SECTION 8. CONCLUSIONS

Such are the ancient legends of Armenia, in their respective historical

settings: the legends of Haic, of Semiramis and Ara, of Vahakn,

of Artasches and Satenik, and of Artavasd. All of them antedate the

Christian era, and some of them by many centuries. Each one of them

is told by Moses of Khorene. But as to origin and probable historic

roots Moses was silent, for he was writing a history. He constantly

laments the absolute dearth of material and sources and begins his

accounts of these legends with the words "This is as it is told,"

or "the singers say," indicating that his only sources for them

were the songs and reports current among the people during his own

time. The legends of Haic and of Semiramis and Ara are told by Moses

as though he believed them historic fact, but of course Moses had no

materials to serve as a basis of criticism. He is careful to quote

Mar Apas Catina as his only source for this material. The other three

legends are regarded as such. Artavasd is spoken of as an historical

king who lost his reason while riding horseback and fell into a deep

chasm. The practice of suicide at the death of Artasches, his father,

was a pagan custom. The curse of the spirit of the dead father, the

chains, the dogs, and the anvils were of course recognized as the work

of ingenious fancy. In view therefore, of the questionable character

of Moses' sources these legends have very little historic value. They

do, however, have a high social value inasmuch as the common knowledge

of them among the people was the only ultimate source at the disposal

of the historian.

The second conclusion is that these legends formed a very important

part of the larger mass of tradition and songs that served to cement

the people into a nation. Just how important, it would be difficult

to say, but the fact that they were current at the time Moses wrote

indicates that they were current and passed on from generation to

generation during the whole period of the Arsacidae kings. And as

the people had no alphabet during this whole period, they must have

been passed on by song and word of mouth. This was a time of special

activity on the part of the minstrels and singers, and therefore

the development of the national consciousness characteristic of the

period must have been brought about in a large measure through the

medium of these legendary beliefs.

Furthermore these legends are known by the Armenian people to-day

and are taught in the schools that are not too severely under the

rules of Turkish and Russian censorship. Naturally enough, they are

a source of great pride since they breathe national independence and

loyalty. But of course, the Turks and Russians have suppressed all

public singing of songs, and public teaching of history and legend

that may possibly be construed as partaking of the national spirit.

It may be argued that these legends slumbered between the covers

of Moses' history during the centuries known as the dark ages, and

that they had no social value until the contagion of the European

spirit of the Renaissance awoke the legends and the people at

the same time. But the mere dearth of record is no proof of this

Rip Van Winkle theory. There is at least one reliable authority

sufficient to disprove it, viz., Grigor Magistros, a scholar of the

eleventh century who wrote that he heard the Artasches epic sung

by minstrels. [46] Besides the unreasonableness of the supposition,

there is the added fact of an independent Armenian kingdom known as

the Bagradouni dynasty, whose capital seat was at the famous city

of Ani. This kingdom included greater Armenia and continued from

A.D. 887 to 1079. [47] But 1079 does not mark the end of Armenian

independence though it marks the destruction of Ani, for Reuben,

a member of the royal family, made his way into Cilicia in the year

1080, and rallying a handful of Armenians about him, overpowered the

Greeks and founded what is known as the Rupenian Kingdom of Cilicia,

which continued during a period of 300 years. So that here again is a

period of very nearly five hundred years (889-1380), during which time

the Armenian people enjoyed national political independence. [48] And

this during the very period of the dark ages, about which we know so

little! We could not, therefore, for a moment suppose the traditions

and legends to have had no social importance during these centuries,

for such an assumption would be in flat contradiction to the witness

of Grigor Magistros, and to the facts of Armenian history.

CHAPTER III

LEGENDS OF THE CONVERSION TO CHRISTIANITY

SECTION 1. PRE-CHRISTIAN MYTHOLOGY AND RELIGION

The second body of legends which I wish to consider is

chiefly concerned with the introduction of Christianity into the

country. These, together with the traditional beliefs centered about

the chief geographical feature of the land, Mt. Ararat, constitute

a group bearing a very distinct religious stamp. For this reason,

and also because they have a later origin, they are to be marked

off very distinctly from those already taken up. In view of their

religious bearing I shall introduce them with a brief account of the

various forms of pagan worship that preceded the Christianization of

the people.

The chief religious influences have been the Assyrian, the Persian,

and the Greek. It seems, however, that a kind of monotheism prevailed

before the gods of any of these were taken over. The very ancient

Armenian kings planted groves of poplars around their cities and the

worship was carried on in these groves. [49] An altar was placed among

the trees, where the first male descendant of the royal family (and

perhaps other families) offered sacrifices to the one God, while the

priests derived oracles from the rustling of the leaves. Even now the

poplar groves are held in uncommon regard. This is a survival of the

old belief that they were the dwelling place of God, and of the later

practice of consecrating children in them. The belief that God dwelt

among the leaves must have been suggested by the slightest trembling

of the leaves, even at the gentlest breeze, and one can well imagine

the people looking up at them in the impressive silence of the forest

with an awe and wonder no other environment could possibly induce. The

Armenian for poplar, "Sossi" is used to-day as a name for girls, and

the poplar tree, although not held sacred by Armenian people to-day,

is certainly regarded with great reverence. [50]

The influence of Persian worship is more clear. Aramazd, the architect

of the universe, lord and creator of all things, was the chief

Armenian god, and is unquestionably the Persian Ormuzd named in the

inscription of Xerxes on the rock of Van. Armenians have given him

the title of "father of the gods," and the qualifications "great,

and strong, creator of heaven and earth, and god of fertility and

of abundance." The Greeks identified him with Zeus. [51] There were

numerous sanctuaries erected in his honor, and at the annual festival

celebrated in his name, white animals, especially goats, horses,

and mules, were sacrificed and their blood used to fill silver and

golden goblets. [52] Tir, or "Grogh" meaning in Armenian "to write"

was his attendant spirit, whose chief business it was to watch over

mankind, recording their good and evil deeds. [53] Upon the death of a

person "Grogh" conducted the soul of the departed before his master,

who opened the great book, and balancing the good and evil deeds,

assigned a reward or punishment. Grogh is also the personification

of hope and fear, and the expression "may Grogh take you" is still

very commonly used among the people, especially by servant girls

and those whose language has not undergone the purification of a

season of "Sturm und Drang." It is interesting to note that this

and some other expressions owe their survival to usage among women

rather than among men, which is not difficult of explanation when one

considers the social restrictions that women are generally subject

to. "Viele Seiten des alten heidnischen Glaubens sind in dem heutigen

Volksglauben, besonders bei den tiefer stehenden Volksschichten, bei

alten Bauerinnen, als ueberbleibsel der Vergangenheit erhalten." [54]

The god Mihr represented fire, and was the son of Aramazd. [55]

He guided heroes in battle, and was commemorated by a festival held

in the beginning of spring. Fires were kindled in the open market

place in his honor, and a lantern lit from one of these fires was

kept burning in his temple throughout the year. [56] It is still a

festival among the people, although it has a different significance,

and will be described more in detail later on. This is practiced not

only by the Armenians, but also by the Syrian Maronites who reside

in the Lebanon. I have seen the mountainsides literally aglow with

a thousand fires in celebration of a Christian festival that has

its roots in the pagan ceremony in honor of Mihr. The practice of a

continually burning lantern was also carried over by some branches

of the Christian church.

Both Persians and Armenians were worshippers of Mihr (fire-worship),

although there was a very distinct difference between the two. The

Armenian sacred fire was invisible, whereas the Persian was material

and kept up throughout the whole year. It is for this reason that

the Armenians called the Persians fire-worshippers. The only visible

fire-god worshipped by the Armenians was the sun, to which temples

were dedicated, and after which the Armenian calendar month "Areg" was

named. [57] The "Children of the Sun" as they were called, offered the

most persistent opposition to the introduction of Christianity, and a

community of them continued their worship in the face of persecution

after Christianity became the religion of the state. The phrase "let

me die for your sun," and the oath "let the sun of my son be witness,"

are language survivals of this particular worship.

The Greek worship, introduced first during the Seleucid dynasty, and

emphasized and encouraged by the line of Arsacidae kings up to the

introduction of Christianity, exercised an even stronger influence

than the Persian. Many of the Greek divinities were rechristened

and adopted by the people. Chief of these was Anahit, "Mother of

Chastity," known also as the "Pure and Spotless Goddess," who was the

daughter of Aramazd, and corresponded to the Greek Artemid and the

Roman Diana. [58] She was also regarded as the benefactress of the

people. Writes Agathangelus: "Through her (Anahit) the Armenian land

exists; from her it draws its life, she is the glory of our nation and

its protectress." [59] Images and shrines were dedicated to her name

under the titles, "The Golden Mother," "The Being of Golden Birth." A

summer festival was celebrated in her honor at which a dove and a

rose were offered to her golden image. The day was called "Vartavar,"

meaning "the flaming of the rose." The temples of Anahit and the golden

image were destroyed with the conversion of the people to Christianity,

but the festival has continued as a regular church festival under

the same name "Vartavar" though of course with a different meaning.

The second and third daughters of Aramazd were Astghik, the goddess

of beauty, and Nane, or Noone, the goddess of contrivance. [60] The

former was the wife of Vahakn, the mythical king-god, the legend in

respect to whom has been told, and corresponded to the Phoenician

and Sidonian Astarte. It is stated by Raffi that the goddess of

contrivance was a necessary power to womankind, for then as now woman

had to make big things out of small. Sandaramet, the wife of Aramazd,

was an invisible goddess and personification of the earth. Her master

sent rain upon her, and brought forth vegetation. Later she became

the synonym for Hades. Perhaps the best summary of Armenian worship

as existing before the Christian time is that given by St. Martin.

La religion Armenienne etait probablement un melange des opinions

de Zoroastre, fort alteres par le cult des divinites grecques. On

voyait dans les temples de l'Armenie un grand nombre de statues

de divinites, auxquelles on faisait des sacrifices d'animaux,

ce qui ne se pratiquait point dans la religion de Zoroastre, qui,

a proprement parler, n'admettait pas l'existence d'autre divinite

que le temps sans bornes, appele Zerwan. [61] Les plus puissants

des dieux etaient Aramazd (Ormuzd), Anahid (Venus), Mihir (Mihr),

ou Mithra. On y adorait encore d'autres divinites inferieures.

Anahit, however, was goddess of chastity, and did not therefore

correspond to Venus. [62]

SECTION 2. LEGENDS OF ABGAR, THADDEUS, AND ST. BARTHOLOMEW

The first connection that Armenians had with Christianity occurred

in the reign of King Abgar, whose capital was at Edessa (now Ourfa)

during the time of Christ's teaching in Palestine. [63] The story

is legendary and very popular. Abgar was called a great man because

of his exceeding meekness and wisdom. As the result of several

severe military campaigns, the health of the king began to give

way. This led to complications which developed into a very painful

disease. It was at this time that Abgar sent two of his messengers

to the Roman governor, Marinus, to show the Roman a treaty of peace

that had been made between Ardasches and his brother of Persia, who

had quarreled and had been reconciled by their kinsman Abgar; for the

Romans suspected that Abgar had gone to Persia in order to collect

and direct a Persian-Armenian army against the Romans. [64] To clear

himself of all suspicion, therefore, those two messengers were sent

to show the treaty of peace to the Roman governor. On their return

the messengers went up to Jerusalem in order to see Christ, having

heard of his wonderful deeds. And when they returned to their king,

Abgar, they told of the works of Christ, at which the king marveled,

and believed him to be the very Son of God. The king, because of his

sickness, sent Christ a letter asking him to come and heal him of

his disease. The letter is quoted as follows:

The letter of Abgarus to our Saviour Jesus Christ. "Abgarus,

a prince of the world, unto Jesus the Saviour and Benefactor,

who hast appeared in the City of Jerusalem, Greetings.

