on the extracts I make from Stiles' MS. Diary. President Stiles
resided in Newport, and was in the habit of writing in his journal,
very minutely, of the occurrences of the day; and in long entries,
under the dates of June 18, 19, 20, 23, and 30, he writes of the
all engrossing subject of this battle, as he could gather facts
from letters, or from persons from the camp. The extracts before
me are of much length, and they furnish an excellent and curious
specimen of the rumors that went abroad relative to this battle,
and show how cautiously this material must be used. From all this I
selected two extracts, one to the effect that Gen. Putnam with 300
men took possession of Bunker Hill; another, that detailed _from his
own lips_, his course in the action. Mr Swett does not quote these
extracts, nor others fully. Why does he not do it? I here give a
specimen. Stiles, June 18, journalizes: "A gentleman" from camp
"this morning" "informs" among other things "that Col. Putnam is
encamped in Charlestown, on Bunker Hill, and has lost one of his best
captains, but is determined to stand his ground, having men enough,"
&c., &c. June 19. "Every one filled with the greatest solicitude." *
* * "Charlestown is in ashes." * * "We have various accounts--some
that Gen. Putnam is surrounded by the king's troops--some that he
repulsed them," &c. June 20. William Ellery comes in and shows
copies of several letters from camp, one from General Greene, "dated
Lord's day evening, (June 18) giving an account of the battle."
"General Greene says General Putnam _with 300 men_ took possession
and entrenched _on Bunker Hill_ on Friday night the 16th inst." I
said (p. 164) this was a rumor from camp, and say so again. Why does
not Mr Swett quote _the whole_ of it? Why _leave out the 300 men_?
Various other rumors, and also opinions of Greene's, are given. To
return to Stiles. He writes: "Upon news of the action or landing the
congress _instantly broke up_ and those who had arms repaired to the
field of action. _Hence Dr Warren's being in the action_," &c. Why
does not Mr Swett quote? "Sterling gold," he says, "stamped at the
highest mint in America!" But to go on with Stiles. The next entry I
have is dated June 23, and here we _first come to authentic history.
It is General Putnam's own account_, and it is so curious, _that it
ought to be in print_. I quote here, therefore, all I have of this
entry, which is from Bancroft's copy:--
"June 23, 1775. Messrs Ellery, Chang, &c., returned here from a visit
to the camp which they left on Saturday last. They spent an hour
with General Putnam in his tent on Prospect Hill, about half way
between Cambridge and Charlestown. The general gave them an account
of the battle last Saturday, said the number on one side was not
ascertained, but the nearest account was, that we had about fifty
(not sixty) killed, and about twenty wounded. We lost few till the
retreat. We repulsed the regulars three times, fought four hours. The
small arms and six field pieces made great havoc among the regulars
till our powder failed. General Putnam said by accounts from within
Boston, the regulars confessed their loss of killed, wounded, and
missing, was about one thousand. Our body on Bunker Hill, where was
the action, was about 1500 first and 700 afterwards. Putnam says
he judged the regulars were 3000. There was a reinforcement within
perhaps half a mile and ought to have come up to their assistance,
but they must pass an open causeway, where the regulars kept up a
heavy fire from floating batteries. _Putnam was not at Bunker Hill
at the beginning, but soon repaired thither, and was in the heat of
the action till towards night, when he went away to fetch across this
reinforcement which ought to have come before. Soon after, and before
he could return, our men began to retreat_; for some imprudently
calling out the powder is gone, the regulars heard it, and rallied
again, and came on with fury, and forced the trenches, and then
our people retreated leaving the heroic General Warren mortally
wounded in the trenches. * * * The army are in high spirits. They
consider this scarcely a repulse, considering the damage they did
to the enemy; and indeed, if, with the loss of 50 or 60 killed, our
people killed and damaged the regulars more than a thousand, it is a
wonderful Providence. The troops landed under fire of the shipping,
then set fire to Charlestown in which were 300 houses, all which, but
2 or 3, were reduced to ashes and ruins. Then about 1 or 2 o'clock P.
M. they marched for the attack, and continued it four hours till near
night."
