done when Colonel Prescott, up to about the hour of the attack, was
in consultation with general officers. It is, however, now admitted,
that he was the commander during the night of June 16th, and until
the next day about two o'clock in the afternoon. He detached guards
to the shores, convened his officers in council, applied directly
to General Ward for reinforcements, and no general officer gave him
an order. It is at the precise time when Generals Warren, Pomeroy
and Putnam came on to the field that the command is said to have
changed. But no authority states that General Ward _ordered on one
of these generals to supercede Prescott_; and that their volunteer
presence, so far as the _fact_ is concerned, changed the command, is
expressly denied by contemporary testimony. Besides, it is thoroughly
refuted by Colonel Prescott's admirable letter giving an account
of the action. This letter throws great light on the battle; for
it specifies, for the first time, important dispositions that were
made, and important orders that were given, and who gave them. It
indicates any thing rather than a change of command at this precise
time. If this letter is characterised by directness and modesty, it
has also a soldier's frankness.
But there may be said to have been, in the action, a divided command.
Colonel Prescott's letter, in connection with another contemporary
letter (July 22, 1775,) of almost equal interest and authority,
written by Captain John Chester, an accomplished Connecticut officer
in the battle, clearly shows this; and, in fact, it is only necessary
to put together a few passages from these two letters, which have so
long lain in manuscript, to show minutely how it originated. At the
time the British first landed, between one and two o'clock, there
had been _but one position taken_, (the small parties stationed
in Charlestown, and, possibly, slight works just began on Bunker
Hill, excepted)--namely, that of the first entrenchments, close
together, on Breed's Hill. Here were the Massachusetts troops and the
two hundred Connecticut men,--the New Hampshire forces not having
arrived. The enemy, on landing at Moulton's Point, immediately
formed in three solid columns; but soon there were indications that
he intended to surround the redoubt. It might have been as General
Howe, with a party, reconnoitered the entrenchments, or on the
appearance of a flanking party. Colonel Prescott saw the necessity
of a counteracting movement. But let the two letters tell the story.
Chester says: "They (the British) were very near Mystic River, and,
by their movements, had determined to outflank our men and surround
them and their fort. But our officers in command, soon perceiving
their intention, ordered a large party of men (chiefly Connecticut)
to leave the fort, and march down and oppose the enemy's right wing."
That is, the enemy appeared determined to move his right wing along
the shore of Mystic River and surround the fort, and this "large
party" was detached to take a position to prevent him. Now Prescott
says: "I ordered the train, with two field pieces, to go and oppose
them (the British) and the Connecticut forces to support them." The
train did not do the required service, but it was otherwise with
the Connecticut forces. Chester adds: "This they did, and had time
to form somewhat regularly behind a fence half of stone and two
rails of wood. Here nature had formed something of a breastwork, or
else there had been a ditch many years agone. They grounded arms,
and went to a neighboring parallel fence and brought rails, and
made a slight fortification against musket ball." Now Samuel Gray,
(July 12, 1775,) states that this party was under the command of
Captain Thomas Knowlton. Here, then, is a clear, circumstantial and
authentic contemporary account, which cannot be set aside. _It was
Colonel Prescott, not General Putnam_, who gave the important order
for Captain Knowlton to leave the fort and "oppose the enemy's right
wing," which occasioned the construction of the rail fence breastwork
that ran down to Mystic River; and to this gallant and noble
soldier, of keen military eye, who had admirable discretion as well
as marked bravery, belongs the honor of beginning this celebrated
defence. In a short time after it had been commenced, and while his
men were thus occupied, Colonel Stark, and, closely following him,
Colonel Reed, each at the head of a New Hampshire regiment, came on,
took position here, and went on extending this work. General Putnam
also came here, and what more like him than that, as the companies
were falling into line, and the British were slowly marching to the
attack, he should ride about, and speak cheering words, and give
them orders, and tell them how to place the rails, and exclaim, "Man
the rail fence, for the enemy is flanking on us fast!" "Men, you are
all marksmen; don't any of you fire until you see the white of their
eyes." Such facts are stated by several of the soldiers in their
depositions. Indeed the evidence, with few exceptions, will agree
well in fixing Putnam, on the first attack, at the rail fence. This
attack was made about half past three.