"I have heard of thee, and of the healings wrought by thy hands,

without drugs and without roots; for it is said that thou givest

sight to the blind, thou makest the lame to walk, and thou cleanest

the lepers; thou curest those who have been long tormented by

diseases, and raisest even the dead. And when I heard all this

concerning thee, I thought that either thou art God come down from

heaven that workest these things, or the Son of God. I have written

unto thee, that thou shouldst trouble thyself to come unto me,

and heal me of my disease. I have heard also that the Jews murmur

against thee, and think to torture thee. My city is a small one,

but it is beautiful, and it is sufficient for us twain." [65]

The messengers delivered the message to Jesus in Jerusalem, to which

the gospel bears witness in the words, "There were some amongst the

heathen that came up to him." But Jesus could do no more than to send

a letter in reply.

The answer to the letter of Abgarus, written at the command of our

Saviour by the Apostle Thomas: "Blessed is he who believeth on me,

though he hath not seen me. For it is written concerning me thus:

'they that have seen me believed not on me, but they that have not

seen me shall believe and live.' And concerning that which thou

hast written unto me to come down unto thee, it is needful that I

fulfill all that for which I was sent; and when I have fulfilled

it I will ascend unto Him that sent me. And after my ascension I

will send one of my disciples, who shall heal thee of thy disease,

and give life unto thee and unto all that are with thee." [66]

This letter was duly delivered to Abgar, with the image of the Saviour,

which was still kept in Edessa at the time of Moses' writing. The

legend concerning the image is somewhat as follows. One of the three

messengers sent to Jesus with the letter of Abgar was an artist who

was told to paint a portrait of Jesus in case the latter found it

impossible to take the journey. The artist tried in vain to paint a

good picture, and having noticed him, Jesus took a handkerchief and

passing it over his face a most exact likeness was stamped upon it,

which he gave to the artist to be given to the king.

The quaint ending of Abgar's letter is worth the whole legend. What

could be simpler or more seductive than the invitation, "My city is

a small one, but it is beautiful, and it is sufficient for us twain."

The tradition of the Armenian church, or the Gregorian church, as it

is more commonly called, acknowledges St. Thaddeus and St. Bartholomew

as the original founders, who are therefore designated as the first

illuminators of Armenia. [67] Concerning the recognition of the

tradition of St. Bartholomew, which includes his apostolic journeys,

his preaching, and his martyrdom in Armenia, all Christian churches

are unanimous. The name Albanus given as the place of his martyrdom, is

the same as the name Albacus, hallowed by the Armenian tradition. His

mission covered a period of sixteen years (A.D. 44-60). There is

difference of opinion, however, in regard to the dates.

The traditions about St. Thaddeus vary. Some suppose him to have

been the brother of St. Thomas, and according to these, he traveled

to Ardaze by way of Edessa. There is an anachronism, however,

in this tradition which would transfer the mission of Thaddeus to

the second century. According to a second tradition he is not the

brother of Thomas, but one St. Judas Thaddeus, surnamed Lebbeus, who

also is said to have established a sanctuary of worship at Ardaze,

a circumstance admitted by the Greek and Latin churches. The Armenian

church places the time of this mission as a period of eight years

from 35-43. That this has been done to lay a strong foundation for

the claim of apostolic origin may be suspected, especially in view

of the belief that apostolic origin is essential to every Christian

church, in order, as stated by Ormanian, "to place her in union

with her Divine Founder." The church, however, has us at its mercy,

for conclusive evidence one way or another is lacking. Nevertheless,

the fact of Thaddeus' mission to Armenia wherever and whenever it

might have occurred, is undisputed. [68]

The matter is not especially important except to theologians with

their doctrines of "apostolic origins." What is perfectly clear is

that both these men did their work in comparative silence, and that

they did not make very much headway, for if they had there would

have been less doubt concerning the traditions. The great work

was done by King Tiridates, and Gregory, who converted him about

A.D. 301. The traditions concerning these men are among the most

cherished possessions of the Armenian church.

SECTION 3. LEGENDS OF RHIPSIME AND GREGORY

These traditions have their historical setting in the reign of

Tiridates, and of Chosroes the father of Tiridates. [69] Just as

there was an Arsacid dynasty in Armenia, dating and originating in

the Parthian conquests and supremacy, so also was there an Arsacid

dynasty of Persia. The Persian king at the time of Chosroes was a

kinsman of the latter, called Ardavan, who was overthrown (A.D. 227)

by a Persian prince of the province of Fars, named Ardashir. [70]

His dynasty, a very powerful one, known as the Sassanid dynasty,

supplanted the Arsacid dynasty of Persia. Chosroes of Armenia,

fearing future difficulty with the new Persian monarch, ardently

supported his dethroned kinsman. The next year (228), therefore,

he led a huge army beyond the frontiers of Persia, and laid waste

her provinces to the gates of Ctesiphon. [71] The war was continued

for ten years, during which time the Armenian capital, Vagharshapat,

was filled with the booty of successful raids. The reigning Caesar,

Severus, also alarmed by the success of the new Persian king,

headed a Roman army against Ardashir. Realizing the jeopardy of his

position, the Persian resolved to put Chosroes out of the way by

whatever means possible. A Parthian of the royal blood, Anak by name,

consented to execute his king's desire, and went with his family to

Vagharshapat as a refugee. A friendship sprang up between himself and

his future victim, enabling him to execute his purpose, which he did

in company with his brother while preparation was being made for a

spring campaign. But the murderers were cut off in their escape by

Armenian horsemen and precipitated into the Araxes, while the dying

king gave orders to massacre the family of Anak. Only two of the

children were rescued, one of whom was Gregory, the Illuminator,

founder of the Armenian national church, called also the Gregorian

church. The child Gregory was taken to Cesarea where he was educated

in the tenets of Christianity. [72]

Ardashir died shortly after the murder of his foe, and thus failed

to follow up his advantage except for a few raids into Armenian

territory. Tiridates, a child at this time, was the oldest son of

Chosroes, and as heir to the Armenian throne was the chief obstacle in

the way of the ambitions of his uncles, whose treatment of the young

king compelled him to take refuge in Rome where he was educated. [73]

Having distinguished himself by personal bravery in a Gothic campaign,

his nation's dominions were restored to him by the support of a

Roman army, for during his absence Armenia was invaded by Shapur,

the successor of Ardashir. The Persian king had taken advantage of the

disputes of Tiridates' uncles. The remainder of the story is legendary.

Gregory had been informed in the meantime of his father's deed,

and seeking to make such amends for it as he could, he journeyed

to Rome, where he attached himself as a servant to the exiled king,

Tiridates. The latter, after his victory over the Persians and his

re-accession to the Armenian throne, entered the temple of Anahit

in company with his faithful servant Gregory, to offer sacrifices of

thanksgiving. A feast followed the ceremony, at which many guests were

present, and Tiridates, who must have known of Gregory's attachment to

Christianity, commanded the latter to make an offering of garlands to

the great goddess. Gregory refused. The king was angry. "How dare you,"

exclaimed the king, "adore a god whom I do not adore?" Persuasion

and finally torture were used to coerce the pious and firm-minded

youth, but to no avail. In the meantime, Tiridates had been informed

as to Gregory's identity, i.e., that he was the son of his father's

murderer, whereupon the king commanded that Gregory be cast into a

deep pit where he was left to perish. [74]

For thirteen years Gregory languished in his well, and was only

saved from death by the ministrations of a widow who resided in the

castle of Artaxata just by the pit. This was done in great secret,

for Tiridates had issued an edict which admonished his subjects to

beware of the resentment of the gods, of Aramazd, Anahit, and Vahakn,

and following the practice of the Romans, to lay hands on all offenders

against the gods, chief of whom, evidently, were the Christians. They

were to be bound hand and foot, brought before the gate of the palace,

and if found guilty their lands and chattels were assigned to their

accusers. [75]

While Christians were being robbed, and Gregory was slowly perishing

of misery in his prison well, there arrived at Vagharshapat a Roman

virgin of exquisite beauty, named Rhipsime, in company with her nurse

Gaiane, and thirty-three followers who were also virgins. They had fled

from the Emperor Diocletian, who had selected Rhipsime for his spouse,

after a most careful search of his kingdom for the most beautiful of

women. [76] Rhipsime, unfortunately had taken a vow of chastity, and

there was nothing to do but to flee. Meanwhile an ambassador from Rome

arrived at the court of the Armenian king bearing a letter in which

Tiridates was informed of the flight of the virgin to his land, and

bidden to discover the refugees, to send Rhipsime to Rome, and to kill

her companions. The emperor added, however, in truly generous fashion,

that he might himself marry her if he was overcome by her charms.

The band was found, Rhipsime was recognized, and the king sent an

escort of litters to bring them to his court. As Diocletian suspected,

the Armenian king also fell in love, for the maiden, having refused

the pomp of a royal equipage, was forced to appear before him

in court. The Armenian's suit was likewise a failure. Rhipsime

would marry, provided he became Christian, which the king took as

mockery. Again the girl succeeded in escaping, but she was tracked,

overtaken with her companions, bound with cords, and put to death with

great cruelty. Both Rhipsime and her nurse Gaiane are commemorated on

the calendar of saints, and at Etchmiadzin, the religious center of

the nation, there are three edifices; the largest and most important

bears the name of St. Gregory, while the other two respectively bear

the names of the two saints, Rhipsime and Gaiane.

Agathangelus relates the legend in his Histoire du Regne de Tiridate

but unfortunately the book has been tampered with and now contains much

questionable material. [77] There are mentioned ominous thunderclaps,

openings of heaven, divine voices exhorting Rhipsime to stand firm

in her faith, and the transformation of Tiridates into a grass-eating

boar which was the punishment for his great crime. The sister of the

king, Khosrovitukht, had a vision, in which she was told that the only

remedy was to send for a prisoner named Gregory, who had been cast

into a well some thirteen years before. A rope was let down into the

cavern, and to the astonishment of all, there emerged a human form,

blackened to the color of coal. It was none other than Gregory. He also

saw visions and heard divine voices speak through curious openings in

heaven. Strange columns of fire and flaming crosses of light appeared

to him in the places where Rhipsime and Gaiane suffered martyrdom;

and there appeared a great deal more to him which is recorded, even as

there must have appeared yet more which is not recorded. The result of

all of this was that Gregory ordered the construction of two chapels,

one to be erected in honor of Rhipsime, the other in memory of Gaiane,

both of which are still standing in Etchmiadzin. Etchmiadzin means,

"the place where the Only-Begotten descended" for it was at this

place that Gregory beheld his miraculous vision. Having prayed for

the healing of the king, the horns fell from the royal head, and

Tiridates, now a Christian, shared in the work of constructing the

chapels. [78] He ascended Ararat and returned with huge blocks of

stone which he laid at the portals of the chapels in expiation of his

sin. It was customary among Armenians to place huge blocks of stone

at the entrance of a church by way of offering. Dubois de Montpereux

saw a number of such stones, six or seven feet high, in front of the

cathedral at Etchmiadzin, but Lynch found no trace of them. [79]

Such are the legends of Gregory and of Tiridates' conversion to

Christianity. In all justice, the highly imaginative material

which was probably the work of an enthusiast, and in all certainty

a surreptitious insertion in the work of the historian, should

be distinguished from the less fanciful material concerning the

imprisonment of Gregory and the martyrdom of the virgins, which though

legendary, may probably be connected with the events of history.

Although Dubois de Montpereux recognizes that all traditions point to

the conversion of Armenia as having taken place before the conversion

of Constantine (in 312), he does not consider this as probable, for

Tiridates, as a tributary king, and imitator of the Romans in all

things, could not have had the courage to take so important a step

except in following out the policy of the emperor. [80] Gregory,

according to the view of Dubois, remained in his prison well until

Constantine accepted Christianity, when the Armenian king called for

him and was converted as a matter of diplomacy after listening to

his exhortations.

