers

invited the Armenians to change their faith, the answer again

was war. The reply to the decision of Chalcedon illustrates the

same spirit. Likewise through the centuries of the immediate past

the ever recurring answer to the Turk has been war. Powerless to

assimilate the Armenian people, the Turk has had to annihilate or be

annihilated. The self-sufficiency of the people thus reveals itself

in the will to maintain the distinctive social tradition, regardless

of cost or sacrifice.

The characteristic familism reveals itself not only in the customs of

family life, but also in the very nature of the Armenian. In Russian

Armenia there is a very active propaganda carried on by Russian girls

to secure Armenian husbands because of the domesticity of the latter,

which is in striking contrast to the adventurous unfaithfulness of

the Russian husband, whose house becomes his prison, from which

he therefore flees, leaving his wife and children to shift for

themselves. The discontented Russian may be a more attractive lover

for his "Wanderlust" and restlessness, but he is a less attractive

husband for the same reason. An Armenian husband belongs in his home,

where he lives in the hope that some day he may be the father of

a huge household of married sons and grandsons. A young Armenian I

know spoke to me of his wish that some day his father might collect

the scattered sons and unite them and their families in a single

household. This desire is so general among Armenians as to make it

evident that the family is the all-important social unit. No reputation

is so great as that carried by a good family name, nor is there any

so damning as that which goes with a bad family name. And why is the

young bride kept silent for years if not to ensure the all-essential

family-unity, family-solidarity, and family-continuity,--that is,

continuity of family tradition, manners, and customs? And why is

the "patria-potestas" well-nigh unlimited if not for precisely the

same reason? Nor is the taboo upon the young bride, according to

which she may not speak to any young man not a relative during her

entire life of marriage, of no significance in this connection. It too

precludes family disruption, or blemish on the family name. Divorce and

infidelity are very rare, all family differences having no tribunal

outside the patriarch, who considers his greatest misfortune to be a

lack of family integrity or oneness. Thus a son who has been swayed

by Protestantism dares not clash with his father, and has no choice

but to run away, while a daughter whose wishes are contrary can

be disobedient only at the cost of breaking the family connection,

to prevent which she is usually ready to make any sacrifice. All of

this is no accident. Forced to dwell within the circle of the family

group for seven, eight, or nine months during the year without so much

as opening his door, because of the severity of winter, the life of

the patriarch is inevitably centered in his household, and therefore

also the self of each member is merged into the larger unit. This

familism throws additional light on some of the conclusions I have

insisted upon, for nothing so fosters conservatism as a substantial

family solidarity; what could be more instrumental in passing on the

national sentiment, and finally, what could be more favorable to the

development of the self-sufficiency, the independence of Armenian

character? In speaking of "familism and the well-knit family" Ross

says; "Worshippers of the spirit of the hearth, they are more aloof

from their fellows, slower therefore to merge with them or be swept

from their moorings by them. It seems to be communion by the fire-side

rather than communion in the public resort that gives individuality

long bracing roots. The withdrawn social self, although it lacks

breadth, gains in depth, etc." [182]

Any socially well-knit people possessing a distinctive social

tradition, and characterized by a highly developed national

consciousness, may make its contribution to the world's work, if

it is given the necessary freedom. As the period of the Arsacidae

kings brought forth the golden age of Armenian literature, so greater

achievements may follow the political independence that is hoped for,

and for which Armenians have valiantly struggled. Lord Bryce writes

of the Armenian race, "It is the only one of the native races of

Western Asia that is capable of restoring productive industry and

assured prosperity to the now desolate region that was the earliest

home of civilization." In the past, the energy of the people has

been wasted in ceaseless conflict. Given a guarantee of territorial

integrity, and participation in the affairs of government with the

hope of future autonomy, the energies of strife will be diverted to

the work of peace. Not until then can the high calling expressed in

the words of Lord Bryce be realized.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abeghian, A. Der armenische Volksglaube. Leipzig. 1899.

Agathange. Histoire du regne de Tiridate. In Langlois, Collection

des historiens de l'Armenie.

Anonymous. Easter service. Survey 36:167.

---- Armenian folk-lore. Fraser's Magazine (n.s.) 13:283-97.

