START ON A MISSION TO THE EAST--VISIT GALLIPOLI, AND
REPORT UPON IT TO LORD STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE--REPORT ON
THE ENTIRE SEABOARD OF THE DARDANELLES--VISIT THE TURKISH
ARMY ON THE DANUBE, AND REPORT ON ITS CONDITION--WINTER
TRAVELLING IN BALL-ROOM DRESS--RETURN TO CONSTANTINOPLE--THE
EMBASSY THERE--THE WAR MINISTRY AT HOME--ITS INCAPACITY--AM
OFFERED A KNIGHTHOOD, BUT DECLINE THE HONOUR--THE EASTERN
QUESTION--THE DIFFICULTY OF REGENERATING THE TURKS BY
FOREIGN INTERFERENCE--THEIR MORAL DEGRADATION--MY KNIGHTHOOD
IS DECIDED UPON--JOURNEY TO WINDSOR--LORDS PALMERSTON AND
ABERDEEN--MONOLOGUES WITH PREDECESSORS IN ARMOUR--THE
CEREMONY--CONCLUSION.
Events came rapidly enough. Those shadows in the East at which Colonel
Airey had been throwing his pen, and was now preparing his sword to
demolish, were thickening fast. A mission was offered to me to go
to Constantinople, which I eagerly accepted, and in September 1853
I left England for the East. On my arrival there I was sent by Lord
Stratford de Redcliffe to Gallipoli. I made a lengthy report to show
the uselessness of that spit of land as a place of rendezvous for the
English and French to fight the Russians, then hundreds of miles away
across the Balkans and the Danube.
Gallipoli is a point that may be used to threaten Asia, but not Europe.
As such it was used by the Galli or Gauls--hence its name. I exposed
the fact that an army disembarking for the purpose of repelling
an invader, which the Russian army was, lost all the prestige of
success by preparing defences in case of retreat, and the fortifying
of Gallipoli meant nothing else. It seemed almost cowardly thus to
begin when the Turks alone were meeting the Russians in the open
field. After Lord Stratford had received this report, he sent me
further directions to visit the whole length of the Dardanelles and
investigate the military and political influence they would possess in
the East, supposing a war took place between England and Russia. These
instructions I followed out, and afterwards returned to Constantinople
along the shores of the Sea of Marmora, giving further details
concerning the entire coast. His lordship was so satisfied with the
manner in which I had performed my task that he gave me immediately
another to perform. I was sent on board H.M.S. the Valorous, Captain
Loring, with a dragoman of the Embassy (Mr Sarel), to Varna, from
whence I was to visit all the fortresses on the Danube, to report on
their actual state and future importance, and to furnish a description
of the Turkish army then in Bulgaria.
On landing at Varna, I found that a report on that place would be
useless, as Colonel Neale, then her Majesty’s Consul there, was putting
the last touch to a most able account of its importance and real value.
The Colonel had seen fighting whilst employed in the Spanish Legion
under brave General Evans, and was as competent in wielding the pen as
the sword.
From Varna we proceeded to Schumla, and a bitterly cold trip it was. I
must here explain that I had left Constantinople in an evening costume
in the following manner: At a soiree held at the Embassy at which I had
the honour to assist, Lord Stratford, to whom that same day I had given
in my report concerning the Dardanelles, came from his study into the
room and said he wanted me to make a similar report on the Danube, and
that I must start directly. He had just spoken to Captain Loring of
the Valorous on the subject, who had already left the Embassy for his
vessel. Steam was already up, and the sooner I left the better.
As for clothes, I might have anything in his own wardrobe. Without
more ado I took a greatcoat belonging to his lordship, which I still
possess as a reminiscence of one of the greatest men England ever sent
to represent her.
Thus accoutred I went on board, Mr Sarel following much in the same
style of attire. When on board, Captain Loring kindly offered any part
of his outfit for my use, but no number of reefs would bring them to
a suitable shape on my then slender form; and Colonel Neale’s short
hose were so stumpy and baggy as to make me look like a Blue-coat boy
under the trailing garment of Lord Stratford: so I declined all these
proffered masqueradings, and got on my Tartar post-boy charger on my
way to Schumla, bundled up in such rolls of hay round my legs and arms
as to make my little nag more inclined to eat than to carry me. Poor
Sarel was in a still worse plight than myself. I at all events had
been well hardened in the saddle, while he had only been accustomed
to the soft chairs at the Embassy, and soon sat on the leather of his
seat as though it had been the pigskin of the tenderest sucking-pig in
Bulgaria.
Thus we proceeded in a rather undignified fashion up the Deona Valley,
through Peveda and Batschesci to Schumla. There I saw Omar Pasha, and
after two or three interviews, cemented an intimacy with him that the
efforts of none could afterwards break until he left this world.