But this is not accepted by modern writers, any more than it was by

the ancient historians. Bryce places the conversion at 302, and states

that the so-called conversion of Constantine happened either twelve

or thirty-seven years later, according as one reckons to the battle

of the Milvian Bridge, or his baptism. [81] Armenia, therefore,

was the first country that adopted Christianity as a religion of

state, a matter of no small pride to the Gregorians, and it has been

maintained as the national religion ever since in a form so intact as

to surpass the dreams of the most ultra-conservative. And this, too,

in the face of attacks by Persian fire-worshippers who attempted

to force their religion upon the people, Greek and Latin popes,

Mohammedan khalifs, and Turkish sultans. Ormanian, former Armenian

patriarch at Constantinople, who gives the date as 301, considers the

existence of the churches of St. Rhipsime and St. Gaiane with their

inscriptions as positive proof, and mentions also the testimony in

the writings of Eusebius, who cites the war of the year 311 which

the Emperor Maximianus, the Dacian, declared against Armenians on

account of their, at that time, recent conversion. [82] The critical

studies made since the journey of Dubois (1837) are conclusive at

least in this, that the conversion of Tiridates and of the nation

could not have taken place later than the year 302, and there is no

doubt therefore of the claim that the Gregorian church is the oldest

national Christian church of the world.

SECTION 4. THE ARMENIAN CHURCH AS A SOCIAL FORCE

The conversion of the people followed close upon the conversion of the

king, for Gregory was a temple-building priest not without ambition,

and the king was an acknowledged hero. The business of converting

the nation was not a matter of priests and preaching as suggested

by Dubois; [83] as indicated before, it was rather a matter of fire

and sword. Ormanian supposes that it was due to the work of the

Christian communities already established, whose work was stimulated

and encouraged by the king's conversion. [84] "Indeed," he says, "the

almost instant conversion of the whole of Armenia at the beginning

of the fourth century, can not be explained but by the preexistence

of a Christian element which had taken root in the country." And

again, "The first nucleus of the faithful, by its steadfast energy,

at length succeeded in gaining the mastery over both obstacles and

persecutions." This does not seem to me to be correct, for in the

first place the Christianity of the first, second, and third centuries

was not the Christianity of Gregory; it was one of the many forms of

worship killed by Gregory; and in the second place there are sufficient

records to prove the wholesale destruction of pagan temples, images,

idols, and inscriptions as carried out by the king and saint, and of

the use of the sword in forcing the people to change their faith. [85]

First, then, what was the Christianity of the first centuries? It

is clear that the ideal was one of communal simplicity of life. That

it was opposed to all hierarchies and established priesthoods there

can be no question. The irksome round of daily toil was idealized

in the fellowship of a common faith, the central point of which

was the indwelling of the Spirit of God. Hence baptism was the

all-important event, for through baptism the Holy Spirit descended

into the human heart even as into Christ when he was baptized by

John in the Jordan. Jesus was no God come to earth in human form by

a miraculous conception; he was the son of Joseph and Mary. Feeling

his kinship with God he was baptized, which ceremony was merely

symbolic of the Indwelling Spirit. These early Christians have been

called adoptionists, for the ceremony of baptism is said to represent

the adoption of the individual by God, or by the Holy Spirit, both

expressions having been used synonymously. Simple and pure, it seems

that the adoptionists came as near carrying out the spirit of the

teachings of Jesus as any Christian sect that ever existed. [86]

But how utterly opposed, how perfectly contradictory to the brick

and mortar religion of Gregory! That the adoptionists were objects

of persecution by the orthodox church is a certainty, and it was

very probably this sect that was referred to in "that stubborn

heresy of their native land" mentioned so frequently by Armenian

writers. The following picture was clearly set forth in a disputation

between two Armenian church-men occurring at the close of the third

century. "Tell me," says Archelaus, "over whom it was that the Holy

Spirit descended like a dove? Who is this one whom John baptized? If

he was already perfect, if he was already the Son, if he was already

Virtue, the Holy Spirit could not have entered into him. A kingdom

can not enter into a kingdom." [87] What is also to the point is the

celebrated formula of Nice (325) at which the nature of Christ was

defined as essentially and continuously divine. "Christ a very God,

begotten of God, but not a creature of God; Son of God, of one nature

with God; who came down from heaven and took flesh, and became man,

and suffered and ascended unto heaven; who was before he was begotten,

and who has always been." The decision was in absolute contradiction to

the adoptionist faith, and it was legislated by this august council,

that the members of such faith, who were called Paulicians, after

their leader Paul of Samosata, should be rebaptized before admission

to the church. [88] The recalcitrants were driven to the mountains,

where they increased in number as in strength until the persecution

of the ninth century. Both Agathangelus and Faustus of Byzantium were

silent concerning these people, and, one suspects, advisedly so.

Such was pre-Gregorian Christianity. How ridiculous to suppose that the

conversion of the nation was due to the firm roots already established

by the Christians when the Christians themselves had to be converted!

On the contrary, it was the right of might that established the new

religion. The troops of the capital city were led by the king and

priest in such an image- and temple-smashing campaign as was never

before seen. Proceeding down the Araxes valley, the temple of the

god Dir was levelled to the ground; the temple of Anahit was stoutly

defended but to no avail; the temple was burned. One after another

of the most famous sanctuaries were destroyed; temples of Aramazd,

of Mithra, of Nane, and of Anahit, many of which were defended by the

vanquished until overpowered. [89] Shrines of Vahakn and of Astghik

were laid to waste to be replaced by Christian churches which grew

up over the ruins as if overnight; and if a temple was destroyed, it

was only to build a Christian church in its stead. So construction

followed in the wake of destruction, the old was supplanted by the

new, and when all armed resistance was beaten down, the king and

priest continued the work by preaching.

When the work was fairly under way the ambitious priest journeyed to

Cesarea in Cappadocia where he got himself ordained. This Gregory was

no meek-spirited adoptionist. He was the son of Anak, of royal blood,

ambitious, zealous, suffering and doing all things to gain his ends.

In view, therefore, of the actual character of preexisting

Christianity, and of the methods employed in converting the people, how

can one reasonably suppose that the "instant conversion of the whole

of Armenia to Christianity can not be explained but by the preexistence

of a Christian element which had taken root in the country"?

The state-authorized religion, however, did take root in the country,

and became inextricably interwoven with the self-consciousness of

the nation. It became the organ of national expression, and for many

centuries has been the very backbone of the people. If the molten

metals of national life had hardened during the reign of the Arsacidae

kings they were at the time of the conversion in a molten state, ready

to be remolded. This did not require much time. Old festivals were

carried over intact, except that they were given a new meaning. The

old national traditions, legends, and folk-lore were in the common

possession of the people, and there was no reason for discouraging

them. In fact the Armenian church even more than the state encouraged

them, for it recognized in them a source of solidarity and national

unity, as essential to the life of the church as its hierarchies,

liturgy, and calendar of saints. So much then was old; part of the past

carried over into the present to be carried over into the future. What

then was new? First the legends and traditions, already mentioned,

imbedded in the immediately past events of the new order. Legends of

Abgar, of Gregory, of Thaddeus, of Rhipsime, of Tiridates, passed like

magic fire from person to person, creating a common sentiment which

made the foundations of the new church absolutely secure. How firmly

this foundation was established is indicated by the reaction of the

church to the decisions at the Council of Chalcedon, where the dogma

of the dual nature of Christ was affirmed, in perfect contradiction

to the Nicaean dogma, and by the reaction against the Persian proposals

to accept fire-worship as the state religion.

I shall consider the second point first. As already stated, the year

428 marked the end of the Armenian Arsacid dynasty. The nation was

divided between Persia and Rome at this time, largely as a result of

internal dissensions. In the year 450 the Persian king sent a letter

to the Armenian princes, setting forth the excellence of fire-worship

and the foolishness of Christianity, and summoned the Armenians to

accept the Persian religion. [90] A council of bishops and laymen was

held and a reply of unanimous refusal was drawn up. "From this faith

no one can move us, neither angels nor men, neither sword nor fire,

nor water, nor any deadly punishment." [91] A rather impertinent

reply from a subject nation to one which dominated it; but thoroughly

characteristic of the Armenians. The Persians did use fire and sword,

and defeated the Armenians in the plain of Avarair under Mount Ararat

(451). But they did not gain their end. An old historian wrote of the

battle, "swords of slayers grew dull, but their necks were not weary,"

and the Persian high priest having seen the utter hopelessness of

his project wrote, "these people have put on Christianity, not like

a garment, but like flesh and blood." [92]

Already, only one hundred fifty years after the conversion, the

foundation of the church was secure. This of course was made possible

by the completeness of the work of its founders; but this in itself

would not have been sufficient. A common favorable sentiment had

been created, which grew up under the natural conditions of life,

and inasmuch as the legends described are part of the common beliefs

of the people, it may be inferred that they played an important role

in the formation of this sentiment. The church, on the other hand,

has incorporated these legendary beliefs in its ritual and ceremony,

and in that way has given them the necessary sanction by which they

are passed on from generation to generation. They thus form part of

the permanent social tradition of the Armenian people.

The security of the church at this early time (450) was indicated

not only by the reaction of the nation to the Persian proposals of

fire-worship, but also by the reaction to the decision of the Council

of Chalcedon, at which, as stated, the dual nature of Christ was

dogmatically affirmed, in contradiction to the dogma established at

the Council of Nicaea (325), accepted by the Armenian church. But at

the time of the Chalcedonian council, the Persian difficulties were

taking place, the battle of Avarair having occurred during the same

year, and it was not until 491 that the Armenians held a synod of

their own which assembled at Vagharshapat, in order to take decisive

action. [93] The decisions of the Council of Chalcedon were rejected

and the action was repeated at subsequent synods. Of the three sees

or patriarchates, the Roman at Rome, the Greek at Alexandria, and

the Byzantine at Constantinople, the latter was gaining in power,

and it was at the Council of Chalcedon that the precedence of the see

of Constantinople was recognized. Naturally, neither the Roman nor

Greek sees acknowledged the decision of the council, but later both

Greek and Latin churches revoked their opposition, and recognized it

as the fourth OEcumenic Council. But the Armenian church would have

nothing to do with Chalcedon, in spite of Greek and Latin approval,

and since that time she has stood alone, absolutely independent

of Greek and Latin churches. Ormanian states: "She set herself to

resist every new dogmatic utterance said to emanate from revelation,

as well as any innovation which could in any way pervert the primitive

faith." [94] The "primitive faith" may be a slight stretch of point,

but the fact that the Armenian church adopted an absolutely independent

policy, which separated her from all other Christian churches, and

to which she has steadfastly adhered in spite of persistent Greek and

Latin influence and efforts at domination, is in clear support of my

assertion that the social foundations of the church were firmly and

securely established as early as 450, only one hundred fifty years

after the work of Gregory and Tiridates.

CHAPTER IV

LOCALITY LEGENDS

SECTION 1. ARARAT

There is a third and last body of Armenian legends more closely related

to the second group discussed than to the first, and yet marked off in

some respects from the second as well. They have a distinct religious

stamp like those we have just finished describing, and they are all

related in some way to the stories of the Old Testament. The legend of

Haic is related to the Old Testament, for Haic was the great-grandson

of Noah, but it clearly belongs to the first group taken up, for the

reason that it has to do with the origin of the Armenian nation. The

first body, including Haic, and the legends of Semiramis and Ara,

Vahakn, Artasches and Satenik, and Artavazd, are all concerned

with ancient Armenian kings, real or mythical, and all go back to

a time before the introduction of Christianity. Vahakn was deified,

but that does not exclude him since he was first a king. The second

group, including the legends of Abgar, Rhipsime and Gaiane, Gregory,

Thaddeus, and Tiridates, are all concerned with historical figures,

real or supposed, and there is no doubt about their historic reality,

with the exception of Rhipsime and Gaiane. But what marks them off from

the other groups is that they are all concerned with the introduction

of Christianity into the country. Those of the third group have no

historic value whatever. They are legends based upon legends that date

back to a period even more remote than the legend of Haic, and their

social value does not approach that of the first two groups. They

are all connected in some way, either with the Old Testament legend

of Noah, or with the legend of the origin of man. No traveler ever

passed through Armenia without hearing of one or more of them.