Arnot, Robert. World's great classic series. Section on Armenian

literature and folk-lore. New York. 1901.

Bent, J. T. Travels amongst the Armenians. Contemporary Review 70:695.

Blackwell, Alice, S. Preface to Seklemian's tales. New York. 1898.

Boyadjian, Z. C. Armenian legends and poems. London. 1916.

Brightman, F. E. Liturgies eastern and western. Oxford. 1896.

Bryce, J. Transcaucasia and Ararat. London. 1896.

Cesaresco, E. M. Folk-songs. London. 1886.

Chikhachev, P. A. Reisen in Kleinasien und Armenien. Gotha. 1867.

Clark, W. Armenian history. New Englander 22:507, 672.

Conybeare, F. C. Armenian church. Encyclopaedia Britannica 11th ed.

---- Armenian language and literature. Ibid.

---- Key of truth. Oxford. 1898.

---- Rituale Armenorum. Oxford. 1905.

Curzon, Robert. Armenia. London. 1854.

Dubois de Montpereux. Voyages. Vols. 2, 3. Paris. 1839-43.

Elisee Vartabed. Histoire de Vartan et de la guerre des Armeniens. In

Langlois, Collection.

Emin, M. Movses--Khorenatzi yev Hayotz Hin Veber. Tiflis. 1886.

Faustus of Byzance. Bibliotheque historique. In Langlois, Collection.

Fortescue, E. F. K. The Armenian church. London. 1872.

Gelzer, H. Armenia. New Schaff Herzog Encyclopaedia.

Gibbon, Ed. Decline and fall of the Roman Empire. Vol. 3. New

York. 1910.

Hodgetts, E. A. B. Round about Armenia. London. 1896.

Langlois, Victor. Collection des historiens de l'Armenie. Vols. 1,

2. Paris. 1867-1869. Contains translations of various historians

dating from 2nd century before Christ to 5th century after Christ.

Lidgett, Elizabeth S. An ancient people. London. 1897.

Lynch, H. F. B. Armenia. Vols. 1, 2. London. 1901.

MacDougall, W. Social psychology. Boston. 1916.

Mar Apas Catina. Histoire ancienne de l'Armenie. In Langlois,

Collection.

Mesrob, St. Maschtotz. Constantinople. No date given.

Moise de Khorene. Histoire de l'Armenie. In Langlois, Collection.

Ormanian, M. The Armenian church. London. 1912.

Radloff, W. Volksliteratur tuerkischen Staemme. St. Petersburg. 1866.

Raffi, A. Article on Armenia. In Boyadjian, Armenian legends and poems.

Rockwell, W. Publications of Hakluyt Society. Series 2, IV, and other

references under "Armenia."

Ross, E. A. Social psychology. New York. 1917.

St. Martin, J. Memoire sur l'Armenie. Paris. 1818-1819.

Seklemian, S. Golden maiden and other tales. New York. 1898.

Stubbs, W. Lectures on mediaeval kingdoms. Oxford. 1887.

Tarde, G. Les lois sociales. Paris. 1898.

Tavernier, J. B. Voyages en Turquie en Perse et aux

Indes. Vol. 3. Utrecht. 1712.

Terzian, P. Religious customs among Armenians. Catholic World 71:305,

509.

Trowbridge, T. C. Armenia and Armenians. New Englander 33:1.

Ubicini, J. H. A. Letters on Turkey. London. 1856.

Villari, Luigi. Fire and sword in the Caucasus. London. 1906.

Wilson, C. W. Armenia. Encyclopaedia Britannica 11th ed.

NOTES

[1] Detailed descriptions of geography and geology may be found

in Lynch, Armenia; St. Martin, Memoire sur l'Armenie, 2. Summary

descriptions may be found in the New Schaff Herzog and Britannica

encyclopedias.

[2] Robert Curzon, Armenia.

[3] Dubois de Montpereux, Voyages 3:400.

[4] There is a belief that the toneer is sacred. "Nur der alte T'onir,

der offen Backofen, der von den Iraniern entlehnt ist und am fuenften

Jahrhundert schon gebraucht wird, gilt ueberall in Armenien als

heilig." Abeghian, Der armenische Volksglaube p. 3.