In this way, there had been _two positions_ taken, when the British
made their assault, the last one--the rail fence--being at the base
of Bunker Hill, some six hundred feet in the rear of the first one at
Breed's Hill; the diagonal line between the two being but slightly
protected, if protected at all. It was General Howe's plan first to
turn this last position, "to penetrate" the rail fence by his light
infantry, surround the fort, and cut off a retreat. Lieut. Page's
plan of the battle, which has been accurately engraved for the Siege
of Boston, by far the best plan, (so correct that its ground work
finely agrees with Felton & Parker's excellent plan of Charlestown,
taken in 1848,) has named on it the order in which it was intended
the British troops should advance upon the redoubt, after this part
of the defence had been forced. "But," says a British letter, July
5, 1775, "how could we penetrate? Most of our grenadiers and light
infantry, the moment of presenting themselves, lost three fourths,
and many nine-tenths of their men; some had only eight and nine men
a company left; some only three, four, five." Another British letter
says it "was found to be the strongest post ever occupied by any set
of men." The noble service done here is universally acknowledged.
General Putnam was here during the first attack, but after it he rode
to the rear to urge on the reinforcements. Pomeroy, Stark, Reed,
McClary and Knowlton, however, remained here during the battle, and
towards the close they were joined by others. This brave band did
not retreat until the main body under Prescott was obliged to leave
the hill. Where all behaved so gallantly, it is delicate to name the
most active officer. After Putnam left, Colonel Stark was the senior
officer, who had a special command. But there was little military
order, or general command here. Hence Colonel Stark, his son Major
Stark, General Dearborn, and others, were in the habit of stating
that there was no general command, and even no efficient command at
all, but that every one fought pretty much on his own hook.
But Colonel Prescott did not go to the rail fence. His letter clearly
warrants the inference that, after he ordered Captain Knowlton out of
the fort, he had no intercourse with him or with the forces that took
position there. Of Knowlton's party he says, they went "I suppose to
Bunker Hill." (The rail fence was at the base of this hill.) Of the
New Hampshire troops he says--"There was a party of Hampshire, in
conjunction with some other forces, lined a fence at a distance of
threescore rods back of the fort, partly to the north." The committee
of safety account also indicates that this was a separate party.
Other authorities are to the same point. Wilkinson, for instance,
states that there was no concert or coöperation between the party
at the fence and the main position at the redoubt. Pomeroy, Putnam,
Stark, Knowlton, and other officers, named as being at the fence,
are not named as being, during the battle, in the redoubt. But
Colonel Prescott remained at the original entrenchments. Soon after
he detached Captain Knowlton to the important duty assigned to him,
he detached the lieutenant colonel and major of his own regiment
for other duty. He says--"I commanded my Lieut. Col. Robinson and
Major Woods, each with a detachment, to flank the enemy, who, I have
reason to think, behaved with prudence and courage." The depositions
of the soldiers are too confused to admit of a satisfactory detail
of the movements of these two parties. The service performed by the
brave Captain Walker, of Chelmsford, so far from being a reckless
volunteer dash, was probably done by Prescott's order, and under
one of those higher officers. The letter of Prescott mentions other
particulars, indicating independent command, and states that he kept
"the fort about one hour and twenty minutes after the attack with
small arms." He then gave the order to retreat. The first position
was the important post of the day, the main object of the enemy; and
here Prescott remained certainly the regular, responsible, authorized
commander--"the proper commanding officer," Heath writes, "during the
whole action." Dr Eliot, I think, of all the contemporary authorities
who name the officers, observes this distinction between the two
positions. He says--"Colonel Prescott commanded the party within the
lines, and Colonel Stark the men who were without, behind a rail
fence."