"In the seventh month, on the seventeenth day of the month, the ark

rested upon the mountains of Ararat." [95] Every Armenian, and others,

too, believe that this is the Ararat of Armenia, or Masis as it is

called, and it is true that there is absolutely nothing to disprove

such a belief. James Bryce has given a careful consideration to

the question, and states in conclusion that full liberty is left to

the traveler to consider the "snowy sovereign of the Araxes plain"

to be the true Ararat. [96] There are several points that may be

noted. First, there is nothing in the statement of Genesis to show

that the Ararat mentioned was a mountain called by that name; it seems

rather that Ararat was a section of country, for the passage states

that the ark rested "upon the mountains of Ararat." In the second

place, the mountain is not called Ararat by Armenians, but Masis. And

thirdly, there is no independent Armenian tradition of the flood so

far as is known, for it can not be shown that the modern tradition

is older than the Christian era.

These facts would be conclusive evidence that Armenian Ararat is

not the traditional Ararat of the Old Testament, were it not, first,

for the fact that there was in the region of the mountain a province

of Airarat which in all probability corresponds to the biblical

Ararat. Secondly, the biblical Ararat unquestionably corresponds

to the Assyrian Urarthu which is the section of country about Lake

Van and Mount Ararat. So that, although not absolutely conclusive,

the Armenian tradition enjoys a very high degree of probability.

In this connection the legend of the village of Nakhitchevan is worth

noting. It is situated just to the north of the mountain on the left

bank of the Araxes. Armenians believe it to be the place where Noah

first landed, and as proof, the name of the village, which means,

"the first place of landing," is cited. One might suppose the name to

have been given by the Christians after the conversion to Christianity,

were it not that Ptolemy places in the same spot a city named Naxuana

which is the exact Greek for the Armenian name. Also Josephus, fifty

years before Ptolemy speaks of the place, as quoted by St. Martin:

"Les Armeniens appellent ce lieu l'endroit de la descente parce

que c'est la que l'arche trouva un endroit de salut, et qu'encore

actuellement les indigenes montrent ses debris." [97] Tavernier who

traveled through the country along about 1700 speaks of Nakhitchevan as

the "oldest city of the world" and gives the tradition. [98] But many

Jews, who undoubtedly gave the village its name, lived in Armenia,

long before the Christian era.

Situated on a broad plain four or five thousand feet above sea

level, Ararat rises majestic and solitary to a height of 17,000

feet. There are no lesser peaks or ranges to destroy the grandeur

of the effect. Except for its companion, Little Ararat, which rises

beside it on a common base to a height of 12,840 feet, it stands

alone as monarch of the broad plain it surveys. Little Ararat is in

the form of a perfect cone, whereas Ararat is broad-shouldered and

dome-shaped, supported by huge buttresses and capped with snow a

considerable distance down the slope through the entire year. It is

truly symbolic of strength and majesty.

Such is the mountain about which a thousand legends cluster. Marco

Polo says of the mountain: "There is an exceeding great mountain

on which it is said the ark of Noah rested, and for this cause

it is called the mountain of the Ark of Noah." In 1254, a little

before Marco Polo's time, a Franciscan friar, William of Rubruck

passed by the mountain upon which the ark is said to have rested,

which mountain, he said, could not be ascended, though the earnest

prayers of a pious monk prevailed so far that a piece of the wood

of the ark was brought to him by an angel, which piece, he said,

is still preserved in a church near by as a holy relic. He gives

Masis as the name of the mountain and adds that it is the Mother of

the World. According to a Persian tradition it is called "Cradle of

the Human Race." Still more interesting is the account by Sir John

Maundeville, part of which runs as follows: "Fro Artyroun go men to an

Hille, that is clept Sabisocolle. And there besyde is another Hille,

that men clepen Ararathe: but the Jews clepen it Taneez, where Noas

Schipp rested: and zit is upon that Montayne and men may see it a

ferr in clear wedre: and that Montayne is well a myle high. And sum

men seyn that they have seen and touched the Schipp; and put here

Fyngres in the parties where the Feend went out when that Noe seyd

'Benedicta.' But they that seyn such Wordes seyn here Willie, for a

man may not gon up the Montayne for gret plenties of Snow that is alle

weys on that Montayne nouther Somer ne Winter: so that no man may gon

up there: ne never man did, sithe the time of Noe: Saf a Monk that be

the grace of God brought one of the Plankes down, that zit is in the

Mynstre at the foot of the Montayne. And beside is the Cytes of Dayne

that Noe founded. And faste by it is the Cytee of Any, in which were

1000 churches. But upon that Montayne to gon up this monk had gret

desir; and so upon a day he went up and when he was the third part

of the Montayne he was so wery that he mighte not furthere, and so

he rested him and felle to slep, and when he awoke he fonde himself

liggyie at the foot of the Montayne. And then he preyde devoutly to

God that he wold vouch saf to suffre him gon up. And an angelle cam

to him and seyde that he scholde gon up; and so he did. And sithe that

Time never non. Wherefore men scholde not beleeve such Woordes." [99]

The legend of the monk is usually given in a form which confirms still

more the sacredness of the mountain. St. Jacob, as the monk was named,

tried three successive times to climb the mountain. Each time he fell

asleep intending to resume his journey the next morning, only to wake

up finding himself at the same point he had started from the preceding

day. An angel came to him after the third time, and told him that God

had forbidden mortal foot ever to tread on the sacred summit, but that

he should be given a fragment of the ark in which mankind had been

preserved as a reward for his devout perseverance. [100] This treasure

is still preserved at Etchmiadzin and the saint is commemorated by

the little monastery of St. Jacob, which till 1840, when a tremendous

shaking of the mountain showered the little monastery with rocks of

destruction, stood above the valley of Arghuri on the slopes of Ararat.

The little village of Arghuri, the single village on the mountainside,

was the city of Noah's vineyard, and contained a little church which

is said to hallow the spot where Noah first set up an altar. [101]

But this village, too, was completely destroyed by the avalanche of

1840. Not the slightest trace of it remains, though only three years

before its destruction, Dubois de Montpereux visited the little city

and described it together with the church of Noah, Noah's vineyard,

and the monastery of St. Jacob. [102] In the garden of the city were

planted pear trees, apple, plum, cherry, apricot, peach, and nut

trees. This very garden was the site of the first vine on which the

old patriarch became drunk, and the inhabitants showed Dubois some

bits of creepers to prove it. "Dieu," they said, "pour punir les

ceps qui avaient ainsi entraine le pauvre patriarche dans le peche,

les condamna a ne plus porter de raisins." Naive, yes, but very

sweetly so. And the church, the people said, marked the place where

Noah offered his first sacrifice after the deluge. Except for the

garden of Arghuri, wrote Dubois, this great mountain was absolutely

destitute of verdure; an old stunted willow, wound about with snow and

ice was the only other exception to this. According to the legend,

it marked the spot where a board of Noah's ark had taken root and

sprung up into a living tree which the people venerated. One was not

permitted to take away even the smallest of its feeble branches.

All of this was blotted out so completely by the shower of falling

rocks and boulders that it is hard to imagine the places as ever

having existed. The primeval willow, the vineyard, the sacred church,

and the little monastery of St. Jacob have left not the slightest

trace. The bell of the old church is no more heard; the Christian

service is not chanted any longer on the sacred mountain of the Ark.

Of the numerous other legends associated with the mountain I shall

mention only two. One of them regards the summit of the mountain as the

site of Chaldean star-worship, and asserts that a pillar with a figure

of a star stood upon it. [103] According to the same legend, twelve

wise men stood beside the pillar to watch for the star of the East,

which three of them followed to Bethlehem. The other is in respect

to the spring situated above the spot where stood the monastery. A

bird, called by the Armenians tetagush, feeds on the locusts which

are such a plague to the country, and curiously enough, the bird

is attracted by the waters of the spring. When the locusts appear,

the people carry their bottles to the spring and filling them with

the peculiarly charmed water, take them back to their fields where

they are placed on the ground to attract the tetagush. The people of

Syria and Palestine were much in need of tetagush and Ararat spring

water during the spring and summer of 1915, for the swarms of locusts

not only devoured the crops but also the leaves and barks of the trees.

SECTION 2. KHOR-VIRAP AND ERZERUM

On the bank of the Araxes, in the plain of Armenia, and in full view

of Ararat are located the monastery of Khor-Virap and the chapel of

St. Gregory close beside it. An Armenian inscription is cut in the

walls of the portico of the monastery which marks the spot where a

monk, Johannes by name, appeared twice after his death saying that he

had seen Gregory the Illuminator. The chapel of St. Gregory covers

the traditional well into which he was thrown and imprisoned for

thirteen years by King Tiridates. Dubois descended into a sort of

tunnel, fifteen or sixteen feet below the pavement of the chapel,

which is part of an old fortress, and was shown the worn stones of

a niche where the saint prayed, as evidence of the thirteen years,

quite as though other pilgrims who knelt in the same place could

not have assisted somewhat the pious work of the saint. [104] The

spot is only a few steps from the famous temple dedicated to the

principal god of the Armenians, Aramazd, and it seems clear that

the pagan king intended to make a sacrifice to his gods in casting

the young fanatic into the well. The temple was called Achelichad,

meaning "many sacrifices" because of the many offerings here given up

to Aramazd. With the era of Christianity, the name Achelichad gave way

to the name Khor Virap, meaning dry well. Gregorius Magistros, already

mentioned, brought the body of the saint from Constantinople and placed

it in the bottom of the well, where it served to cure sick pilgrims.

There is a tradition that the Armenian city of Erzerum, not far

from the source of the Euphrates, marks the vicinity of the Garden

of Eden. The Persian king Khosref Purveez is said to have encamped

in the neighborhood and to have received a message from the prophet

Mohammed during his sojourn, in which he was offered the protection

of Islam if he would embrace the faith. But the king spurned the

proposal and tossed the letter into the Euphrates. Nature, horrified

at the sacrilege, dried up the flowers and fruits of the ancient

garden and even parched up the sources of the river itself. And so

the last relic of Eden became waste. [105]

In the same connection, there is a plaintive Armenian elegy, composed

in the person of Adam, who, sitting at the gate of paradise and

beholding cherubim and seraphim enter the garden, makes the following

defence: he did not eat the forbidden fruit until after he had

witnessed its fatal effects upon Eve, when, seeing her despoiled of

all her glory, he was touched with pity and tasted the immortal fruit

in the hope that the Creator, contemplating both in the same plight

might with paternal love take compassion on them. But in vain. "The

Lord cursed the serpent and Eve," pathetically cries Adam, "and I

was enslaved between them." The elegy closes most touchingly,--"When

ye enter Eden, shut not the gate of paradise, but place me standing

at the gate. I will look in a moment and then bring me back. Ah! I

remember ye, O flowers and sweet smelling fountains. Ah! I remember

ye, O birds, sweet singing, And ye, O beasts." [106]

CHAPTER V

INTERPRETATION AND CONCLUSIONS

Because these legends are for the most part based upon older legends,

and also because some of them are known only locally, they can not be

said to have played so important a role in Armenian social life as the

first two groups of legends. It would be a mistake, however, to suppose

that all of the Ararat legends have merely a local value. Ararat

is the center of the nation, the grand geographical feature of

the country, and many of the beliefs clustered about it are held in

common. In fact there is a very old belief which considers the sacred

mountain to be the center of the world, and to-day it is the common

point of meeting of the boundaries of Russian, Turkish, and Persian

Armenia. And this is no accident; it is because of the veneration

in which the mountain is held, and consequently, the realization

of the importance the mountain gives to any territory in which it

may be located. The belief that Ararat is the mountain of the Ark,

the legend of Noah's vineyard, and the legend of St. Jacob are very

commonly accepted. The primeval willow, the church of Arghuri, the

legend, or perhaps one should say, the superstition of the tetagush,

and the legend of the wise men in search of the star of the East,

enjoy a more restricted circulation. Furthermore, it is natural to

suppose that the legends centered in the destroyed city of Arghuri have

not been told as frequently as of old, and are therefore dying out

gradually, although they seem still to be very much alive. A legend

or tradition that is objectified in an old willow, in a monastery,

or in a garden, is likely to die out gradually with the destruction of

its object. But some of them will never die out, object or no object,

as for example the legend of the devout monk who tried to gain the

summit of Ararat in order to see the holy Ark. There is something in

his waking up each successive morning only to find himself at the same

point he had started from the preceding day, which will keep its hold,

whether there be a monastery erected in his name or not. And if the

vineyard has been destroyed the people may very soon find another. In

fact I should be surprised if in traveling through the mountain region

of Ararat, I was not shown the legendary vineyard. This, however,

would more likely be true of a legend that had a commercial value

to the community because of the frequency of travelers, which could

certainly not be said of Ararat legends. The same general valuation

may be placed upon the Erzerum legends. A legend of this sort is

not believed to be true, unless the legend upon which it is based

is commonly believed in, and it is certainly safe to suppose that a

majority of the Armenian people accept the Old Testament legends. This

is important, for when a legend is not a matter of implicit belief

by a people it has little social value. The elegy of Adam can not be

properly said to be a legend at all.