[5] Surrounded as Armenia was with almost all of the ancient

civilizations, including the Parthians, Scythians, Medes, Assyrians,

Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, and Romans, she was inevitably involved

in continual warfare, while the central situation of the territory

made it a common stamping ground for hostile armies. Langlois 1:ix.

[6] Ormanian, The Church of Armenia pp. 151-54.

[7] Mar Apas Catina. Langlois' Collection des Histoires de l'Armenie

1:16.

[8] St. Martin, Memoire sur l'Armenie 1:281.

[9] Mar Apas Catina. Langlois 1:15-18.

Moses of Khorene. Langlois 3:63-64.

[10] St. Martin 1:306.

[11] Ibid. 1:282-3. Moses of Khorene 2:67-69.

Mar Apas Catina 1:26-27.

The first Arsacidae king of Armenia, Valarsace, whose reign began

in 149 B.C. found the kingdom in general disorder and was the first

to organize the country along national lines. As a Parthian he was

unacquainted with the history and institutions of the people, and

desiring to build upon the established foundation, such as it was,

he sent a Syrian scholar, Mar Apas Catina by name, with a letter to

his brother, Arsace, king of Persia, requesting the latter to allow the

Syrian access to the royal archives with the view of finding a history

of Armenia. Mar Apas Catina found an old MS containing a history

of ancient Armenia which bore the name of no author, and which was

translated from Chaldean to Greek by order of Alexander the Great. It

was translated into Syriac by the Syrian scholar for the benefit of

Valarsace, but the MS has been lost, and there is not the slightest

trace of it anywhere. It must have been in existence however, during

the fifth century after Christ for Moses of Khorene used it as his only

source for Armenia's ancient history, in writing his general history

of Armenia. The old MS being lost, the translation by Mar Apas Catina

and the first part of the history of Moses are given as identical

to each other in Langlois' collection of Armenian historians. The

ancient history contains the legends of Haic, of Ara and Semiramis,

and of Vahakn, some of the songs of heroes, still sung, and other

matter which is strictly speaking not historical. As a history,

therefore, it is unreliable and unauthentic, but from the standpoint

of the social historian it is invaluable, for a belief is as important

a fact to sociology as the dethronement of a king is to history.

[12] Boyadjian, Armenian Legends and Poetry p. 33.

[13] St. Martin 1:409.

[14] Lynch 2:65.

[15] Lynch, Armenia, chapter entitled "Van."

[16] Raffi, article in Boyadjian's Armenian Legends and Poetry, p. 125.

[17] Lynch, chapter on Van.

[18] Moses of Khorene 2:69.

[19] Ibid.

[20] Lynch 2:65.

[21] Moses of Khorene 2:68, 69.

[22] St. Martin 1:285.

[23] Raffi p. 129. Abeghian pp. 49, 50.

[24] Moses of Khorene 2:76. Translation from Moses, Boyadjian p. 10.

Mar Apas Catina 1:40.

[25] Mar Apas Catina 1:41. Moses of Khorene p. 76.

Moses of Khorene, called the Herodotus of Armenia, has written the best

known history of the Armenian people. The work has been translated

into Latin, Italian, French, German, and Russian. Moses lived in the

fifth century, two centuries after the conversion of the nation to

Christianity. He belonged to the second order of translators in the

school of St. Sahag and St. Mesrob, and was sent to Syria, Egypt,

Greece, and Rome in order to complete his studies. Upon returning to

his country he found everything in disorder. St. Sahag and St. Mesrob

were dead, the king had been overthrown, and he chose the life of

solitude. Sometime later he was chosen bishop and requested by an

Armenian prince, Sahag Bagratide, to write a history of his country,

which task he took up with great enthusiasm. The translation of Mar

Apas Catina was his only source for Armenian ancient history. He

carefully differentiates hearsay from fact, never fails to stamp

a fable or legend as such, and generally quotes his authorities

where he has them. Considering the limitation of his materials, and

the time in which he wrote, Moses wrote a really remarkable book,

although the verdicts of a few critics have been unfavorable.

[26] Raffi p. 129.

[27] Lidgett, An Ancient People. St. Martin 1:409. Mar Apas Catina

p. 41.