Now such efficient, uncontrolled, command--without, however, this
discrimination--is positively asserted by the contemporary evidence
and sustained by subsequent depositions. Thus James Thatcher says:
"The incomparable Colonel Prescott marched at the head of the
detachment, and though several general officers were present he
retained the command during the action." John Pitts says: "No one
appeared to have any command but Colonel Prescott, whose bravery
can never be enough acknowledged and applauded." Peter Thatcher
says that he "commanded the provincials." William Tudor says
"Colonel Prescott appeared to have been the chief." To this may
be added subsequent statements. I select, here, only two. Judge
Prescott states that no general officer "ever exercised or claimed
any authority or control over him, before or in the battle;" and
the anecdotes he gives, as woven into the narrative in the Siege
of Boston, harmonize with this independent command. Several of the
soldiers mention his efficiency in glowing terms. Thus the brave
Captain Bancroft, in the redoubt, says: "He continued throughout
the hottest of the fight to display admirable coolness and a
self-possession that would do honor to the greatest hero of any
age. He gave his orders deliberately, and how effectually they were
obeyed I need not tell." What the estimate of his services by his
contemporaries was, may be gathered from the enthusiastic remark of
Samuel Adams, (Sept. 26, 1775,)--"Until I visited headquarters, at
Cambridge, I never heard of the valor of Prescott at Bunker Hill."
"Too much praise," Heath also says, "can never be bestowed on the
conduct of Colonel William Prescott."
Colonel Prescott continued in the service through the year 1776;
distinguished himself again at the memorable retreat from the city of
New York, and served under Gates at the capture of Burgoyne. He died
at Pepperell, Oct. 13, 1795. A simple tablet over his grave marks the
place where his ashes repose. It is time that a monument worthy of
his deeds should be erected to his memory.
Such were the parts which general officers, on or off the field,
performed in this memorable battle. Colonel PRESCOTT, acting
under written orders, was regularly detailed for the service of
fortifying Bunker Hill, and, from the time he ordered ground to
be broken until he ordered the ground to be abandoned, he kept at
the original entrenchments, and acted the part of a commanding
officer, no general officer giving him an order, and none having
been ordered to supercede him; General WARREN, a volunteer in spite
of the affection that would have kept him from the field, without
having any special command, remained in the redoubt and fought side
by side with Prescott; General POMEROY, fighting with a bravery
worthy of his veteran renown, but with no special command, remained
at the rail fence; General PUTNAM, in the regular command of the
Connecticut troops stationed at Cambridge, was active, energetic and
fearless throughout, ordering them on to the field, giving orders to
other troops, and aiding and encouraging, as a patriotic volunteer,
wherever his services seem to have been required; and General WARD,
keeping at his headquarters, having frequent communication with
the battle field, directed the general movements of the troops to
such a degree that, at the time, he was regarded as the responsible
general commander. Such seems to be the conclusion which the evidence
warrants.
But if to no one can be assigned a general command of all the troops
in the battle, yet to all may be justly and gratefully assigned the
award of having done a great work, which made an immediate mark on
events. The Americans were victorious enough to answer every purpose
that was necessary for the good of their cause--the British were not
beaten badly enough to prompt the ministry to resolve upon a crushing
blow. Indeed, the importance of this service can hardly be overrated.
The Americans, with defences, soon to become so formidable, hardly
commenced, for there were but slight defences on Cambridge road, and
slighter still at Roxbury--with their inefficient organization--with
their scanty supply of ammunition--were hardly in a condition to act
either offensively or defensively; while the ten thousand veterans
in Boston, supplied with every art of war, were in high discipline,
arrogant in their confidence, and exasperated at the presumption of
the "rebel" force in pretending to hold them in a state of siege.
