CHAPTER I.

MILITARY MEMOIRS.

EDINBURGH: PRINTED BY ANDERSON & BRYCE.

THE

MILITARY MEMOIRS

OF AN

INFANTRY OFFICER.

1809-1816.

EDINBURGH:

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR,

BY ANDERSON & BRYCE.

MDCCCXXXIII.

Address.

The Work now submitted to the Public, contains an account of the

Author's Campaigns during the most memorable period of the late French

wars. It pretends to no eminence as a literary composition; but the

Author trusts, that it will not be found wanting in accuracy of detail,

as to facts falling under his own notice. He trusts that no one who

opens it in hope of being amused, will shut it disappointed; and he

sincerely hopes that the junior members of his own profession will find

in it something which may prove useful to them when they are called

upon to suffer hardships--to encounter dangers--and to perform duties

similar to those recorded in the following pages.

Perth, 20th March, 1833.

MILITARY MEMOIRS

OF AN

INFANTRY OFFICER.

CHAPTER I.

In the beginning of the summer of 1809, the whole European

commonwealth--Austria, Spain, Portugal, and Sicily excepted, were

arrayed in arms against the British Isles; and ere the autumnal sun had

cheered the heart of the Austrian husbandman, that powerful empire,

after a series of sanguinary conflicts, was compelled to sue for peace,

and join the ranks of the enemy. The latter unfortunate event reduced

the number of our allies from _forty_ to _sixteen_ millions; and

consequently gave to our haughty antagonist a numerical superiority of

one hundred and fourteen millions--France and her allies forming a body

of one hundred and fifty millions, while Britain, and her little band

of faithful friends amounted to thirty-six millions of souls only! Such

was the unequal division of power in Europe in July 1809, when the

grand expedition under the present Earl of Chatham quitted the British

shores, to assail the enemy in a quarter then looked upon as the most

vulnerable point of his widely extended dominions.

During the awful period of preparation, the eyes of every inhabitant

of these realms were directed to the place of rendezvous; while with

breathless anxiety they watched the movement of every ship, and of

every battalion, as if the fate, not only of the United Kingdom, but

of the civilized world depended on the contemplated assault. From the

Land's End to John O'Groat's, and from Donaghadee to the southernmost

promontory of Erin's green isle, the interest excited on this occasion

was every where the same. Throughout Scotland, England, and Ireland--in

the mansion of the peer, and lowly abode of the peasant--one prayer

only was heard, and that one was for the success of the expedition

wherever bound, and a safe return to those embarked in it.

At Deal, Ramsgate, and Portsmouth, scenes of a most animated

description were daily presented to the eye of a spectator, from the

commencement of the vast preparations, till the last vessel spread

her white sails to the wind, and bade adieu to the chalky cliffs of

the sea-girt isle. During the whole of that interesting period, the

embarkation of men, horses, artillery, and military stores, continued

without intermission until all the ships in the fleet were filled

with the munitions of war, and those gallant spirits who were destined

to apply them to deadly purposes. At the embarkation of some of the

battalions, it was truly heart-rending to see the poor women taking

leave of their husbands--many of them to meet no more. The agonizing

cries,--the piteous lamentations, and the tears which flowed in copious

streams down their care-worn cheeks, were more than sufficient to

penetrate the hardest heart that ever lay incased in the breast of

man. The feelings of the soldiers, also, were on those occasions,

not only such as to do them honor, but to convince every individual

who witnessed the interesting scenes, that although soldiers may be

said to live and move in a region of danger, and not unfrequently

surrounded with scenes of horror, in every appalling shape which the

field of battle can produce, yet their hearts are stored with a much

larger portion of the finer feelings of the human breast, than people

in private life have hitherto been disposed to give them credit for.

The parting salutations of the distressed couples, no one could hear

without being sensibly affected.--"God bless you, Mary; be kind to our

babes;" or "Farewell, Betsy; think of me till I return;" were very

generally the requests made by the soldiers, when they grasped the

hands of their afflicted partners, to bid them adieu,--requests which

the latter invariably promised to observe, and then sealed their

pledge with a tender embrace.