Omar had all the talents in him of which great men are made, but he
had also the dominant failing of the weakest--namely, that of an
unbeliever. It was at Schumla that I had the first opportunity of
seeing the sterling worth and the vices of the Turkish army, of which
Omar was so fitting a commander and representative chief. Here I saw
men who lately, panic-stricken, had run away from a few harmless
Russian scouts _on the other side of the Danube_, now patiently
dragging, with frost-bitten feet and hands, big siege-guns on sledges
through snow as a mere matter of ordinary duty. Tall, sturdy, smiling
countenances, with death’s cold hand already upon them. But I shall not
enlarge on these scenes for the present.
I visited Schumla in question, and returned in the good ship Valorous
to Constantinople. This city, which an Englishman gave his name to (for
Constantine the Great was not only British-born, but his mother, the
great St Helena, was the daughter of a remarkable king of Essex), was
to me a place of wonder: my eyes were more occupied in feasting on its
marvels, than my thoughts in working out its future.
The men of the Embassy were as remarkable as their chief--the Smythes,
the Allisons, the Brodies, and the Pisanis, were a bright nucleus of
men any nation might be proud of. Neither were the representatives of
the real antagonists, Russia and France, much below them--the Aussicks,
the Menschikoffs, were no ordinary men.
My mission being ended I returned to England, and on arrival found that
my report had created more anxiety than satisfaction.
Whatever the world may say or think about those then actually in power,
I found them to be possessed of only erroneous preconceptions and to
be influenced by indecision. As I unfolded to Lord Raglan the real
state of affairs, he kept nervously twitching the stump of his arm, and
looked more like a victim going to be sacrificed on the altar of duty,
than a general prepared to take the command of an army.
I was thanked for what I had done, but that was all I got for my pains.
True, Colonel Airey called me always Captain; but as this was a mere
act of courtesy, just as two years afterwards he called me General
when in the Crimea, I naturally placed no more value on it than it
deserved. I hope, however, that he will read my future description of
that campaign, and explain by what misconception he needlessly caused
so many thousands of British soldiers to go through such an amount of
bitter suffering.
At this time I was offered a knighthood, but refused it as being of
no military value to me. Another mission was then proposed, which I
accepted. Russia and France seemed determined to seize each other by
the throat, in their dispute as to which of them had the right to
paint the Holy Sepulchre, and to hold the keys of that tomb which the
apostles found empty.
Lord Stratford was looking on as arbitrator. His better judgment was
with Russia, but his bias against her; his grand intellect swayed
to and fro in his efforts to reconcile both. Some of his despatches
at this momentous time are the grandest specimens of diplomatic
correspondence to be found in the English language. To those who were
cognisant of the tortuous intricacies of the Eastern question, the
truth, the energy, the flashes of genius amidst obscure renderings that
are therein found, are something truly wonderful. Had he willed it,
at this time, the war would not have taken place; but his great mind
at last wearied, and reeled under the burden of holding the balance
aloof in such weighty matters; and from being judge he became advocate,
thinking, perhaps, that the shells might remain to Russia and France,
whilst England should have the oyster. This could not be right, for the
British Government had no perception of the duty that was incumbent
on possession. Its actions reminded me of what I had then recently
witnessed in the Turkish provinces. There beys or governors were good
enough in themselves, and to those of the same creed, but they lived
and haughtily prospered on the vices and failings of those whom they
governed.
Parents often kept their children, or children their parents, in
prison, to satisfy any pique of the moment, or persistent desire to
wrong one another. At Silivri, ancient Silymbria, a town of Roumelia,
on the Sea of Marmora, containing about 8000 inhabitants, I turned out
of prison upwards of sixty persons, who had been kept in durance vile
by the governor on the daily payment of so much per head, according
to the rank of the incarcerated, for no crime whatever, but simply to
satisfy the grudge of persons with whom they were at enmity. A Nicolai
Bogdan, a wealthy tradesman of the town, had imprisoned his own mother
to gratify the spite of his wife for some supposed family wrongs; and
as the poor old woman left the prison, where she had been confined
for the last four years, squalid in her filth and rags, Ahmed Bey,
the governor, asked me if such a dog of a Christian, as Bogdan was,
deserved the attention of Lord Stratford. In this observation lay the
gist of all the evil of the time.
The Whig Government, more or less subservient to the Manchester school
of politics, wanted, like the governor of Silivri, to prosper in a
worldly point of view, but did not wish to assume any moral obligation.
So long as goods were sold they did not care anything about the buyer
personally, or as to where his money came from, provided he did not
become bankrupt. They were equally indifferent as to whom fell the task
of paying twelve per cent interest on the loans they so freely offered
to the Turk, forcing him to greater and more relentless exactions on
the poor Christian taxpayer for the repayment.