The preceding pages point out certain points of resemblance, and

certain points of difference between the two words, legend and

tradition, which require to be brought out at this point, first,

because of vague and loose current usage, and second, in order to

establish my own use of these terms. In the first place they are

beliefs, and here lies the secret of their social value. Let them

be disbelieved in and they may furnish material for entertaining

after-dinner conversation, but they no more have the power of welding

a people together into a nation, a caste, or a sect; they no longer

have the power of creating a common sentiment among a large number

of people or of creating a national consciousness.

And in the second place, both the tradition and the legend are passed

on from person to person, and from generation to generation. When a

tradition is defined as a belief that is handed down orally from father

to son, it is not at all differentiated from the legend which is also

a belief, and which may also be passed on orally from generation to

generation. Neither does a legend or a tradition change its character

when the meaning is represented by symbols cut in rock, inscribed on

papyrus, or written on paper. The event of inscription is very often

a part of their history.

But when it comes to a question of historic value we mark the

parting of the ways. A tradition, used in the sense with which we

are concerned here, is always rooted in an indisputable historic

fact. Consider the traditions of Islam that are centered about

the prophet Mohammed. They may have a thousand variations, may have

embodied falsehood after falsehood in the course of their transmission

from place to place, and from generation to generation, as most of

them unquestionably have, but they are traditions, nevertheless,

because they are associated with a character who is an undisputed

historic figure. The refusal of St. Gregory to offer garlands to the

goddess Anahit, and his imprisonment in the well during a period of

thirteen years is a tradition because the belief is associated with

a historic character. Compare this with the beliefs concerning Haic,

Vahakn, Semiramis and Ara, and the distinction is clear, for these

characters are all mythical. Artasches and Artavasd are generally

recognized as historical kings, and are so spoken of by Moses. As such

the beliefs concerning them should be classed as traditions. However,

Moses as a historian has been relegated to a secondary position by

Carriere, who gave the work a critical examination. This would make

the beliefs concerning Artasches and Satenik and Artavasd purely

legendary, unless further research establishes more reliable sources

of which we do not know. The first group therefore are legends.

In regard to the second group of beliefs all having to do with

the introduction of Christianity, Bartholomew, Thaddeus, Gregory,

and Tiridates are unquestionably historic; Rhipsime and Gaiane are

mythical; the historic authenticity of Abgar is also questionable. We

should therefore speak of the legends of Rhipsime, Gaiane and Abgar,

and of the traditions of Bartholomew, Thaddeus, Gregory, and Tiridates.

The Ararat and Erzerum group are of course legends with one or two

exceptions. The belief concerning the scorning of the proposal of

Mohammed by the Persian king who was encamped on the Euphrates as

explaining the barrenness of the Garden of Eden certainly has to

do with an historic figure, and perhaps two. But it is a legend,

nevertheless, because both the prophet of Arabia and the Persian king

are accidental rather than fundamental to the belief. The fundamental

basis of belief is the legend of the Garden of Eden. The elegy of Adam

in explanation of his sinful conduct is neither legend nor tradition,

and the belief concerning the tetagush and the spring of Ararat is

a superstition. It results in a distinct type of conduct marking it

off from both tradition and legend.

I have stated my conclusions at various places, and it would be

pointless repetition to summarize them all. I shall therefore sum up

only the important ones. The first is that the legends and traditions

of Part One are an important part of a larger body of Armenian legends,

traditions, folk-songs, and folk-lore, and that their social value lies

in the power they have of creating a national sentiment. This national

sentiment is the direct result of a social process accomplished through

the medium of the traditions, legends, and folk-songs spoken of. An

analysis of the national sentiment of ancient Armenia would lead us

to the conclusion that it was made up of at least three elements:

first, a sentiment of loyalty to the state; secondly, a sentiment

of reverence amounting almost to worship for the past glory of the

nation; and thirdly, a sentiment of love for the country.

The last sentiment is an especially real experience to all

Armenians. Objectified as it was at first in the vast plains, the

broad river valleys, the mountain ranges, or simply in the soil that

brought forth its vegetation, it came to be objectified in a spirit

of independence and in the ideals of freedom and strength. These two

objects of the national sentiment of love, the one material, the other

immaterial, are not, however, to be dissociated in the social mind,

as I have dissociated them on paper. They are inseparable, the material

and the spiritual, and simply do not exist apart from each other. Only

the emphasis varies, symbolized in one case by the peasant's kissing

his native soil, and in the other by the far-away look toward the

summit of some distant mountain. And when this sentiment of love is

the most important of those sentiments that go to make up a national

sentiment, that is, when it dominates all the others, holding them

in subjection, there has come to be a national self. A continuous

stream of consciousness envelopes the national self, and inasmuch

as it implies a highly-organized and well-developed national self,

national-self-consciousness is the larger term. It may be objectified

and examined especially at a time of injustice from without, and even

at the time of an obvious act of injustice by the state which usually

results in civil strife. The latter case is illustrative of how one of

the sentiments that make up the national sentiment may be under the

domination of another, the sentiment of loyalty to the state being

subordinate to the sentiment of love for the country in this case.

That the national self is organic, i.e., that it is functional, a

vital, living thing which grows and dies is clearly brought out by

the second group of legends considered. This is the second general

conclusion. The legends and traditions mentioned in this group are

of course again part of a larger body, all of which have to do with

the introduction of Christianity into the country. The important

point is that from this larger body of beliefs there resulted a new

national sentiment, new because something had come to be incorporated

within it which was not there before. This something was a sentiment

of loyalty to the church, evidenced in the readiness to uphold and

protect the church with all its recognized encumbrances of hierarchies

and paraphernalia against all foreign intrusion, whether peaceful

or military in character. With the destruction of the state, this

sentiment of loyalty to the church largely absorbed the sentiment

of loyalty to the state. Reverence for the past glory of the nation

went on unchanged except in so far as the church intensified it as

a means of intensifying the whole national sentiment.

A loosely organized, heterogeneous group of people can not boast of

a national sentiment, nor of the united action necessary in times

of national crisis, as when a people go to war. This united action

is only possible where the diverse sentiments of a more or less

heterogeneous people have been woven into a national sentiment of the

kind spoken of. This weaving process, as I have shown, is essentially

a social process, and the materials by means of which it is carried

on are largely such as I have been describing, namely, the legends,

traditions, and folk-lore that have somehow grown up among a people.

PART TWO

FESTIVALS

CHAPTER I

THE GREGORIAN CHURCH

As the materials of Part One are part of a larger mass of legends,

traditions, and folk-lore, the social value of which lies in their

power of creating a national or group sentiment, so the festivals

and ceremonies to be taken up in Part Two are part of a larger mass

of festivals, ceremonies, and rites whose social value lies in the

fact that they constitute a necessary vehicle of expression for this

same national sentiment. The festivals are a necessary counterpart

of the legends, as the latter are a necessary counterpart of the

former. Activity is one of the most fundamental of nature's laws. The

sentiment of love for an individual dies eventually in the absence

of some formal mode of active expression. But be the action ever so

little a thing, such as the laying of flowers upon the grave of the

dead, the visiting of a shrine, or the sight of some hallowed spot

of sacred memory, the sentiment is kept alive. To be sure a sentiment

may smoulder for a lifetime, even as a national sentiment may slumber

for centuries without a mode of expression, and then all of a sudden

burst forth into a flame, or awaken into life at a mere suggestion from

outside. Bereft of statehood, the sentiment of loyalty for the state

has slumbered for centuries within the breast of the Armenian people,

but how often, how too sadly often, has it not suddenly awakened into

hot, new life only to be pacified into slumber again. But the last

glow, the little flicker at the end is all that separates the living

embers from the dead ash.

How the Armenian church recognized the truth of this by putting

into operation a thousand various modes of action in which the new

national sentiment that it created has kept itself alive and fresh,

may well serve as an object lesson to many another church. She did

not make the mistake of imposing an entirely new body of festivals and

ceremonies upon the people; she utilized the past and carried over a

number of pagan festivals absolutely intact, which she clothed with

a new meaning slowly recognized by the people. These form the first

group to be considered. In the course of time she created certain new

festivals which constitute the second group. And then she identified

herself with all of the ceremonies of common life, such as betrothal,

marriage, and funeral ceremonies.

In this way the Armenian church has become absolutely and inseparably

identified with the life of the people, and the people in turn

have been held together into a nation which has continued to give

its artists and artisans to the world. [107] What is Armenia? The

national Gregorian church; much as Louis XIV, when asked "What is

the state?" replied, "I am the state." This is unquestionably an

exaggerated view, but not as much so as might be supposed, since

the social life of the people is so completely bound up with the

church. The only betrothal and marriage recognized is that sanctioned

by the church. Whenever there is a common danger, as has been the

case repeatedly during the past twenty years, the people flock to

the church for protection. Such secret revolutionary propaganda as

has been carried on has been done largely through the church. The

young Armenian who returns from his academic life in Paris, a

sceptic if not an unbeliever, and certainly opposed to the dogma and

ultra-conservatism of his church, does not alienate himself, for he

realizes his utter impotence in any kind of work for his people should

he do so. In spite of the division of Armenia into three slices,

Turkish, Persian, and Russian, the church has retained its hold,

and if the position of the people as subject to Turkey, Persia,

and Russia has placed her (the church) at a decided disadvantage in

coping with the ever constant influence and propaganda, schools, and

missionaries of the Greek, Latin, and Protestant churches, she has not

at all given in, for the number of Catholic Armenians amounts to only

3 per cent of the number of orthodox Armenians, while the number of

Protestant Armenians is only 1 per cent. [108] Considering, as I say,

the utter helplessness of the church in combating outside influences,

these figures indicate how closely the life of the people is identified

with her. Perhaps her very helplessness has been a source of strength.

These facts together with such little practices as I have mentioned

(and I might also note the custom of the Armenian peasant of crossing

himself daily at the altar of his community church before beginning his

day of toil) [109] are sufficient to show that the church has been the

chief means of keeping alive the currents of national life, that it is

a national church, and that it has identified itself with the common

life of the people. The festivals and ceremonies which constitute

the second part of my paper thus form the vehicle of expression of

the national sentiment, and are all connected with the church.