Now it seems almost incredible that Mr Swett should have made the
hard remarks upon me he has, pp. 14, 15, for selecting, of this
entry, the _paragraph in italics_ relative to General Putnam's
personal service in the battle; and even ascribe to me a motive for
quoting it that I did not dream of! One more extract from Stiles
must suffice. "In June 30, Rev. Mr Martin visited me and gave me
an account of the battle of Charlestown." "Mr Martin was in the
whole affair from first to last." "He says that about 1500 went on
Friday night and took possession of Bunker Hill, _under the command
of Colonel Prescott_." And this is the first mention of Prescott's
name there is in such extracts of this journal as I have. Then
follows several pages of details, some of which are interwoven
in the narrative in the Siege of Boston. All I have to add is,
that those who rely on such rumors from the camp as Stiles' first
chronicles,--which however have their value as the life-like talk of
the day--will be liable to frame just such an account of this battle
as Humphries in his life of Putnam has, where (in the beginning) the
original detachment is put under Warren, and in the end, the British
pursues to Winter Hill, Putnam there makes a stand, and drives them
back under cover of their ships!
In connection with this testimony in favor of General Putnam, Mr
Swett finds what he calls "the most astonishing inadvertence of the
author, though (bless the charitable admission) mere inadvertence we
believe," p. 25. It consists in "never hinting" that in Rivington's
New York Gazette, June 29, 1775, it is stated that 'Putnam on the
evening of June 16, took possession of Bunker Hill, and began an
entrenchment,' and this extract from Rivington was mentioned in a
publication of ours, which he had among our documents," p. 25. I am
not indebted to Mr Swett for a single contemporary document; and as
for Rivington's paper, I examined the fine file of it in the rooms of
the New York Historical Society, and made the extract, but found the
same sentence in other newspapers, for they copied from each other.
What an "astonishing inadvertence" it was in "_never hinting_" this,
the reader may easily see by looking at page 124 of the Siege of
Boston, for there the fact of such a statement being in the papers
is given to show that Putnam was on the hill at night; and once more
at page 164, where it is _a second time_ named among the facts
bearing in his favor, in the evidence on the question of command! Is
Mr Swett's remark, however, "_mere_ inadvertence?"
The _only new piece of evidence_ adduced is an extract from John
Boyle's manuscript annals. Mr Swett says, He "writes in his diary,
16th of June, 1775, General Putnam, with a detachment of about
a thousand American forces, went from Cambridge and began an
entrenchment on an eminence below Bunker Hill." This MS., which I
did not hear of until after the publication of the Siege of Boston,
is not a diary written at the time. Certainly, Mr Swett must, at
least, have known that the record about Bunker Hill battle could
not possibly have been put there on the day it was dated, for it
contains Gage's official account of the killed and wounded, and the
American account from the Providence Gazette, which did not appear
till _months afterwards_, and could not have been then known! And
it requires but a moderate acquaintance with the newspapers of
this period to see, at a glance, that this interesting MS. is a
compilation mostly from them, and often, as in this case, in their
language. Yet Mr Swett quotes this in a diary _written at the time_!
The fact stated by Boyle is taken from the newspapers, and is given
on p. 164 of the Siege!
To supply the place of this diary, thus struck away, I cheerfully
quote a _real_ diary, which I did not see until the Siege was in
type, and which will answer Mr Swett's purpose as well as Boyle's,
if not better. It is the account of Samuel Bixby, at the time of the
battle a soldier at Roxbury. It begins:--"June 17, Saturday, Colonel
Putnam, with a large party, went on to a hill in Charlestown, called
Bunker Hill, last night to entrench"--and all through the relation,
no officer is even named but "Colonel Putnam." The simple explanation
of the whole of these early rumors, or reports, is, that from General
Putnam's being so active during the day of the battle, the _report_
went abroad, that the entrenching party went on under him; when the
_fact_ was that it went on under the orders of Colonel Prescott.
Mr Swett's statements about Putnam, Warren, Prescott, and the
question of command, when brought together, make a singular medley.
1. He represents (p. 22,) that Putnam at last persuaded "the prudent
Ward" "to grant him a detachment" "to meet the enemy;" and went to
Breed's Hill under "an express agreement" that he was "to have the
direction and superintendence of the whole expedition" (p. 23,): and
he proves that Putnam was the commander by the nature of the army, by
his rank, and a third and fourth time, by his conduct in the battle,
during which "there was scarcely a regiment, corps, or individual
of the army that Putnam did not personally command, direct, or
encourage" (p. 28,): for "he was galloping from end to end of the
line, encouraging, directing, commanding every body." In fact "no
military despot was ever obeyed with more implicit subjection." He
was "the bright particular star, to which, during all the storm and
tempest of the battle every eye was turned for guidance and for
victory," p. 29. This is exclusive enough, dogmatic enough, and
general enough, to satisfy any body. Here General Putnam, if words
mean anything, is from first to last, and by special agreement, the
authorized, sole general commander.