[28] The influence of Greek culture is chiefly indicated by the fact

that the pagan divinities were Greek and that many temples were erected

to these gods and goddesses all over the country. (Agathange, Histoire

du Regne de Tiridate. Langlois 1:164-70.) Secondly, there were formed

by St. Sahag and St. Mesrob in the fifth century after the conversion

of the nation to Christianity, schools of translators, who studied in

Greece, Egypt, and Rome and whose chief works were translations from

the Greek. With the conversion (301) came the necessity for a written

language, the characters of which were invented by St. Mesrob in

404. Thereupon were organized the schools of translators whose chief

study of necessity was Greek, and whose translations and original

works have given to the fifth century the title of "Golden Age of

Armenian Literature." (Langlois 1:xxi-xxvi, 2:vii.)

[29] St. Martin 1:288, 289. Mar Apas Catina 1:41.

Moses of Khorene 2:81.

[30] Ibid.

[31] Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire 3:393.

Moses of Khorene 2:155.

[32] Ibid. pp. 88, 89.

[33] St. Martin 1:291. Moses of Khorene p. 88.

[34] Raffi p. 126.

[35] Langlois 1:ix, x. These songs of which Moses of Khorene very

frequently speaks are classified by Langlois into songs of the first

order, the second order, and the third order. The first are relative

to the prowess of Armenian kings and gods; the second concern a long

series of military exploits accomplished against the Assyrians, Medes,

and Persians; the third refer especially to traditions in connection

with the Assyrians. The birth-song of Vahakn is an illustration of

the songs of the first order (p. x, xi). Flint in his History of the

Philosophy of History, p. 42, speaks of this period of minstrelsy

as necessarily preceding the use of letters everywhere. "The myth

and legend interest primitive man more than real fact. His vision is

more largely of the imagination than of the sense of judgment. It is

an error to regard the rude minstrelsy which generally preceded the

use of letters as essentially historical."

[36] Countess Evelyn Martinengo Cesaresco, Essays in the Study of

Folk-Songs, chapter on Armenia.

[37] The battle of Avarair under the leadership of the celebrated

Vartan, where Armenia defended her national ideals against the

intrusion of Persia, is proof of this.

[38] Ormanian p. 22. Moses of Khorene p. 158.

[39] There are further proofs that may be cited. The history of English

and French literature shows that the golden age of their literature

followed a period of social integration along national lines. And

it is true that the golden age of Armenian literature dawned with

the closing decades of the Arsacidae dynasty, and continued several

decades beyond. And finally, when Valarsace, the first Arsacidae,

ascended the throne of Armenia, finding everything in a state of

disorder, he organized the country along national lines. Dividing

the kingdom into provinces he placed his governors at the heads

of them; he organized a standing army, appointed guardians of the

granaries, established courts of justice, a royal guard, and minutely

regulated court life. What is most interesting is that he appointed two

reporters, one to remind him in his anger, "le bien a faire," the other

to remind him of the necessity for doing justice. Ibid. pp. 82-85.

[40] St. Martin 1:300. Moses of Khorene pp. 105-6.

[41] Ibid. p. 106.

[42] Boyadjian p. 49. Moses of Khorene p. 106. Moses as translated by

Langlois, relates the story as legend, for after telling the tale, and

quoting the songs he writes, "Voici maintenant le fait dans toute sa

verite comme le cuir rouge est tres-estime chez les Alains, Artasches

donne beaucoup de peaux de cette couleur, et beaucoup d'or en dot,

et il obtient la jeune princesse Satenig. C'est la la laniere de cuir

rouge garnie d'anneaux d'or. Ainsi dans les noces, ils chantent des

legendes, en disant,

'Une pluie d'or tombait

Au marriage d'Artasches;

Les perles pleuvait

Aux noces de Satenig.'"

Moses likewise relegates the legend and songs of Artavasd to their

proper places.

[43] Moses of Khorene p. 111.

[44] Translation from Moses by Boyadjian p. 65.

[45] Moses of Khorene p. 111.

[46] Raffi p. 42.

[47] St. Martin 1:appendix.

[48] Ibid.

[49] Clark, New Englander 22:507, 672. Raffi p. 127.