Scenes of dissipation were also pretty numerous, particularly at

Portsmouth, where it was nothing uncommon to see a jolly tar locked

so fast in the arms of a help-mate on the beach, that it required

considerable exertion to rouse them from their slumber, and not a

little persuasive eloquence to make the happy mortals relinquish their

unseemly couch on the shore, for one more secluded from public view.

For two weeks previous to the sailing of the expedition, Deal was

literally filled to an overflow with naval and military officers of

all grades, from the admiral to the little middy, and from the general

to the jolly ensign. Every hotel and tavern, and numerous private

houses, were so crowded, that four of my friends were one evening

compelled to pay one pound four shillings for a _room_ and _single

bed_. Determined to reap a golden harvest, the _good honest_ people

of Deal, demanded most exorbitant prices for almost every article we

required, and which, I am sorry to say, were but too generally paid,

and without a grumble by the thoughtless, and almost countless host of

purchasers. During the day, the principal shops were crowded almost to

suffocation--particularly those confectionary establishments where the

sparkling eyes of the fair shopkeepers formed a point of attraction

too powerful for the youthful portion of our fraternity to resist.

By the bye, I should like to know the reason why so many confectioners

and fancy snuff retailers, place pretty little interesting creatures

behind their counters, for it is a system which I ever have, and will

continue to condemn as one of a most pernicious tendency--the giddy

and thoughtless portion of our youth viewing it in a light _favourable

to immorality_. Now, this being a fact which no man can deny, and as

it should be the grand object of all respectable tradesmen to stand

fair with the world, and be at peace with their own consciences, those

individuals who now employ _decoy ducks_, cannot too soon lay aside the

practice, for they may rest assured, that no such bare-faced attempts

to procure a market for their commodities, will ever be patronized by

any good or honourable man.

From the rising to the setting of the sun, Deal and its environs

daily presented to the eye of a stranger, a singular and interesting

picture. Afloat and on shore, the first disturbers of our nocturnal

repose, were the morning guns, and reveille. By their united efforts,

thousands of dormant spirits were daily roused into action, some to

prepare for a long and a tough pull at the oar--others for a hard

cruise on shore. From day-break all was life and gaiety on board;

and ere the sun had advanced far on his diurnal journey, hundreds of

boats filled with naval and military heroes, were skimming along the

surface of the briny deep, and with fearful velocity hastening towards

the landing-place. The foraging parties returned to their ships on

procuring the provisions of which they stood in need; those on pleasure

remained on shore to enjoy the sports of the day. On the departure of

the former, stillness reigned through every corner of the town, till

noon, when boats, as formidable in point of numbers as before, again

approached the beach, and poured fresh cargoes of emigrants into it, to

the great annoyance of all, save shopkeepers and publicans. On landing,

each officer pursued the route which fancy pointed out. The politician

retired to some place of entertainment, and scanned the pages of

the newspapers; the sedate and prudent had an eye to their personal

comforts; and the loungers made arrangements for a cruise through

the town, to torment some unfortunate billiard marker, or make some

confectioner, or milliner's shop girl fancy herself a goddess. Engaged

in similar _interesting_ and _honourable_ employments, the various

groups promenaded the streets, till old father time, pointing to the

hour of four, gave the whole a hint to retire and partake of Deal

hospitality, or the good things which their friends had provided for

them on board. From the latter hour, every hotel, and minor place of

public resort, were crowded with warriors of every description, whence

hundreds of them, after dedicating many a full flowing cup to those

they had left behind, went daily reeling to their boats, as happy as

the juice of the grape, or malt could make them, all the way singing,

"How merrily we live who soldiers be."

Whenever the surf ran high at the landing place, these thoughtless

mortals afforded their more reflecting brethren a very rich treat;

for having generally dipped deeper into the cup of intemperance than

prudence dictated, they had so much difficulty in stowing themselves

into their skiffs, that a severe bruise or two on the leg, in addition

to a complete ducking, were very frequently the fruits of their

bacchanalian revels, before they accomplished their object.

A more unique, and on the whole, interesting mass of human beings, was

perhaps never before collected within so narrow a compass. In Deal,

were congregated men from every country, of every religious persuasion,

and of every profession under the sun. So various were the costumes

worn, and so numerous the languages spoken by the dense assemblage of

naval, military, and civil characters, as they paraded the streets,

that had that interesting personage, Mr Paul Pry, been then in

existence, and dropped in upon us, ignorant of the cause which had

drawn us together, he most assuredly would have taken it for granted,

that it was our intention to build a second Babel on one of the heights

between Deal and Dover.