2. Mr Swett, however, states (p. 7,) that Gen. Warren "was on the
field, vested with all the rights and authority of a major general;"
and (p. 29,) "notwithstanding he declined to issue any orders,
was authorized to do so whenever he pleased," and "thus was the
authorized, and for many years the supposed commander." Knowing this,
Ward, (p. 7,) "probably intended to say that he was the conductor
or commander" in his letter. But (p. 29,) General Putnam was the
actual, and _on Warren's declining_, the "authorized commander."
Ward was (p. 7,) "doubtless ignorant of the fact that Warren refused
to exercise any command on the occasion"!! But what becomes of the
"express agreement" between Ward and Putnam? Was this contingency of
Warren's declination in it? Was Putnam to have the whole direction
only in case Warren did not choose to assume it? Is it for a moment
admissible that General Ward did not know when he wrote his letter,
who was detached to the command, who exercised it, or who conducted
the battle? Is it not a direct attack on Ward's reputation to impute
to him such disgraceful ignorance?
3. Mr Swett states (p. 30,) "Colonel Prescott was commander at
Bunker (Breed's) Hill the night before the battle, and the next day
till Gen. Putnam came on with the reinforcements; and during the
battle, the commander at the redoubt." What is the authority for
such a statement? If Dr Whitney, Mr Lowell, and Mr Daniel Putnam are
exact in giving General Putnam's conversation, he stated that the
original detachment was placed under his command, and that Colonel
Prescott acted under his orders. This indeed must have been so,
if General Putnam, according to Mr Swett, by express agreement,
had the superintendence of the whole expedition. How then could
Prescott have been the commander the night before the battle and up
to noon the next day? If Putnam and Prescott had differed any time
previous to noon on the 17th, then, according to this last theory,
the responsibility of decision rested on Prescott. Was this in the
agreement? Did a general agree to be commanded by a colonel? There
could have been no such incongruity.
4. Mr Swett viewing General Ward as, in one sense, the commander,
comes to the conclusion, (p. 30,) that, "There were then four who in
some sense participated in the command of Bunker Hill battle"--not
the exact truth, but nearer to it than any theory of the pamphlet.
And he says, "It may be impossible to demonstrate who was exclusively
the commander as to discover the author of Junius or the birth place
of Homer." _Et tu Brute!_ And alter so much "incontrovertible,"
"perfectly decisive proof," "express agreement," despotic command,
and "implicit subjection" relative to Putnam? After charging me
with treating his character with candor only to sacrifice it at
last--with robbing him of the command and not enriching any one?
Who is doing sacrifice here? Who is committing robbery here? Who is
enriching any one here? However, Mr Swett is correct if he means that
it is impossible, from the known evidence, to demonstrate who was
exclusively the commander, for it all tends to show that there was on
the field no general officer who exercised a general command. Such
at least is the view that will be found to be taken in the Siege of
Boston!
5. Mr Swett (p. 10,) says: "All the world knows that he (Putnam)
did come forward and exercise the command most effectually from the
beginning to the end of the engagement:" on p. 29, Mr Swett says:
"Seventy-five years ago the battle of Bunker Hill was fought. Who
the commander was has ever since remained a mystery." Now these two
things cannot be. What "_all the world knows_" certainly cannot be
a "_mystery_," i. e. a profound secret, (see Webster) on something
wholly unknown. If Mr Swett clings to the mystery he must give up the
knowledge.
Such are the conclusions on the subject of command in the Bunker Hill
battle, of "an author in spite of himself," who "thirty-two years ago
consented to write an account" of it, and who this year considered it
his "duty to enter into a thorough investigation" of this question.
History cannot be worth much that resolves itself into such a mass of
absurdity and contradiction.