[50] That trees are worshipped even to-day, and that certain

superstitions are bound up with them is clearly shown by Abeghian. "In

den Gegenden Armeniens, wo das Land mit Waeldern bedeckt ist, werden

viele sehr alte und grosse Baeume fuer heilig gehalten und aehnlicher

Weise wie die Quellen verehrt. Man brennt vor ihnen Lichter. Weihrauch,

opfert ihnen Haehne und Hammel, kuesst sie, kriecht durch ihren

gespaltenen Stamm durch, oder laesst magere Kinder durch ihre Loecher

schluepfen, um die Einwirkung der bosen Geister aufzuheben. Man glaubt

dass vom Himmel Lichter auf die heiligen Baeume kommen, oder Heilige

sich auf denselben aufhalten. Auch die Baeume geben Gesundheit, einige

heilen alle Krankheiten.... Um von Baeumen Heilung zu bekommen soll man

ein Stueck von seiner Kleidung abreissen und damit den Baum umwickeln

oder es auf den Baum nageln. Man glaubt dadurch seine Krankheit auf

den Baum zu uebertragen." Abeghian pp. 58, 59.

[51] Agathangelus p. 127. Emin, Recherches sur le Paganisme Armenien

p. 9.

[52] Raffi, article in Boyadjian's Armenian Legends and Poetry.

[53] Tir is mentioned only once by Agathangelus (p. 164) and he is not

mentioned by any other Armenian writers (Langlois 1:164). Emin compares

him to the Greek Hermes or Mercury, probably because Agathangelus

speaks of him as the recorder or reporter of Aramazd. (Emin p. 20,

note 1.)

[54] Abeghian p. 4.

[55] He corresponds to the Persian Mithra and is hence of Persian

origin and not Greek. The Greek translation of Agathangelus

regards him as analogous to Vulcan, which Emin considers to be

incorrect. (Agathangelus p. 168; Emin p. 20.)

[56] Raffi, article in Boyadjian's Armenian Legends and Poetry.

Seklemian's Tales. Preface by Blackwell.

[57] "Und auch heute pflegt man stellenweise niederzuknieen und zu

beten: 'O du goettliche strahlende Sonne! Dein Fuss ruhe auf meinem

Antlitz! Bewahre meine Kinder.'" u. s. w. Abeghian p. 43.

[58] Although the Greeks have identified Anahit with their goddess

of chastity, Artemid, the Armenian goddess is not of Greek, but of

Assyro-Babylonian origin according to Emin. Her name "Anahato" in

ancient Persian means "Spotless." Agathangelus p. 126; Emin p. 10.

[59] Agathangelus. Langlois 1:127.

[60] Raffi p. 129.

Both Nane and Astghik are mentioned by Agathangelus who speaks of the

latter as the Aphrodite of the Greeks. (Agathangelus p. 173.) Emin

likens Nane to Venus. The fact is that very little is known of

either. (Agathangelus p. 168; Emin, p. 16.)

[61] St. Martin 1:305, 306.

[62] In the reigns of Artasches I and Tigranes II, many Greek

statues were imported from abroad, and the latter king not only

constructed temples for the worship of Greek divinities, but also

ordered all to offer sacrifices and to worship newly acquired gods

and goddesses. (Moses of Khorene pp. 86-88.)

[63] St. Martin 1:295.

[64] Moses of Khorene p. 95.

[65] Moses of Khorene p. 96.

[66] Ibid.

[67] Ormanian p. 3.

[68] There is another legend of St. Thaddeus, according to which

he converted Abgar and his whole court to Christianity, curing the

king of his disease at the same time. (Moses p. 97.) Abgar, who died

shortly afterword, divided his kingdom between his son and nephew. The

former at once resumed the pagan worship while the latter was forced

to apostatize. But the preaching and martyrdom of St. Thaddeus at the

hand of Sanatruk, the nephew, is recorded by Faustus of Byzantium,

one of the most reliable of early Armenian historians. (Faustus of

Byzantium. Langlois 1:210. See also Lynch, Armenia 1:278, and Moses

of Khorene pp. 98-99.)

[69] Lynch 1:286.

[70] St. Martin pp. 302, 303.

[71] Agathangelus. Langlois 1:115.

[72] St. Martin p. 303.

Agathangelus p. 122.

[73] St. Martin p. 304. Agathangelus p. 121.

[74] Agathangelus pp. 126-33.