Suppose Prescott, and Warren, and Pomeroy, and Putnam, had been of
less resolute hearts; suppose the patriot band instead of their
steady valor, and wonderful execution, had made but a feeble defence
and left the works; suppose about three o'clock on the memorable
seventeenth of June a panic had commenced on Breed's Hill--what
might not have been the disastrous result! The whole British army
in Boston was under arms and ready for any service. Only about a
third of it, say three thousand, was in the first attack. Had Howe
gone uninterruptedly forward, instead of the astounding repulse, and
rushed over Bunker Hill, and so onward, General Gage would have seen
that no more of his troops were needed there; and the seven thousand
remaining in Boston, with Clinton and Burgoyne to lead them, would
have been ready for other work. It was no chimera of General Ward
that the enemy might concentrate his force in Cambridge.
But the work done on Breed's Hill stopped all this. In less than an
hour and a half more than a thousand gallant British veterans, who
certainly behaved with remarkable courage, lay maimed or dead, on
this bloody field. Such an unlooked for, astounding result, shook out
of the British generals their arrogance and confidence, and changed
boldness into timidity; while it filled the Americans with nerve and
resolution. Contemporary language, uttered in the camp, shows best
the effect of the action--"The battle has been of infinite service,"
writes one; "Our troops are in high spirits and their resolution
increases," writes another; "I wish we could sell them another hill
at the same price," writes a third. William Tudor, (June 26, 1775,)
tells the whole in a few words--"The unanimous voice is, if the
continent approve and assist, we will die or be free. The sword is
drawn, and the scabbard thrown away, till it can be sheathed with
security and honor." So true is the remark of Daniel Webster, that
when the sun went down that day there could not be peace except on
the basis of AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE.
NOTE.--Mr. Swett has made much account of the entry in Stiles's Diary
of June 20, 1775. I therefore print that portion of it relating to
the Bunker Hill Battle:--
"June 20, 1775. Mr. William Ellery came in last evening from
Providence, and showed me a copy of His Excellency Gen. Ward's
letter of Saturday morning last, to the congress, informing the
landing of the king's troops. Also a letter from the Chamber
of Supplies, and another from Gen. Greene to Lieut. Gov. Cook,
dated on Lord's day evening, giving an account of the battle.
Gen. Greene says _Gen. Putnam with 300 men took possession_ and
entrenched on Bunker Hill on Friday night the 16th. The Chamber
of Supplies says that _Saturday morning early, the king's
troops landed on the bank of that hill_, under discharge of
cannon from the ships of the line drawn up before Charlestown,
and from the battery on Copp's Hill in Boston. That afterwards
they attacked General Putnam, who defended himself with bravery
till overpowered and obliged to retreat--that the loss was not
ascertained, but more of the enemy was killed than of us. Gen.
Greene says that Gen. Ward had published from headquarters that
our loss was about 40 killed and 100 wounded, and that the
enemy's loss was judged three times as much. Greene seemed to
doubt this at first, but from after enquiry, and considering
that Putnam fired from the trenches, and that it was said the
dead of the enemy covered an acre of ground, Gen. Greene seemed
rather to credit the superior loss of the regulars.
Upon news of the action or landing, the congress instantly
broke up, and those who had arms repaired to the field of
action. Hence Dr Warren's being in the action where he fell
dying gloriously. Others went off each way into the towns to
rally and convene the militia, which poured in vast multitudes
to sustain the army if necessary. A cannonade was also began
from the Neck, firing red-hot balls, &c. upon Roxbury. And this
firing was continued all Saturday, Lord's day and yesterday,
and was heard at Dighton, Warren, &c. Mr. Cook, of Tiverton,
came from the camp, where he yesterday morning was on Winter
Hill, and there saw Gen. Putnam entrenching and in good
spirits, being fully reinforced. All are expecting another
action."
Transcriber's notes
Text in italics is _underscored_.
Clear printer's errors were corrected, but original spelling was not
modified.