But there is something more serious than inconsistency to allege
against Mr Swett's conclusions. What is the authority for the
following, I think, _new_ statement?--"Maj. Gen. Ward was the
commander in chief of the army at Cambridge; Maj. Gen. Warren, the
next; Brig. Gen. Putnam the third in command; and Col. Prescott,
another officer of the army," p. 29. This is neither correct,
_first_, as to the _general_ army, even if it were "consolidated;"
for General Thomas was the second in command; General Whitcomb
ranked above General Warren; General Pomeroy probably (for he was an
older officer) ranked above General Spencer, and Spencer certainly
ranked Putnam. It is difficult to say who would have ranked as
between Brigadier General Putnam and Brigadier General Greene. Nor
_second_, as to that portion of the army stationed immediately at
Cambridge, for Major General Whitcomb ranked above Major General
Warren, and General Pomeroy ranked above General Putnam. Nor was
General Ward, in either case, at the date of the battle, the regular
commander-in-chief, excepting of the Massachusetts forces. But more
about these officers in another place. The only strictly accurate
thing in the statement is, that Col. Prescott was another officer of
the army! Mr Swett's facts being taken from him his theory falls.
I have done with Mr Swett's pamphlet. A remark relative to his
History needs justification.
It has been stated that the narrative of the organization of the army
and of the battle of Bunker Hill in the Siege of Boston, differs
materially in details from the account of the same events in Mr
Swett's History. As an instance of this, as to the former, take the
two statements of the action of Rhode Island,--selected because they
are the shortest:--
_From the Siege of Boston._
"The Rhode Island assembly, April 25, voted to raise fifteen
hundred men, to constitute 'an army of observation,' and
ordered it to 'join and coöperate with the forces of the
neighboring colonies.' This force was organized into _three
regiments_, of eight companies each, under Colonels Varnum,
Hitchcock, and Church, and placed under the command of
_Nathaniel Greene_, with the rank of _brigadier-general_. One
of the companies was a train of artillery, and had the colony's
field pieces. General Greene, on arriving at the camp, Jamaica
Plains, found his command in great disorder: and it was only
by his judicious labors, and great personal influence, that
it was kept together. In the rules and regulations for the
government of this force, it is called 'The Rhode Island army.'
They provide that 'all public stores, taken in the enemy's camp
or magazines,' should be 'secured for the use of the colony of
Rhode Island.' It was not until June 28 that this colony passed
an act putting its troops under the orders of the general of
the combined army."
_From Mr Swett's History._
"Rhode Island had sent _a regiment_ to Massachusetts imbued
with the determined spirit of civil and religious liberty,
which the founder of their state maintained through every
peril. _Colonel_ Greene was their commander, one of the
most prominent heroes of the revolution. The elements of a
soldier were so mixed in him, that his elevated rank among
distinguished warriors was already anticipated. Under him
were Lieut. Col. Olney, and Maj. Box, an experienced English
soldier. An artillery company with four field pieces was
attached to the corps."
And the variations, as to the details of the action of the other
three colonies, are still greater.
The same thing will be found to prevail as to the battle. Take, as an
illustration, the two first paragraphs of the two accounts.
_From the Siege of Boston._
"On Friday, the sixteenth of June, the commanders of the
army, in accordance with the recommendation of the committee
of safety, took measures to fortify Bunker Hill. Orders were
issued for Prescott's, Frye's, and Bridge's regiments, and a
fatigue party of two hundred Connecticut troops, to parade at
six o'clock in the evening, with all the entrenching tools
in the Cambridge camp. They were also ordered to furnish
themselves with packs and blankets, and with provisions for
twenty-four hours. Also, Captain Samuel Gridley's company
of artillery, of forty-nine men and two field-pieces, was
ordered to parade. The Connecticut men, draughted from several
companies, were put _under the command of the gallant Captain
Knowlton_, a captain in General Putnam's regiment." p. 122.
_From Mr Swett's History._
"On the 16th of June, 75, the sun fell with its full force on
the American camp, the earth was parched up, but the vigorous
frames and patriotic spirit of the soldiers were proof against
its influence. With the advice of the council of war General
Ward issued orders to Col. William Prescott, Col. Bridge,
and the commandant of Frye's regiment, to be prepared for an
expedition, with all their men fit for service, and one day's
provisions. The same order issued for one hundred and twenty
_of Gen. Putnam's regiment_, and Capt. Gridley's company of
artillery with two field pieces." p. 18.