The participation of the laity in church matters, especially in

the election of its officials, is a chief reason for the essential

oneness of church and people. Priests, bishops, and patriarchs,

who constitute the three chief grades in the religious hierarchy,

are chosen by the people. [110] The approval of higher authorities

is necessary in most cases, but this only slightly detracts from

the importance of the role of the people. A married priest is the

religious head of every parish, and he is elected either by a direct

process of voting or by a deed of presentation. The religious council

of the diocese proceeds to examine the ability and qualifications of

the candidate, who is ordained if his examination proves successful;

if unsuccessful, a new candidate must be presented, for a bishop can

not of his own initiative ordain a priest. The laity have no voice

in the election of the celibate priesthood, which is only natural

since the celibate priests are not in any way connected with the

life of the community. Furthermore, they do not constitute a very

important element, for when Ormanian wrote in 1911, there were only

400 celibate priests as against 4,000 married priests. [111]

The married priest is very closely identified with his community. He

not only makes a regular practice of visiting the various households

of the parish, but he is sole confessor of the people. [112] As he

officiates at masses and church ceremonies and promotes a general

participation in the festivals, so also no betrothal, marriage,

baptism, or funeral can be sanctioned without his presence. He is as

well a kind of marriage agency, employment agency, and relief agency,

acting always of course in cooperation with the council of elders of

his parish. A priest called at the home of an Armenian lady I know,

and remarked casually that he was aware she had a daughter, whom he

was very anxious to see, for there were two young men of the community

who were very desirous to marry. So the people inform the priest of

their need and the priest does all in his power to help them. He does

not receive a regular compensation, being absolutely dependent upon

the voluntary offerings of his flock and the voluntary fees received

for official services rendered. [113] This works out sometimes to

his advantage, but more often not, depending generally on whether

his parish is poverty stricken or well-to-do.

There are several very curious usages practiced by the married

priest. He is recruited from all classes of society, but more often

there is a succession from father to son. [114] The conditions

demanded, besides parochial election, are acquaintance with

ecclesiastical and liturgical matters, an exemplary life, and the

consent of his wife. After his ordination he must fast for forty

days. He then prepares himself for his first mass by a life of retreat

in the church, restricting himself to a vegetable diet for twenty-four

hours. [115] The wife, who enjoys a certain precedence in society,

observes a customary abstinence in the absence of her husband. One week

or at least three days before the celebration of the mass, he keeps

away from home, passing the nights within the church. He may engage in

domestic or even professional work so long as this does not interfere

with the duties of his calling. Should his wife die, he may not marry

again unless he lays aside his priestly robe, nor may a priest ever

marry a widow. These practices are not dead letters, except that the

custom of sojourning within the church for three nights before mass

has, in Constantinople at least, been reduced to a single night.

The bishops are chosen as chiefs of dioceses by the council of the

diocese, six sevenths of whose members are laymen, the remainder

being ecclesiastics. [116] The patriarchs, including the Katholikos,

the supreme authority of the church whose seat is at Etchmiadzin, the

religious center of the nation, are chosen by an electoral assembly

of the religious heads (bishops or archbishops) and lay deputies who

are nominated by the dioceses as a whole. [117] The eight members

of the synod, which is an advisory body to the Katholikos, and the

seven oldest members of the congregation at Etchmiadzin have equal

share in voting. The electoral assembly, so constituted, chooses two

candidates, one of whom is selected by the Czar. The Czar, after his

selection is made, sends a deputy to meet the successful candidate,

who is decorated and escorted with due ceremony to Etchmiadzin where he

is officially ordained. There are only two patriarchates besides the

see of Etchmiadzin, i.e., those of Constantinople and Jerusalem. The

corresponding patriarchs are likewise chosen by a national assembly,

six sevenths of whose members belong to the laity. The patriarchs

of both Jerusalem and of Constantinople acknowledge the supremacy

of the Katholikos of Etchmiadzin, who is thus head of the church,

though not infallible.

The site of Etchmiadzin is the old capital city, Vagharshapat, the

ruins of which are all but washed away; and it marks the spot where

St. Gregory in his vision saw the descent of Jesus Christ. Etchmiadzin

means, "Descent of the Only Begotten." The particular spot is

commemorated by the central altar of the Cathedral, which is the chief

church of the nation. This Cathedral is situated in the center of a

huge court bounded in the form of a large rectangle by the cells of

the monks, the long refectory building, the library, the theological

seminary, and the residence of the Katholikos. Outside this rectangle

are ranged buildings and open spaces, including the garden of the

Katholikos, the court for pilgrims, the printing establishment, and

dwellings for various uses, all of which is bounded by a huge wall

in the form of a still larger rectangle about 1,000 feet in length

and 700 feet in width. [118] The chapels of the martyrs are some

distance from the monastery, the church of St. Gaiane, commemorating

the spot of her martyrdom, being about one fourth of a mile distant,

while the church of St. Rhipsime, which likewise honors the spot of

Rhipsime's martyrdom, is about three fourths of a mile distant. The

buildings now standing can hardly be those built by the saint. [119]

Etchmiadzin has been for many years a place of pilgrimage for the

faithful. There is not only the sacred Cathedral where Jesus Christ is

believed to have appeared; there is also the chamber of holy relics

in the rear of the Cathedral which is perhaps the chief attraction

and glory of the place. The most important of the relics here kept

is a hand of St. Gregory, or rather right arm, "atch," as it is

called, now preserved in a silver case, and which was considered at

one time to be a necessary appanage of the patriarchal dignity. The

poor hand of the saint has been the cause of many peregrinations in

consequence. [120] One patriarch seized it and carried it off with him

in order to justify his claims. Another restole it and brought it back

to Etchmiadzin, while others have pretended possession of the holy

"atch," in order to make good their claims. It was with this relic

as well as with the holy chrism that consecrations were performed,

which made possession of it a necessary condition of the patriarchal

authority. Another much revered relic is the fragment of the ark,

which the angel who appeared to St. Jacob gave to him as a reward for

his perseverance in attempting so impossible a task as the climbing

of Ararat. Still another is the head of the "holy spear" which was

thrust into the side of Christ by the Roman soldier at Golgotha. [121]

There are others of lesser importance, some of which are believed to

possess the power of effecting cures.

Such in brief are the broader and more important facts relating to the

church, which has thus come to sanction the festivals and ceremonies

that make up the second part of this thesis. These, as I have said,

naturally divide themselves into three groups, first those that

have been taken over bodily from the past; second, new festivals and

ceremonies created by the church; and third the ceremonies of common

life with which the church has identified itself. In the first group

are included the midsummer festival of Vartavar, the spring festival,

the festival in commemoration of the dead, Fortune-Telling Day, and

the festival of Vartan's Day. All except the last have their origin

in pagan festivals; each one has been taken over by the church and

made its own.

CHAPTER II

PAGAN FOLK FESTIVALS

SECTION 1. VARTAVAR AND THE FESTIVAL OF MIHR

Vartavar, meaning "flaming of the rose," was celebrated in pagan

times in honor of Anahit, goddess of chastity, at midsummer. The

central act of the festival was the offering of a dove and a rose to

her golden image. With the introduction of Christianity the temple

and the image were destroyed, and it may be noted that upon the site

of the Temple of Anahit in Vagharshapat was built the Cathedral of

Etchmiadzin. This would lead to the strange conclusion that in the

vision of St. Gregory, Jesus Christ descended upon a pagan temple. The

fact seems to be that this marvelous vision was seen by a pious monk

who published a life of St. Gregory some two or three centuries after

the Illuminator's death. [122] But the festival became the "Festival

of the Transfiguration of Christ," although the name Vartavar still

remains, and doves are still set flying. [123]

The festival is celebrated differently in various places. Upon the

mountains of Armenia every family brings a sheep for sacrifice, adorned

with colored papers and pigments, and as the sheep approach the shrine,

lighted candles are fixed upon their horns. [124] Sheaves of grain,

fruit, flowers, and doves are also brought as sacrifices, while dust

from beside the altar is carried home to children as a talisman to

help them to learn their A B C's. In the absence of a church on the

mountainside, which is usually the case, a large white tent with

crosses is put up beside some sacred spring, with which the country

abounds. The spring is necessary, for on this day the people amuse

themselves by throwing water upon each other. For this reason the day

is often called Armenian Water Day. After the doves are set flying,

the priest sprinkles the people, and they in turn sprinkle water over

each other. This practice probably dates to the legend of the deluge,

the Universal Baptism with which God cleansed His sinful earth. The

dove and the baptism are also suggestive of the baptism of Jesus by

John in the waters of Jordan. This part of the festival is probably

an addition to the pagan rite, for the sprinkling of the water is

symbolic of love and forgiveness; it is carried on with much laughing

and merry-making. The festival includes also a kind of fair, for the

people have to show what progress they have made during the year in

art and the various handicrafts. Races, competitions, and games are

held, and the victors are crowned with wreaths of roses, so that even

the rose continues to have an important place in the festivities as

it had in pagan days. The sprinkling of water, the games, the races,

show how happy a time the people must have on this day; the exhibition

of the year's accomplishment in handicraft and art points out the more

serious side; while the essential religious symbolism is very clearly

emphasized. What may also be noted is that there is entertainment for

all, old and young, serious and frivolous. The pious-minded may sit

on the mountainside contemplating the religious aspect of it all;

the gay and light-hearted may sprinkle water over each other; the

young and strong may run races and play games; men and women of a

practical turn of mind may visit the fair and note the progress made

during the year; and children may roll about on the mountainsides or

gather roses, for these are in full bloom at this time.

The pagan spring festival in honor of Mihr, the god of fire, was taken

over by the church to commemorate the bringing of the Babe Jesus to

the temple, where Mary sacrificed two doves according to the custom

of purification. [125] The ancient rite consisted of kindling fires

in the open market places in honor of the god Mihr, and of lighting

a lantern from one of the newly kindled fires, which was kept burning

in the temple throughout the year. As now celebrated, on February 26,

every young man who has been married within the year brings a load

of aromatic shrubs, making a huge pile of them in the yard of the

church. A religious service is held in the open air at evening-time,

after which the priest sets fire to the pile. All the villagers, men,

women, and children, dance about the fire, while boys and young men

show their agility and courage by leaping over it. When the flames

die down, each person carries home a glowing brand and places it on

the hearthstone for good luck.

The description of the festival by Abeghian shows how a general

celebration of this kind varies in particulars from place to

place. [126] On the afternoon of the 13th of February, [127] which

is the day before the church festival of the purification, a pile of

wood consisting usually of thorn-wood, cane, and straw is gathered

together in the churchyard. The entire community comes together in

the church on the night of the same day, each person provided with

a candle. After the vespers all stand about the pile of shrub and

wood, the newly married during the year making the first row. The

candles are lighted from the church light, and after the priest has

blessed the pile, it is set ablaze from all sides, after which the

candles are put out. As soon as the fire has died down, the candles

are relighted from the glowing embers which are regarded as sacred,

and carried home where they are used to light a pile of shrub and wood

that has been gathered on the roof of the house. The young people jump

over the fire while the young women and married women march around

it saying, "May it not itch me, and may I not receive any scabs,"

taking care just to singe the border of their dresses. The ashes,

as well as the half-burned wood-stuffs are preserved, or scattered

in the four corners of the barn, over the fields or in the garden,

for the ashes and flames of the firebrands are believed to protect

people and cattle from sickness and the fruit trees from worms and

caterpillars. In the homes of the newly married the festival is

celebrated with music and dance, the young couples especially making

it a point to dance about the sacred flames, while in some places

special food is prepared in honor of the occasion.

Various prophesies are made during the festival, for example, if the

flame and smoke blows to the east, it is a sign of a good harvest

for the coming year, if toward the west, a bad growth is expected.

In recent years the religious authorities at Etchmiadzin printed the

following prohibition in the church calendar: "It is forbidden to run

about the fire." But the festival is celebrated nevertheless. [128]

That it originates in the pagan festival held in honor of Mihr there

is little doubt, for the month of February corresponds to the ancient

Armenian month Mehakan, which, translated into modern Armenian,

Mihragan, means belonging to Mihr, or more loosely, the Festival

of Mihr.