[75] Ibid. p. 135.

[76] Lynch 1:256. Agathangelus p. 139.

[77] Critics have distinguished Agathangelus, the historian,

from Pseudo Agathangelus, the meddler, who evidently had religious

interests at stake. The former lived in the fourth century, and was

secretary to Tiridates, who unquestionably commissioned him to keep

the records of the events of his reign. He is spoken of by Moses and

other ancient historians as sincere and reliable. It is thus assumed

that the original work has been destroyed or lost, and that the Greek

and Armenian texts now existing are the work of an interpolater who

desired to weave the straggling skeins of religious sentiment into

a single garment by establishing an historic and literary sanction

to the religious events of the period of the conversion. There are

many indications of this, chief of which is the highly imaginative

style of narrative, undoubtedly designed with the particular intent

of capturing the minds of the people. (Langlois' introduction to

Agathangelus 1:99-108.)

[78] Langlois in his footnotes states that the chapel consecrated

to St. Gaiane was constructed by the Katholikos Ezdras in the year

630. and repaired in 1652. The church of St. Rhipsime was built by the

Katholikos Gomidas in 618, and repaired in 1653. The main cathedral

was built by St. Gregory. They are situated in Etchmiadzin. (Dubois

3:213. Langlois 1:160, 162.)

[79] Lynch 1:291, note.

[80] Dubois 3:276.

[81] Bryce pp. 314, 315.

[82] Ormanian p. 13.

[83] Dubois 3:276.

[84] Ormanian p. 8.

[85] Agathangelus pp. 164-66.

[86] See Conybeare's translation and annotation of the Key of

Truth, the book of the Paulicians (Adoptionists) of Thonrak. This

book contains the baptismal and ordinal service of the Adoptionist

church. (Especially pp. vi-xcxii.)

[87] Conybeare p. xcvii. The original is given by Conybeare as follows:

"Dic mihi," says Archelaus, "super quem Spiritus Sanctus sicut columba

descendit. Quis est etiam qui baptizatur a Ioanne si perfectus erat,

si Filius erat, si vertus erat, non poterat Spiritus ingredi; sicut

nee regnum potest ingredi intra regnum."

Lynch 1:279.

[88] Ibid. 1:282.

[89] Lynch 1:294.

Agathangelus pp. 164-66.

[90] St. Martin 1: appendix.

Elisee Vartabed, Histoire de Vartan. Langlois 2:190-91.

[91] Ibid. p. 195.

[92] Lidgett, An Ancient People.

The detailed events of this struggle against the Persians are

told in the Histoire de Vartan et de la Guerre des Armeniens, by

Elisee Vartabed who belonged to the second order of translators and

served under General Vartan during the war, the history of which he

narrates. After the sad ending of the series of dramatic incidents that

made up this struggle for religious freedom, Elisee sought solitude

and lived on herbs and roots in a mountainside cave which came to be

known as the "cave of Elisee." Because of a growing social intimacy

he was obliged to find a second cave in a more remote section of the

country, where he completed his work and died. His history is written

in the style of a religious mystic, is full of dramatic imagery,

and has come down as an Armenian classic. (Langlois 2:179-82.)

[93] Lynch 1:313.

Ormanian p. 35.

[94] Ibid. p. 36.

[95] Genesis 8:4.

[96] James Bryce, Transcaucasia and Ararat p. 210.

St. Martin 1:264.

[97] St. Martin 1:267-68.

[98] Tavernier, Voyages 1:43.

[99] Bryce, Transcaucasia and Ararat, chapter on Ararat.

[100] Dubois 3:465.

[101] Arghuri means "Il sema la vigne." St. Martin pp. 266, 267.

[102] Dubois 3:465-68.

[103] Bryce, chapter on Ararat.

[104] Dubois 3:468.

[105] Countess Evelyn Martinengo Cesaresco, chapter on Armenian

folk-songs. Fraser's Magazine (n.s.) 13:283-97.

[106] Fraser's Magazine (n.s.) 13:283-97.

[107] Ormanian p. 224.

Bertrand Bareilles, preface to the French edition of Ormanian p. xviii.

[108] Ormanian p. 243.

[109] Ibid. p. 177.

[110] Ubicini, Letters on Turkey.