These extracts will serve to show the character of such variations
between the two narratives of the battle, as will be found to run
through them. Other paragraphs might be quoted containing things of
far more consequence. The variations as to the parts individuals
bore, are also important. To do justice to the actors, they should
be named in connection with the service they rendered. With this
in view, let the critical reader, as an illustration, compare the
notices in the two accounts, of what the brave Knowlton did. Mr
Swett's first and last mention of him, in describing the battle,
is on p. 26, as follows: "While the enemy were landing, Putnam
ordered Knowlton with the Connecticut troops, to take post behind a
rail fence." Passing the correctness of this, it is every syllable
there is about Knowlton, until p. 56 of the supplementary chapter,
where there is, so far as this battle is concerned, only a general,
but deserved, compliment to him. In the whole, the reader is not
told that he had the command of the Connecticut fatigue party of
two hundred, one fifth of the whole, or even went on at night. In
the "Notes" of Mr Swett, his name will be found to occur twice in
depositions. Now is not Knowlton's well won reputation as dear as
Putnam's or Prescott's? With this, compare the notices of him on pp.
122, 134, 136, 151, 189, 190, of the Siege of Boston, which rest on
authorities that are named. Before these details, or others that
may differ _in toto_ from Mr Swett's History, be unceremoniously
shovelled aside as a "_chaos of mistakes_," I have a right to demand
that the authorities on which they rest, shall go through the process
first.
It is then frankly admitted that the two histories, as far as they go
on together, will not harmonize in their details. All that need be
said on my part is, that an endeavor was made to frame the account
in the Siege of Boston with care and with a partiality only for well
directed effort, and lofty patriotism, and noble self-sacrifice, by
whomsoever manifested, going directly to original authorities in all
cases where it was practicable; and at a risk of being charged with
pedantry, references are made in notes to authorities, especially
where this battle is described, that will justify every line of the
text. It is these that are to decide who is most in error. The appeal
is cheerfully and confidently made to the candid and unprejudiced.
But whatever the judgment may be as to my selection of authorities,
I feel incapable of manufacturing facts, or of intentionally
disparaging the services, or of doing injustice to the reputation,
of any of the patriots who took a part in the great work of the
Revolution.
Having thus done with Mr Swett, who really deserves much credit for
his patriotic and indefatigable pioneer labors, and done, it is
hoped, finally with controversy on this subject, this opportunity is
embraced of making a few remarks on the character of the army and the
commanding officers of the battle of Bunker Hill. This is done the
more readily, as it will serve as an occasion to-weave in additional
contemporary matter, not in print, that may afford aid to a future
enquirer in settling this question.
The organization of the American army besieging the British army
in Boston at the time of the Battle of Bunker Hill, was peculiar.
The Massachusetts forces, though all of them had enlisted either
as minute men, or as part of the quota of this colony, were less
regularly organized, perhaps, than the troops of at least two of
the other colonies. Several of the colonels, and other officers,
had not been commissioned, and their rank had not been determined.
Up to this time, and all through the records and the documents of
the Provincial Congress, the forces of this province are called
"_The Massachusetts Army_." General Ward's commission terms him the
commander-in-chief of the Massachusetts forces, and he signs his
name, June 4, as such. The troops of Rhode Island, under Brigadier
General Greene, were also termed "The Rhode Island Army"--and "The
Army of Observation," and all the captures by it were to enure to the
benefit of the colony of Rhode Island. In like manner the Connecticut
forces, under Brigadier General Spencer, (the senior officer,) and
Putnam, were controlled by a Connecticut "committee of war" and all
captures were to enure to the benefit of that colony. Rhode Island
and Connecticut had not instructed their generals--June 17, 1775--to
put themselves under General Ward. The troops of New Hampshire were
differently situated from those of the two other colonies. The minute
men who flocked to the neighborhood of Boston on the Lexington alarm,
were advised by the New Hampshire officers to enlist in the service
of the Massachusetts colony, until their colony could have time to
act. These troops, then under Colonel Stark, were adopted by the New
Hampshire Provincial Congress, (May 20th) and put under the command
of Brigadier General Folsom. He did not arrive at camp until just
after the battle, but he gave an order to Colonel Reed, whom the
congress had also appointed colonel, to collect his regiment, a part
of which was under Stark at Medford, and put himself under General
Ward. The latter ordered him (June 15) to take post at Charlestown
Neck.