SECTION 2. THE DAY OF THE DEAD AND VARTAN'S DAY

The festival in commemoration of the dead is celebrated on the first

day after Easter, and may be regarded as a reaction against the

lenten fasts. Families of Armenians, loaded with picnic baskets,

packages of food, and bottles of wine, flock to their cemeteries

in great numbers. Priests are paid small fees for standing over

the graves of the dead to chant prayers for the salvation of the

departed souls. Over the graves of the recently dead stand the

bereaved relatives of the deceased, lamenting loudly and bewailing

a fate which they know must some day be their own. A more maudlin

spectacle could not be imagined. Here and there are seated groups

of families eating and drinking and laughing all the more heartily

for the enforced abstinence of the preceding weeks; while standing

beside this grave or that is a priest in black robe and high hat,

chanting a prayer for the dead, and incidentally earning his daily

bread. Eating seems to be the chief amusement; even the mourners eat

after they have faithfully mourned, and the priests too come in for

their shares after all possible fees have been earned. Altogether it

is a post-lenten festival in the full meaning of the term, and much

in contrast to the wholesome enjoyment and the light-hearted gaiety so

characteristic of Vartavar. It has been witnessed in Constantinople by

Armenians I know, who have given accounts to me. Whether or not it is

carried out in this manner in the villages and rural districts I am not

aware, but I should be very much surprised to learn that it was, for I

should certainly regard the festival in this form as a product of the

artificiality of city life. In the absence of wholesome amusements and

of the community solidarity characteristic of the Armenian village,

contact with city-bred folk would inevitably result in a shift of

standards of judgment and valuation, together with a break-up in

old habits of thought and life; and as the people have no common

play-ground, so to speak, except the poor denuded cemetery allotted

them by the Turkish government, one can well excuse the ugliness of

the spectacle. The Armenian has Vartavar, a real festival, and need

not look with shame upon this festival in commemoration of the dead.

This same offering of sacrifice for the dead is carried on in a

variety of ways. In Armenian villages the family of the deceased

prepares a lamb or a kid with rice, and on the day of the funeral

pieces of it are given to the attendants; given, as they say, and

taken, in sacrifice for the dead. The practice in Constantinople is

somewhat different, although the idea is exactly the same. Forty days

after the death of an individual, or perhaps on the anniversary of

the death, the bereaved family prepares a lamb or a kid with rice,

which is distributed to the people in small pots, and given, as they

say, in sacrifice for the dead. The Greek custom in this respect is

most absurd. At the head of the casket, which is left open, two men

march in the funeral procession carrying a wide tray filled with boiled

wheat and sugar, and trailing a piece of black crape. After the burial

this is distributed to the mourners in handfuls, again in sacrifice

for the dead. Libations set aside and poured out in Roman days are

illustrative of the same thing. That these practices are not Christian

but distinct survivals of pagan festivals and customs is very clear.

The above conclusions, namely, first that the festival as I

described it is an aberration of city life, and second, that although

identified with the church it is distinctly pagan in character, are

borne out by Abeghian, whose material, as an Armenian who for many

years lived in the little Armenian village of Astapat, is distinctly

first-hand. [129] Worship of the deceased, he says, begins immediately

after death. Each departed soul, and especially those of elderly

people, requires particular honor on the first day after death, and

during the ensuing year. It is for this reason a great misfortune for

an Armenian peasant not to have a child. A still greater misfortune,

however, it is to die in a strange land where there are none to care

for the departed soul. That a curious evolution has taken place in

these requirements is very clear. In the beginning, satisfactions

of a material kind were required, something to eat and to drink, and

accordingly the custom arose of placing bread upon the heart of the

dead, or sanctified bread in the cavity of the mouth and incense in

the nostrils. Then there arose the idea of facilitating the journey

of the departed into the beyond, and of making the future life

of the soul a happier one. For example, Armenians generally bathe

the bodies of their dead in blessed water, and wash the clothes of

the deceased on the day following burial for the purification of

the soul so that it may arrive spotless at its destination. Since

the soul has been cleansed of all sin through the symbolic washing

of the body and clothes, no more covering is required for the body

than a large white cloth. No other color is permissible. Should the

deceased be more than ten years of age, candles or oil lamps are

burned during eight days over the spot where the body was bathed

in order to lighten the way of the soul into the beyond. According

to old beliefs, the destination of the departed soul is a place of

darkness, and hence two candles are placed in the hands of the dead

immediately after the bath in order that he may recognize his friends

and relatives in the world beyond. At frequent intervals during the

first year, food and drink are brought to the cemetery, and placed

upon the grave. There is weeping, eating, and drinking at these times,

and what food is left over is always placed over the grave.

The souls of the righteous are thought of as luminous, the wicked as

black. Accordingly the blessed are called "spirits of light." [130]

In order to possess a bright soul one must have performed good works,

of which giving alms to the poor is considered the most important. Such

spirits are also called "generous," "charitable." It is a current

belief that the blackened souls become brighter through the good works

of descendants, as well as through their prayers. Offspring are thus

especially desirable, and the old Armenian liturgy, the Maschtotz

prepared by St. Mesrob, the inventor of the Armenian alphabet in

the fifth century, contains innumerable prayers for the dead. [131]

The prayers are short and their power is relative to the frequency

of repetition rather than to the length. Some sort of short prayer

is repeated with every thought of the dead, as for example, "May God

have mercy upon his soul"; "May his soul become lightened"; or only

"The illuminated soul."

Several days of the year are set apart for particular remembrance

of the dead. [132] At these times the departed spirits are supposed

to come down from heaven and to roam about the vicinity of their

graves or in the homes of their relatives. On the eve of these

days it is necessary to do honor to their memory with incense and

candles, which are regarded as offerings. The odor of the incense

is especially pleasant to spirits, for the incense-tree also blooms

in paradise. [133] Saturday night is very commonly devoted to such

intercession and worship. Incense is burned upon the hearth while

prayers are repeated, or a flame is ignited upon a plate which is

carried into all the corners of the house, or barn, or wherever it

is believed the departed spirit may be wandering. In some places it

is customary to maintain the "light of the dead" throughout the night

in order that the spirits may enter the house. If they find the house

dark in looking through the roof window, they make away, cursing. Water

is not drunk in the dark during these nights, for it is believed that

to do so would be to take it away from the thirsty spirits of the dead.

On the Day of the Dead the spirits are especially honored, for they

love most to wander in the neighborhood of their graves. People

actually feel themselves to be among the souls of the dead on this

celebration day. The latter are very happy to be thought of, and

are especially glad to have their graves blessed by the priests. But

to please them most one must bring wood and incense and leave it to

be burned over their graves. Three days the spirits remain upon the

earth, after which they return to heaven, their visit having been duly

honored. If they come to find themselves forgotten, they curse their

relatives and fly away in despair. Occasionally they come down to be of

service; especially is this true of the dead father and his living son,

for the former is especially remembered, and his grave is regarded

as holy. Armenians swear by the graves, or by the spirits of their

fathers, and call upon them for help in time of especial need. [134]

Tavernier described the same festival in his Voyages and noticed that

it was considered the greatest infamy to eat with a "Mordischou,"

the person who washed the dead. [135] No single festival and group of

relevant beliefs is more instructive in showing how much of Armenian

folk-belief and custom is the survival of paganism.

There is yet another festival of this group, which, however, is not to

be traced to paganism, and it would be a mistake to suppose that the

church is connected with it in the same way and to the same extent

as it is with the first three festivals considered. The festival is

called Vartan's Day, and although the church sanctions the festival

and sets apart a day for the celebration, it comes about as near being

apart from the church as any single festival. Vartan was the general

of the Armenian army defeated at the battle of Avarair, spoken of in

Part One, by the Persian fire-worshippers who endeavored to impose

their religion upon the Armenians at a time when part of Armenia

was under the domination of Persia, and the remainder tributary to

Rome. But though defeated in battle, the moral victory, as people

now use the term, was Armenian, for the battle proved the utter

failure of the Persians to convert the Armenian people to their

religion. [136] Vartan saved the nation for Gregorian Christianity,

and it is significant that the people look upon Vartan as saviour of

the nation rather than as saviour of their religion, showing how the

religion was and still is identified with the nation.

It is in his honor that the people hold a festival on the anniversary

day of the battle of Avarair. School children sing songs and

wreath Vartan's picture with red flowers. The belief is that this

peculiar kind of red flower sprang up from the blood of the Christian

army. Recitations and national patriotic plays are given, and as the

children participate in singing songs, reciting pieces, and rendering

plays, the older people participate in attending them. [137]

Besides the belief of the red flower there are numerous other beliefs

hallowed by the day. Nightingales that fly over the battlefield are

supposed to sing "Vartan, Vartan," and there is a species of antelope

with a pouch of fragrant musk under its throat which is said to have

acquired its fragrance by browsing on herbage wet with the blood of

Armenian heroes. [138]

Altogether it is the kind of festival to give expression to the

sentiment I have spoken of as love for the country, for its mountains,

rivers, and valleys, and for its ideals of freedom, independence,

and strength. In the presence of the state the festival probably

would be utilized to foster and give expression to the sentiment of

loyalty to the state. There would be specially chosen speakers to talk

of patriotism, waving of banners, and carefully designed methods of

instilling hatred for a real or supposed enemy, much as French school

children have been taught to hate Englishmen. But in the absence of

the state, the sentiment expressed must be a purer sentiment, loftier

and freer, and one can not but regret that Vartan's Day and similar

festivals have been suppressed by the Turkish government. And yet,

one could not reasonably expect otherwise.

SECTION 3. FORTUNE-TELLING DAY

Most charming and most picturesque of festivals is that participated

in by the romantic Armenian maidens on the early dawn of Ascension

Day. [139] On the eve of the same day the young girls who wish their

fortunes told, decorate a large bowl with specially selected flowers,

after which each girl casts a token, a ring, a brooch, a thimble,

into the bowl. Flowers of several kinds are then put in, and the

bowl is filled with water drawn from seven springs. Then they cover

it with an embroidered cloth and take it by night to the priest who

says a prayer over it. The most carefully and daintily prepared bowl

is then placed out in the moonlight, open to the stars where it is

left until dawn. At early daybreak of the next morning, the maidens,

furnished with provisions for the entire day, go out of the village

carrying their bowl to the side of a spring, the foot of a mountain,

or into an open field, gathering on the way various kinds of flowers

with which they deck themselves. Having arrived at their place of

festival, they play games, dance, and sing, after which they take

a beautiful little girl, too young to tell where the sun rises,

who has been previously chosen and gaily dressed for the occasion,

to draw the various articles out of the bowl. The face of the child

is covered with a richly wrought veil that she may not see what is

in the bowl, and she then proceeds to withdraw the articles which

she holds in her hand one at a time. While this is done some one of

the party recites a charm song, and the owner of each token takes

the song which accompanies it as her fortune. There are thousands

of these charm songs, most of which have been written especially for

the festival, of which I shall give but a few.

1.

Snowless hang the clouds to-night,

Through the darkness comes a light;

On this lonely pillow now,

Never more shall sleep alight.

2.

Like a star whose brightness grows

On the earth my beauty shows;

Thou shalt long for yet, and seek

My dark eyes and arching brows.

3.

Long and lone this night to me

Passing slow and wearily;

Passing full of sighs and tears--

Love, what doth it bring to thee?

4.

Eden's smile my vineyard wore,

Flowers bloomed, a goodly store;

Handsome youth and ugly maid--

This was never seen before! [140]

Thus each one carries its bit of prophesy, daintily and prettily

expressed, which when sung at the foot of some mountain, in the bright

eastern sunlight of the morning, while a little child is holding

tokens beside a bowl surrounded by the group of beflowered maidens,

makes as complete and charming a picture as one could well imagine.