Various as were the costumes of the multitude, their shades of

character were not less diversified. Having occasion one day to wait

upon Sir John Hope, (late Earl of Hopetoun) he, on my taking leave,

requested me to carry a letter to Colonel Cameron of the 92d regiment,

who, with a portion of his battalion, was then on board of the Superb

of 74 guns. On leaving Walmer, I proceeded to the quarter-deck of

the _venerable_ bark, and delivered my charge into the hands of the

Highland chief. Knowing that Sir John Hope was to take his passage in

the Superb, and that orders had been received for her to sail on the

following morning, the Colonel instantly communicated the contents of

Sir John's note to Admiral ----, whose pendant floated in the wind from

the mast of the "_Old Superb_," as the nautical gentleman generally

denominated her. On hearing that Sir John Hope did not expect to embark

for three or four days, the Admiral then said he would write to Sir

John on the subject, and requested me to forward his letter the moment

I landed. The Admiral then hurried into his cabin, and in a few minutes

reappeared with the letter in his hand.

On receiving it, I again repeated my pledge to see the letter

delivered, and was on the eve of turning round to regain my boat,

when the Admiral, without uttering a word, snatched the letter out of

my hand, tore it in numerous pieces, and like a flash of lightning,

darted into the cabin. This comic scene drew smiles from many a

weather-beaten countenance, while to me, the whole matter was totally

inexplicable; and in this hopeful state of ignorance I might have

remained to the present day, had not a naval friend the same day at

dinner satisfied me, that with the exception of a few such occasional

occurrences, there was no other draw-back to as gallant and amiable a

character as ever graced the quarter-deck of a British man-of-war.

To the same friend I am indebted for the following anecdote of another

distinguished naval commander, who held an important command in the

fleet, which wafted us to the pestilential marshes of the land of frogs.

A few days previous to the memorable battle of Trafalgar, Admiral Sir

R.S. was detached on a special service by Lord Nelson, with several

sail of the line. The gallant chief had not been long absent from the

grand fleet, when one morning he observed an enemy's fleet of four

sail of the line, bearing down, cleared for action. Our lads being

as anxious for a bit of fun as their Gallic opponents, accepted the

challenge, and to it they went, ship to ship. One of the British

ships commanded by Captain ----, less distinguished for beauty than

his unconquerable courage, grappled instantly with a French ship of

superior force, and in a very short time made her opponent feel, that

no enemy, however formidable, is at any time permitted to approach a

British man-of-war with impunity; for

Firm are the sons that Britain leads,

To combat on the main.

On perceiving that the fire of his favourite ship was doing great

execution, the Admiral, in token of his admiration, threw his hat on

the deck, and remained uncovered, amidst dreadful showers of bullets.

The fire from the French vessel growing less vivid, Sir R.'s heart was

so gladdened with this first prospect of victory, that he began to

dance, and with the vigour of years gone by, kept it up, till his _hat_

was turned into innumerable shapes; and in one of the most fantastic,

removed from under the Admiral's feet, and replaced on his head. A

second favourable omen soon after appearing, the hat was again doomed

to descend from its elevated station, to experience from its brave

owner the same treatment as before. But fortunately for the _chapeau_,

a third omen of victory soon followed the last, which operated so

powerfully on the mind of the gallant Admiral, that he ordered his

_wig_ to follow its friend, and in a twinkling again began to trip

it on the light fantastic toe, and continued the youthful amusement

till every one of the enemy's ships had successively hauled down their

colours.