Such policy is as selfish as that of a French Communard, whose motto
is, “After us the Deluge;” and the deluge _did_ come, sweeping away the
prosperity and comfort of thousands and thousands of English families
who had trusted to the positive indebtedness of the British Government
to supervise and direct those to whom they otherwise would not have
trusted their hard-earned savings.
It is useless to speak of _hatti-humayoums, rades_, or any other
devices of ambassadors, signed by a time-serving Sultan for the
regeneration of his subjects. Local laws such as these, if applied to
the people themselves, may fulfil all their requirements; but foreign
suggestions and foreign pressure require foreign subjects, which native
subjects who are worthy the name will never become. Neither can you
regenerate a nation by the mere force of will, nor by force of arms.
The people must have an innate feeling of willing participation to
render reforms desirable.
I have had, whilst governor of the district of Bourgas, a sack brought
to me by a Bulgarian peasant, which contained the head of his own
child, murdered by brigands before his eyes; yet that peasant, who was
mayor of his own village, and had ample means of at least making an
effort to save it, had never lifted a finger in its behalf, but now
came to me for assistance towards payment of the ransom he had promised
to save another child he had at home. I ask, what laws could regenerate
the conduct of that man? Parental love could not even arouse him to
his duty towards his own flesh and blood! What chance would foreign
devices have to move him? I do not cite this as a solitary case, but as
one of many similar examples of degradation which weigh upon a large
portion of the population in Turkey. I have more than once seen a Turk
maltreating a Christian. I have had the instrument taken out of the
hand of the offender and placed in the hands of the stricken, then,
standing over both, have insisted upon retaliation. But this was too
abstruse a method for the perception of a Bulgarian. If, thought he,
no doubt, I could really help him, why not let him _murder_ the Turk?
As for beating, that would still leave his foe alive, and after my
departure the Turk would thrash him worse than ever. What the Bulgarian
told me in 1854 is applicable now--“Leave the Christian alone in the
hands of the Turk, and he will be more despised and ill-governed than
ever.”
The clergy in the East, as might be readily supposed, offer no fixed
standard of morality to guide the masses, as the following, among many
other cases brought to my knowledge, will readily prove. When the
Emperor Nicholas of Russia died, I was then in command of Western
Roumelia; and the clergy of the district, headed by the Metropolitan
of Adrianople, came officially to ask of me, as a Christian Pasha, to
be allowed to celebrate a Mass for the repose of the Emperors soul.
The ostensible reason given for this act of public gratitude was the
many acts of solicitude the dead Emperor had shown for their Church:
scarcely an ornament on their altars, even to the very canonical
costumes which they then had on their backs, but they were indebted to
him for.
This outward demonstration imposed so much upon me that I told the
Metropolitan, and the other bishops with him, that if they were so much
indebted, why did they not, by some overt act beyond spiritual regard,
show their acknowledgments? The successor of him whom they so deeply
deplored had ascended the throne. France, England, and Turkey were in
the field against him, and he had not a friend in the world--not even
Austria, who owed her very existence to his father--that would say a
word or lift a finger in his behalf. Now, at this solemn moment for
the orthodox Church, a universal display in favour of Alexander might
so impress the Allies as to eventually bring about a close of the war
without too much sorrow and suffering on the part of Russia.
The Metropolitan replied, “We have nothing to offer Russia alive; when
she is dead, all we can do is to offer up prayers for her.”
So much for Christian gratitude in the East--and be it remarked
that these Vladicas and Popas were not all Greeks, but many of them
Bulgarians.
I was now on the point of leaving England once more without the
slightest notice having been taken of the recommendations of General
Sir Harry Smith, General Cathcart, or of the colonists regarding my
services, when it was suggested by Lord Clarendon, whom I was going
specially to serve, that some sort of handle to my name would increase
the chances of my being useful to him. The letter of the noble
statesman on this subject, which is still in my possession, would merit
a place, and that not a low one, amidst a collection of jokes of the
period. Its only fault is that it makes one laugh on the wrong side of
the face. This parental solicitude of the Foreign Office towards one
of its adopted little children aroused me to the necessity of belonging
to some established English institution. The Horse Guards, where I
begged my new guardian still to leave me, had refused to receive me
without payment. As a _pis aller_, it was decided that I should be sent
to Windsor Castle; and I must say that, after all my late tossings
about, I had reason to be gratified at last, for I breathed much more
freely there than in Downing Street--and I was, besides, much more
kindly treated.