Ormanian pp. 151, 152.

[111] Ibid. p. 173.

[112] Ibid. p. 141.

[113] Ubicini, Letters on Turkey.

[114] Ormanian p. 170.

[115] Ibid.

Ubicini, Letters on Turkey.

Tavernier 1:498, 499.

[116] Ormanian p. 152.

[117] Ibid.

[118] Lynch, chapter on Etchmiadzin.

Dubois 3:362, 363.

[119] See p. 30 of this thesis, note 32.

[120] Ormanian p. 74.

[121] Ibid.

For the relation of the church to the Turkish and Russian Governments

see Lynch 1:269, also Ubicini, Letters on Turkey.

[122] That is, Pseudo Agathangelus.

[123] Raffi p. 128.

[124] Ibid.

[125] Seklemian's Tales. Preface by Blackwell.

[126] Abeghian pp. 72-74.

[127] The 13th of February according to the old style calendar

corresponds to the 26th of February of the Latin calender.

[128] Abeghian p. 72.

[129] Ibid. p 20.

The remainder of the paragraph is a free translation of selected

parts of pp. 20-22.

[130] Abeghian p. 22.

[131] Maschtotz, St. Mesrob. One third of the book is devoted to

this purpose.

[132] Ormanian p. 189.

[133] Abeghian p. 23.

[134] Ibid. This and preceding paragraph are a free translation from

selected sentences of pp. 23 and 24.

[135] Tavernier 1:507-9.

[136] Elisee.

[137] Lidgett, Ancient People.

[138] Ibid.

[139] Raffi p. 158.

[140] Translated by Miss Boyadjian, Armenian Legends and Poetry.

After the first and third lines of the charm song, the following line

is sung, which I give in the German of Abeghian:

"Liebe Rose meine, liebe, liebe."

and after the second and fourth lines:

"Liebe Blume meine, liebe, liebe." (Abeghian p. 65.)

There are thousands of similarly constructed folk-songs treating

a variety of subjects current among the people, many of which have

been collected by an Armenian by the name of Tcheras, whose book,

unfortunately, I have not been able to obtain. Miss Boyadjian has

collected a few of them in her Armenian Legends and Poetry. However,

I shall mention only such as are relevant to the festivals to be

described.

[141] Abeghian pp. 61-62.

[142] World's Great Classic Series. Section on Armenian literature,

with introduction by Robert Arnot. See David of Sassun pp. 57-79.

[143] Abeghian p. 51, 52.

Emin, Ancient Armenian Legends.

[144] Abeghian p. 62.

[145] These beliefs are analogous to those in connection with the

bringing of healing water, or the water of perpetual life, the source

of which is guarded by monsters, snakes, and scorpions. The hero steals

cautiously to the source in order not to be observed by the watchmen,

fills his vessel with water and hurries away, for the mountains and

trees call out to warn the guardians of the source who awake and

follow the hero. (Ibid. p. 63.)

[146] This part of the festivities is also accompanied with song. In

Astapet the following song is sung by way of introduction:

"Holt einen grossen Meister,

Lasset ihn den Hochzeitsrock meines geliebten zuschneiden

Die Sonne sei der Stoff

Der Mond diene als Futter.

Stellt aus Wolken die Einfassung her,

Wickelt aus dem Meer Seidengarn,

Befestigt die Sterne in einer Reihe als Knopfe,

Naeht die ganze Liebe hinein." (Abeghian p. 64.)

[147] Abeghian pp. 63-66.

[148] Ormanian pp. 189-90.

[149] For the ritual side of this festival, the church ceremony known

as the Blessing of the Crops, or the Blessing of Harvest, and the

prayers in connection therewith, F. C. Conybeare's Ritual Armenorum,

and St. Mesrob's Maschtotz may be consulted. The social side I have

gotten from my wife who has taken part in the festival several times.

[150] A very common custom, especially in the interior villages of

Armenia, is to give a lighted candle and an apple or orange in which

small silver coins have been stuck, as gifts to the children. This

is done by the eldest member of the family, usually the grandmother,

at the time the younger ones come up to kiss her hand and receive

her blessing.

[151] For a description of the Easter and Christmas fasts, see

Tavernier, Voyages 1:497-98.