The day at length approached, when it became necessary for all and

each of us to lay fun and revelry aside, and prepare for an early

meeting with the enemies of our common country. Early on the afternoon

of the 27th July, the ominous signal, _Blue Peter_, was hoisted on

board of the head quarter ship. Although nothing had been permitted

to transpire which could mark the exact point of debarkation, yet

from various movements among the vessels of war, it was not very

difficult to discover that our destination was Holland. This was

rather a disagreeable discovery, for it was impossible to banish from

our remembrance the dreadful hardships which our friends suffered

in that country, during the campaigns of 1794 and 1795. These

unpleasant recollections, added to the disastrous dispatches which

arrived from the banks of the Danube, a few days previous to the

sailing of the expedition, produced an unfavourable impression on the

minds of almost every individual in both services. But it may very

fairly be questioned, whether the appointment of a titled general

to a high command in the expedition, did not produce a much more

baneful sensation. Report had been for some time particularly busy in

assigning to this General the situation which he ultimately held in the

expedition; but until the appointment actually appeared in the London

Gazette, none attached the smallest credit to it; for there were more

than one general officer then at home, not only well qualified for the

command of such a force, but who having spent the greater part of their

lives on foreign service, looked for such an appointment as a suitable

reward for their long and faithful services. That some of the best and

bravest of our land felt severely the cold hand of neglect on this

occasion, was not only currently reported, but _credited_ in military

circles. In fact, report went so far as to assert, that promises had

been made in a high quarter to some of the gallant individuals, which,

if kept, the noble Earl would have been compelled to remain at home,

and live in expectation. Had the appointment of commander-in-chief

rested with the troops, their choice would, no doubt, have fallen

upon that general, whose military talents shone so conspicuously in

the command of the British army in Spain, on the fall of his early

and bosom friend, the lamented MOORE. Can I adduce a stronger proof

in support of this assertion, than the following little incident, to

which I was an eye-witness. A private soldier of the 36th regiment,

actually refused to embark at Portsmouth; and on being desired to give

his reasons for disobeying the orders of his superiors, very coolly

replied, _that it was because Sir John Hope was not to have the command

of the expedition_. I may state further, that the soldier was placed

in the boat by force; and on quitting the beach, cried, "_Sir John

Hope for ever_;" to which the cheers of those on shore most heartily

responded.

So confident were many of my friends that the fleet would never sail

from the Downs, that when the signal of preparation was hoisted,

hundreds were on shore, so totally destitute of the means of leaving

it, that had the fleet got under weigh the same day, a considerable

portion of them must eventually have been left behind. As it was,

many officers did not get on board till four o'clock on the following

morning, and then only on paying the _trifling sum of three and four

Guineas for a trip of half as many miles_.

The troops employed in this expedition, consisted of twelve squadrons

of cavalry--forty battalions, besides portions of battalions, of

infantry--and from eighty to one hundred pieces of artillery. The whole

were formed into sixteen brigades, and the latter again into seven

divisions as follows, viz.:

_Lieutenant General Sir Eyre Coote's Division._

_1st Brigade._--Colonel Mahon.

Three Squadrons.--9th Light Dragoons, part of 95th Rifle Corps, and

Detachment of Royal Staff Corps.

_2nd Brigade._--Brigadier General Rottenburg.

The 68th, 1st Battalion, 71st, and one Battalion of 95th Rifle Regiment.

_Lieutenant General the Earl of Rosslyn's Division._

_1st. Brigade._--Major General Linsingen.

Three Squadrons 3d Dragoon Guards--Three Squadrons 12th Light Dragoons,

and Three Squadrons 2d Light Dragoons, King's German Legion.

_2nd Brigade._--Major General Stewart.

The 2d Battalions of the 43d and 52d, and Eight Companies of 95th Rifle

Corps.

_3d Brigade._--Brigadier General Baron Alten.

The 1st and 2d Battalions King's German Legion.

_Lieutenant General Sir John Hope's Division, or Corps of Reserve._

_1st Brigade._--Brigadier General Disney.

The 1st and 2d Battalions First Foot Guards.

_2d Brigade._--Major General the Earl of Dalhousie.

The 1st and 2d Battalions 4th Foot, and 1st Battalion 28th Regiment.

_3d Brigade._--Major General Sir William Erskine.

The 20th Foot, and 1st Battalion 92d Regiment.

_Lieutenant General the Marquis of Huntly's Division._

_1st Brigade._--Major General Leith.

The 2d Battalions 11th and 59th, and 1st Battalion 79th Regiment.

_2d Brigade._--Brigadier General Ackland.

The 2d Foot, 76th, and 2d Battalion 84th Regiment.

_Lieutenant General Mackenzie Fraser's Division._

_1st Brigade._--Major General Dyott.