The journey to Windsor Castle was a pleasant one. I was seated between
Lord Palmerston and Lord Aberdeen; and although the Duke of Newcastle
had assured me that Lord Palmerston was always so much behind time as
never to see fish on his own table, yet he managed to come in very
strong with the _roast_ for Lord Aberdeen before we got to Windsor. The
quiet old Scotchman seemed more than once on the point of “spitting”
out a not over-polite expletive in reply, but, on reflection, he
always managed to bolt it. The two presented such a contrast, that it
appeared to me, a youngster, incredible that they could occupy the
same political level. The former amused himself by pumping me out;
the latter required almost a force-pump to get anything into him. The
result might be the same, but the operation was quite different. I
took, however, special pains during the journey to instil into the mind
of this kilted-petticoat authority that, although I looked so young, I
was really no novice in the art of war. He was to be my respondent, or
warrantor, for my qualifications as a knight-bachelor, whatever that
may mean.
At length we arrived at the Castle. The Ministers went to attend a
Cabinet Council. It looked more as if they had been engaged on some
parish business than on the affairs of the world. I was left alone to
promenade up and down a long corridor, lined with my predecessors in
glory--knights-dummies in armour. I was getting tired of my monologues
with these iron-jawed gentry, and beginning to feel some uncomfortable
twinges from an inward monitor not always easily appeased after a
country ride, when the young Duke of Brabant, the present King of the
Belgians, came up to me and asked if I was Captain Lakeman from the
Cape. He said that the Duke of Newcastle had told him of my presence;
and he added, I would no doubt easily excuse his anxiety to know all
about the Dutch colonists, in whom his father also took the warmest
interest. I was relating to him, in as few words as possible, all I
knew about the sturdy Dutchmen, with whom I also claimed a common
descent, when a most solemn-looking personage came up and told me to
follow him. After a warm shake-hands, which the young duke honoured
me with, I followed the gentleman in black as gravely as though this
had been my last farewell on earth. He led the way to a small side
door, and opening it as a church-beadle opens a pew, beckoned me to
enter. I bowed, and walked in. It was a small, oak-panelled room, in
the middle of which stood a Lady surrounded by sedate-looking men. I
felt as if a mistake had been made,--that I had got into the manorial
enclosure instead of the strangers’ pew,--and was on the point of
bowing myself out again, in the humblest way possible, as a proof of
my unintentional intrusion, when the Lady mentioned smiled so kindly
that I left off bowing and walked further on. There was no necessity
to tell me now that I was in the presence of the Queen. _I felt that
I was._ Whatever may be often thought nowadays of “such divinity as
doth hedge monarchs,” I for my part was ready at once to acknowledge
that fealty to England’s ruler which, hitherto, I had only offered
to the dear country itself. After a few words had passed, a cushion
was brought and laid before me, and then another, on which there was
a heavy-looking sword. Some one behind me whispered that I was to
kneel--an operation by no means agreeable to a man before company.
This I somewhat awkwardly did, and so remained, with my face bent
towards her Majesty’s feet, expecting every moment to feel the weight
of the sword on my shoulder to indicate that the ceremony had begun,
but nothing came. There was a dead silence. So I looked up and saw the
Queen holding up the sword and directing an inquiring glance towards
some one behind my back. Whoever that person was, he seemed to be a
long time in answering. It was the Earl of Aberdeen. It was evident to
me that her Majesty could not hold the sword over my head much longer.
I asked what was wanted. “Your Christian name,” her Majesty said.
“Stephen,” I replied; and down came the sword, missing the shoulder
and striking the cushion. The ceremony, however, was complete without
that, for her Majesty immediately said, “Arise, Sir Stephen,” and held
out her hand to kiss. I did kiss it, and felt in doing so that she had
not many in her wide realm who would serve her more devotedly than I if
necessity required it.
The cushions were removed; the Queen graciously smiled to all around
and left the room, and we retired together through the long corridor
before mentioned. I was standing near the entrance to the Castle door
whilst the Earl of Clarendon was lighting a cigar, when the Duke of
Newcastle rejoined us, and said, “Allow me to congratulate you as Sir
Stephen Lakeman, and as to having your head still on. I thought at one
time her Majesty was going to cut it off.” “Ah,” said Lord Clarendon,
puffing away at his cigarette, which I thought extremely unbecoming in
the Castle, “if the Queen had given it a whack it would have done it
good.”
“Just as it might do your lordship to whack out your cigarette,” I
replied. I had, within the last few days, taken a sudden dislike to
his lordship, which, however unaccountable at the time, was a true
presentiment of our future relations. His Grace of Newcastle took me
by the arm and led me away. He at the same time informed me that I was
to remain at the Castle: a certain person, whom he pointed out, would
attend to my wants, and I might freely answer any questions that would
be put to me during the afternoon.
When I returned to town that night, I was grateful for the honours that
had been bestowed upon me at the request of the Cape colonists.
THE END.
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[Transcriber's Note:
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.]
End of Project Gutenberg's What I Saw in Kaffir-Land, by Stephen Lakeman