[152] The festivals of New Year's Day, Easter, and Christmas, I

have described as related to me by my wife who has celebrated them

in company with others in Constantinople. Such variations practiced

in the interior of Armenia as I am aware of, I have indicated.

[153] F. C. Conybeare, Ritual Armenorum pp. 213, 294.

[154] Survey 36:167. Anonymous.

[155] Tavernier, Voyages 1:496.

[156] Dubois 3:441.

[157] Ormanian p. 177.

[158] F. C. Conybeare, Ritual Armenorum p. 224.

[159] Brightman, Eastern Liturgies, chapter on Armenian Liturgy. For

an interesting variation of this ceremony see Tavernier 1:502.

Closely related to this ceremony is that of the blessing or purifying

of a well. A well is not used until a priest has first blessed it,

or if the water of a well becomes impure, it is necessary to purify it

by the blessing of a priest. The latter takes a cross and a Bible and

having requested the people to draw a pail of water which is thrown

away, a second pail is drawn, over which the priest reads a psalm. The

water is then blessed with the cross, incense is burned over the well,

and the pail of water is emptied back. (Maschtotz.)

[160] Lynch 1:203, 204.

[161] Contemporary Review 70:695. J. T. Bent.

Tavernier, 1:500, 501.

[162] The people believe that the holy relic causes the mixture

to boil.

[163] Catholic World 11:301. Paul Terzian.

[164] According to Maschtotz the devil is abjured and the Trinity

invoked at the gate of the church. In the course of the ceremony

the priest unclothes the babe and asks the godfather, "What seeks

the child?" The godfather answers, "Faith, Hope, Love, and Baptism,

to be cleansed from his sins and to be freed from the devils." The

three immersions are symbolical of the three days of burial of

Christ. (Maschtotz.)

[165] In the description of baptism as witnessed by Tavernier, red

and white threads were laid about the neck of the child at this point

in the ceremony. They represent the blood and body of Christ and are

probably believed to keep away the evil eye. Beads and various other

charm tokens are commonly used for this purpose. (Tavernier 1:500.)

[166] This is probably because evil spirits dwell in darkness, while

the beneficent are light.

[167] The similarity to the old Hebrew custom may be noted.

[168] Paul Terzian, Catholic World 71:305.

[169] Tavernier says that frequently two pregnant women who are on

very friendly terms, will engage their future offspring, trusting to

fortune that one will be a boy and the other a girl. (Tavernier 1:505.)

[170] In fact when there is a variance of choice between parents

and daughter it is common for the girl to regard the decision of her

parents as being her fate. "Wenn eine junge Frau mit ihrer Heirat,

die sie, nach dem Willen der Eltern geschlossen hat, unzufrieden ist,

so singt sie:

'Was soll ich meinem Vater und meiner Mutter sagen?

Das war auf meine Stirn geschrieben.'" (Abeghian p. 54.)

[171] Paul Terzian, Catholic World 71:305.

[172] It is very evident that the expense of these festivities is a

considerable item in the budget of the bridegroom's father. But it is

a matter of social pride and respectability to live up to a certain

standard of established usage. Accordingly many families involve

themselves in life-long incumbrances, not only in the betrothal and

marriage festivities but also in the ceremony of baptism, simply to

come up to a recognized norm of expenditure. (Tavernier 1:504, 505.)

[173] Cesaresco, chapter on Armenian folk-songs.

[174] Paul Terzian, Catholic World 71:508.

[175] Bent, Contemporary Review 70:701.

[176] Tavernier states that in Persian Armenia a man frequently lives

with his wife ten years without ever hearing her voice or seeing

her face. Of course she does not sleep with her veil over her face,

but she is always careful to blow out the candle before she removes

the veil, as she is to rise before daybreak in order to put it on

again. (Tavernier 1:507.)

[177] Trowbridge, New Englander 33:1 ff.

[178] Paul Terzian, Catholic World 71:509.

[179] This statement is in contradiction to a previous statement that

the body of the dead is merely wrapped in white cloth after it has

been washed; (see page 60) the use of the white cloth is common among

Gregorian Armenians.

[180] Paul Terzian, Catholic World 71:509 ff.

[181] Ormanian p. 36.

[182] Ross, Social Psychology pp. 88-89.