The 1st Battalions of 5th, 58th, and 91st Regiments.

_2d Brigade._--Brigadier General Montresor.

The First Battalions 9th, 38th, and 42d Regiments.

_Lieutenant General Grosvenor's Division._

_1st Brigade._--Major General Brown.

The 2d Battalions 23d, 26th, and 81st, and First Battalion 32d Regiment.

_2d Brigade._--Major General Picton.

The 1st Battalion 36th, 2d Battalion 63d, and 77th Regiments.

_Lieutenant General Lord Paget's Division._

_1st Brigade._--Major General Graham.

The 3d Battalion 1st Foot, and 85th Regiment.

_2d Brigade._--Brigadier General Houston.

The 2d Battalions of the 14th and 51st, and 82d Regiment.

_Commander-in-Chief._

Lieutenant General the Earl of Chatham.

_Second in Command._

Lieutenant General Sir Eyre Coote.

_Commanding Artillery._

Major General M'Leod.

_Chief Officer of Engineers._

General Terrot.

The naval part of the expedition consisted of from 300 to 400 vessels

of all denominations, upwards of 100 of whom were ships of the

line--frigates, sloops, and brigs of war, &c. The whole were placed

under the command of Rear Admiral Sir Richard Strachan, who had

Rear Admiral Sir R.G. Keates as his second, on this interesting and

important occasion.

At day-break, on the 28th of July, all hands were piped on deck to

assist at the capstone, and most cheerfully did every man, soldiers

and sailors, join in the good old British cry of "Yeo--heave ho!" In

less than an hour, a considerable portion of the fleet had unfurled

their white sails to the wind, and were ploughing their way towards the

Scheldt, their decks covered with thousands of warriors, chaunting, as

they cast a long and lingering look behind--

"Ye beautuous maids your smiles bestow,

For if ye prove unkind,

How can we hope to beat the foe,

Who leave our hearts behind."

The vessels of war moved outside of the transports, and the gun-boats,

with the assistance of some buoys, marked the route of the whole.

The appearance of the fleet this morning, was even more magnificent

than when it rode at anchor in the Downs. Nothing could move more

beautifully than the largest class of our men-of-war, as they dashed

through the foaming billows, leading the way to the scene of action.

For some hours I paced the deck of our little brig, admiring with

feelings of national pride, the noble--the unrivalled spectacle before

me; and on my eyes being sufficiently feasted, I descended into our

little crib, and there craved from the Giver of Victory, success in

some degree commensurate with the magnitude of the armament.

On weighing anchor, the wind was favourable, and blowing what our

nautical friends called a gentle breeze; but as we receded from the

British shore, it freshened, and during the rest of the day blew hard.

A few hours after leaving our anchorage, and when something like order

was restored on deck, we retired into the cabin to partake of our

morning repast. The servants, however, having neglected to _lash_ the

table to the cabin floor, we had not been seated many minutes, when

one dire hitch of our little jade, tumbled every thing topsy-turvy. In

an instant, away went seats and sitters, table, tea-pot, cups, bread,

butter, and eggs, all towards one common centre--the portly person

of our worthy quarter-master, a man nearly six feet four inches in

height. The latter no sooner felt an inclination to slide backwards,

than he, like a drowning man grasping at a straw, rather unluckily

caught hold of the table, which being as ready for a piece of fun as

his own seat, at once yielded to the impulse of the venerable hero,

and most cheerfully accompanied him in his trip to the then lower part

of the cabin. Failing in this attempt to preserve his position, our

messmate had now no other alternative than to permit matters to take

their course, so down went the head, and up flew the heels of the

warrior, who in a moment lay weltering--not in his blood--but in tea,

and nearly suffocated with the caresses of his friends, who in their

journey to the same quarter of the cabin, found the veteran an obstacle

not to be avoided.