Many curious beliefs, superstitions, customs, and legends are

directly related to Ascension Day. It is believed, for example,

that on the eve of this day the water of the springs, brooks,

and rivers lies peacefully motionless for a single moment during

the night. At the same moment heaven and earth, mountain and stone,

trees and flowers beckon and congratulate one another. First heaven

congratulates and kisses the earth, then one star beckons to another,

one flower to another, and so forth until all of nature's objects

have expressed their mutual good feeling. Even plants and "soulless"

objects receive the gift of speech and share their secrets one with

the other at this time. He who hides himself in a stone crevice of the

mountainside may listen to the conversation of stones and flowers,

and understand what they tell each other. They tell on this night

what sort of sicknesses they and the springs will heal, and many

people endeavor to attend at this moment, but only a few succeed. [141]

At midnight the waters are believed to have the power of healing, and

people bathe themselves in the streams. As the children are not to be

troubled during the night, water is warmed for them the next morning,

bits of grass are thrown in and the children are bathed. During the

magic moment the door of the cavern of "Maher," the revered hero god

who dwells upon earth, is opened: and one may enter to see him, his

steed, and the "wheel of the starred heavens" or the wheel of fate. In

one of the national epics (David of Sassun) Maher is represented

as the strongest of the heroes, and is supposed to dwell in a rocky

cave in the vicinity of Van [142] (probably the rock of Van). In this

cave all of the world's riches are heaped up, and the "wheel of the

world," the wheel of fate which constantly turns assigning to people

their destinies, stands there. Maher looks continually at the wheel

and if it should stand still, he comes out of his cavern to ravage

the world. The door of the cave is made of stone and covered with

cuneiform inscriptions. It is locked during the entire year except

for the night of the ascension of Christ, when it is opened during

the single magic moment. Whosoever perceives this moment may step

into the cave and take as much gold as he pleases. The idea of the

"wheel of fortune" is considerably extant, although it is not always

understood as separated from heaven and connected with Maher. [143]

That the idea of fate or of fortune is generally associated with the

day, not only by romantic maidens, but by the people, is very evident.

The flowing waters are believed to change into gold during the silent

minute, and if one places an object in the water and wishes at the

same time that it become gold, the object turns to gold. Accordingly

the young men and women go to the springs and rivers in order to

draw water, trusting their fates that they may select the happy

moment. Superstitions and magic are not lacking, for while one member

of a party seats himself upon a pair of fire-tongs in the fashion

of a rider, another performs likewise upon a long-handled spit. The

iron tools are also regarded as a necessary protection against the

calls that one hears behind after the water has been drawn, for if one

should look back perchance, he would surely fall under the influence

of the evil spirits. The oldest of the party carries a gourd flask

full of wheat and barley, which is poured into the stream towards

midnight with the words "I give you wheat and barley; you give me

everything that is good." Thereupon he fills the gourd flask with

water, and the party hurries homeward to discover the gold. [144]

The fortune-telling festival is given by Abeghian as he observed it in

his home village, and I shall give a free translation of his account

at this point because of a few interesting variations. In Astapet,

the festival is called the "Festival of the Mother of Flowers." On the

day before Ascension Day the girls and young women of the village

divide themselves into two groups, one to gather special sorts

of flowers from the mountainside, while the other goes to "steal"

water from seven springs, or seven rivers. The "thieves" must not

see each other, nor must the people of the village know aught of what

is happening. Having filled their vessels with water, each throws a

stone into the spring and then they turn back, taking care neither

to look about, to set down their vessels, nor to talk. They imagine

that the mountains, the valleys, trees, and meadows call out behind

them and if they should turn about they would be turned to stone. [145]

At night of the same day the "water thieves" and flower gatherers meet

together in a garden to prepare the "Havgir" or magic bowl in which

is poured the water from the seven springs, and in which seven stones

from the seven sources, together with leaves of the gathered flowers

are dropped. Each one who wishes her fortune told now throws in a charm

token, such as mentioned before. Those who are not present send their

tokens in order to have them thrown into the "Havgir" by others. The

bowl is then adorned with flowers, after which the "Vicak" meaning

destiny or fate, is prepared. This consists of two pieces of wood tied

together in the form of a cross, which is dressed and adorned with

jewels and pearls to make it appear as a newly-married doll-bride. The

"Vicak" is fastened to the "Havgir," and both are placed under the

stars, in order that these who are the real destinies, may work the

proper magic upon the charm tokens. [146] A few girls guard it during

the whole night against the young men who try to steal it.

Early the next morning the maidens gather together in the garden

laden with food baskets and prepared to make a day of it. The "Havgir"

and strangely fashioned "Vicak" are carried to a nearby spring, the

young girls decking themselves with flowers as they go. The spring

is decorated about with flowers, green leaves, and branches, and the

"Havgir" is placed in the middle, and then after they have prepared

everything and eaten, the oldest among them takes the "Vicak," kisses

it, gives it to another, who does likewise, and so it passes from

hand to hand. Finally a seven-year-old girl receives it. She sets

herself in the middle of the group and holds the "Vicak" while the

"Havgir" stands before her. The little girl is called "bride," is the

interpreter of the "Vicak" and is specially selected and dressed for

the occasion. When she has received the "Vicak" a red veil is passed

over both, and all is ready for the central event of the festival. A

charm song is sung by the group, and after each stanza the "bride"

draws a token from the vessel. The preceding verse reveals the fate

of the one to whom the token belongs. [147]

The fortune-telling festival of Ascension morning stands quite

alone. Bodeful of the future and suggestive of the past, it can

not but have a serious tenor, for there are maidens whose lovers

have not been born, as there are also sadder ones. Perhaps they do

not take their verses very seriously. Whether they do or not there

is always the charm of sunrise colors, and the out-of-doors that

makes it as beautiful as it is romantic. The best of the future,

their brightest hope, the best of the present, warmth of sunshine

and color, and the best of the past, their golden dreams of youth,

are brought together on this day and given a common expression in a

way that must charm them as it charms the observer. Festivals to be

perfect festivals must be out-of-doors and the day must be bright.

CHAPTER III

CHRISTIAN FOLK FESTIVALS

The second group of festivals comprises those newly created by the

church, such as the Blessing of the Grapes, New Year, Easter, and

Christmas. I wish also to include in this group a few of the peculiarly

characteristic church ceremonies which also have a distinct festival

value for the people, i.e., the ceremony of the "Washing of Feet"

on Maundy Thursday, "Khatchanguist" or the "Blessing of Water," the

consecration of the Katholikos, and the manufacture of the "holy oil."

SECTION 1. CHRISTMAS, EASTER, AND NEW YEAR

The service of the church on any one of the festival days is

exclusively connected with the divine mystery, so called. These include

the Assumption, or Immaculate Conception, celebrated by the people

in the festival "the Blessing of the Grapes"; the miraculous birth,

which corresponds to the Christmas festival; the Transfiguration,

or the folk-festival Vartavar; the Redemption, to which the Easter

festival corresponds; and the Resurrection, including Ascension or

Fortune-Telling Day. There are other festivals celebrated by the

church, such as the festival of the Holy Cross, and of the Holy

Church, which I omit because there is not a corresponding social

expression. Grand mass is said at the church, and the particular

passages of scripture that have a direct bearing on the occasion

are read. The Armenian calendar is curious in that many of the

festivals occupy a succession of days; there are, for example,

39 days for the Resurrection, 3 days for the Transfiguration, 10

days for the Ascension, etc., which make up a grand total of 136

days in the year to which festivals are assigned. As there are 160

days devoted to abstinence, 117 of which are liturgical abstinence,

that is, days of penitence mentioned in the liturgy, there are left

only 112 days for the commemoration of saints, which have necessarily

to be grouped together, since there are more than 112 saints. [148]

Because, therefore, of the continuity of festival days, one could not

expect any one of the festivals to have any social value from the

standpoint of the church service. But there is never any conflict

between the services of the church and the festivities without,

which are thus sanctioned by the church and in many cases directed

and carried out by church officials. It has been noticed that the

blessing of the priest was secured for the magic bowl, before it was

placed underneath the stars on the eve of Ascension Day.

The festival of the Virgin Mary, or the "Blessing of the Grapes,"

is more actively participated in by the church. It may be designed

to keep the people from eating green grapes, but more probably was

intended to give a social expression to an otherwise dull and very

monotonous church ceremony. The people are all expected to maintain

a strict abstinence from eating grapes until the middle of August,

the day set apart for the festival. The grapes are then gathered

in great quantities, some of which are carried to the church and

placed on a large tray, which is set at the foot of the altar. After

the ceremony of the church, the priest turns to the tray of grapes

before him, which he blesses with his cross. The tray is then taken

to the door of the church, where each member of the congregation is

given a bunch as he passes out. The fast is thus broken with the

taste of "blessed grapes," and there is no end of grape eating on

that day. During the remainder of the day every woman named Mary,

or named with a possible attribute of the Virgin Mary, as "Kudsa,"

meaning "saintly," or "Dirouhi," meaning "Mother of the Lord,"

keeps open house for the friends who drop in to eat grapes and to

congratulate her. In rural places or villages where vineyards are

abundant, social groups may be seen eating grapes from the vines

while talking or playing as they are inclined. Grapes ripen earlier

in some parts of Armenia than in others, and where this is true the

festival is merged with the festival of Vartavar. [149]

For the festival of New Year's Eve no religious cooperation whatever

is necessary; it comes as near to being distinct from the church as

any of the Armenian festivals. The preparation consists largely in

making or purchasing gifts for the various members of the family,

in cracking bowls of nuts and getting all kinds of dried fruits

ready. Armenian and Greek New Year's Eve fall on the same night,

and in Constantinople there is much agitation and animation in the

streets. Singing and music fill the air, and as soon as dusk falls,

groups of boys, some carrying small lanterns, others provided with

tom-toms or hand-organs, begin the circuit of the streets. Thus they

go from house to house singing the New Year's song and playing their

hand-organs, receiving pennies as they go. After the boys have passed

along, the porters, watchmen, and firemen make a noisy procession down

the streets, they too playing hand-organs and stopping at one house

after another where they receive a drink, some sweets and nuts, and

most important of all, a tip. As midnight approaches, the excitement

increases; the pounding of the tom-toms becomes unbearable, all the

organs of the neighborhood are making music, and there is such a

noise of singing, shouting, and laughing as can be compared only to

a night of political election. Inside the homes of the better-to-do,

the children are put to bed for a time while the enormous New Year's

table is set. Besides several specially prepared New Year's dishes,

every home must be provided with a dish of every kind of fruit, dried

or fresh. Small candles are stuck around the plates, and the presents

are heaped up on a side table. At midnight the candles are all lit,

and the family ranges itself around the table while the eldest, usually

the grandmother, blesses all and prays. After the prayer she wishes

to all the best things for the coming year, for the young ladies good

husbands, for the young men prosperity and good wives, happiness for

the little children, and comfort and health for the older ones. These

wishes having been given, all kiss the hands of the older members of

the family, after which the children kiss each others' hands. The

presents are exchanged; fruits, candies, and nuts are partaken of,

and the fun goes on until dawn. [150] In the interior of Armenia,

two elders of the church go from door to door of the more fortunate

ones on the day before New Year, carrying bags which they fill with

the offerings received at every house. These are carefully parceled

out and at dusk are left at the doors of poor families who would

otherwise have no New Year's cheer.

The church makes up amply in the Easter festival for any lack of

participation at New Year. Forty-eight days of rigid lenten abstinence,

during which time no meat is eaten, precede the festivities of Easter

Day. The first two or three days of the Holy Week are given over to

housecleaning, which however must be finished by Thursday in order

that the people may attend the ceremonies at church which continue

until Easter Day. On Thursday afternoon "the Washing of the Feet,"

to be described later, commences, and the service continues until past

midnight. On Saturday all go to the bath, which is made an essential

part of the week's celebrations, and on the afternoon of the same day

the real Easter service, called the Lighting of the Lights, begins. The

church is first illuminated on Easter Eve, for on the three preceding

days of mourning and sorrow the altar shrine is kept closed and no

candles are lit. Even the congregation holds lighted wax candles while

the triumphal songs are chanted by the robed choir of little boys.