The wind had increased so much in the night of the 28th, that at

day-break on the 29th, the sailors called it a stiff gale. Two hours

after sun-rise, the sea presented to the view of all on board, such an

unusual appearance, that every one fancied that the vessels in rear

were descending a considerable declivity. As the day advanced, the wind

increased, till the surrounding waters became so agitated, that when

the masters of transports were plying between their own vessels and

those of their respective commodores, they frequently appeared to us

all but engulphed in the roaring element. The small craft rolled and

pitched most fearfully, and the crews of the gun-boats had work enough

on their hands. The decks of the latter being raised very little above

the surface of the water, almost every wave passed over them, drenching

the crews so thoroughly, that the poor fellows, long ere night, had

more the appearance of belonging to some amphibious tribe, than the

human race. In the afternoon, the cries of some of the latter for help,

were truly deplorable. Previous to the sailing of the expedition from

the Downs, the competition amongst the junior naval officers for the

command of the gun-boats, was extremely keen, each candidate bringing

into play all the interest he could command, to obtain for him the

object of his ambition. But I am pretty certain, that had a sense of

honour permitted them, not a few of those spirited individuals would,

on this occasion, most gladly have made use of the same interest to

have themselves removed back to their former situations.

About nine o'clock in the morning of the 29th, the person on the

look-out duty, descried the Dutch coast a-head, and towards noon,

a great many vessels dropped their anchors in the Room-Pot, but

subsequently moved to a safer anchorage in the Vere-Gat, between

the islands of Schowen, and North Beveland. Here the whole armament

re-assembled the same evening and following day.

Every thing being ready for an immediate descent on the enemy's coast,

part of the army destined to act against Flushing, were removed into

flat bottomed boats; and at four o'clock in the afternoon of the

30th, moved off in beautiful order towards the shore. Under cover of

a few bomb vessels and gun-brigs, the small craft advanced with great

regularity, till within a short distance of the landing place, when a

general cry of, "Devil take the hindmost," ran from right to left. The

landing of troops in face of an enemy, being at all times a hazardous

operation, considerable anxiety was apparent in every countenance, till

the friends who had preceded us in the road to honour, had obtained a

footing on the enemy's soil. Having effected a landing on the island of

Walcheren, at a place called the Bree-sand, and about a mile from Fort

Der Haak, part of the troops under General Fraser, were sent against

the latter; which, on his approach, being evacuated by the enemy, he

continued his offensive movement towards Ter-Vere. The governor of this

fortress shewing an unwillingness to resign his command, the place was

regularly invested on the land side, and bombarded from the river, with

great effect during the night of the 30th, and the whole of the 31st.

These summary proceedings caused the commandant to listen to terms, and

ultimately to surrender the _town_, garrison, and military stores, into

our hands on the following day.

Middleburgh, the capital of this little island, surrendered to Sir Eyre

Coote, on the 31st July, and Fort Ramakens on the 3d of August, but

not before the place was regularly invested, and our batteries about to

open on its defences.

Pending these operations, a portion of the fleet under Sir Richard

Keates, having on board the reserve, commanded by Sir John Hope,

proceeded up the eastern branch of the Scheldt, and on the 1st of

August effected a landing on the island of South Beveland, the whole

of which fell into our hands, during that and the following day. The

brigade of guards under General Disney, were pushed forward towards

Fort Batz, a place of some strength, at the upper extremity of the

island, which being evacuated by the enemy, was taken possession of

by them on the 3d of August. The brigade commanded by the Earl of

Dalhousie, was directed to support the Guards in this movement, and Sir

William Erskine's brigade occupied Ter Goes, the chief town, and some

adjacent villages. A few days after, the latter brigade moved forward

six or seven miles, and took possession of the towns of Capelle,

Biesling, &c.

After a good deal of severe fighting between the troops under

Generals Graham, Houston, Lord Paget, and the enemy, Flushing was

closely invested on the 1st of August. From that day the duties of

our companions engaged in the siege were unremitting; and owing to

the natural dampness of the soil, and copious rains which daily

deluged the earth around them, extremely severe. In constructing

their batteries, and carrying forward their other field operations,

the British troops had to contend with most unseasonable weather,

and an active and enterprising enemy. But every individual bore

his allotted portion of privations and danger, with a firmness and

resolution which at once commanded the admiration and thanks of their

superiors. Honour, country, liberty,--words to the military slave, or

mercenary, unknown,--carries the British soldier through every danger

and difficulty, and makes him lay down with pleasure even life itself,

if by such a sacrifice, offered on the altar of his country, he can

transmit to his posterity, untarnished and unimpaired, the liberties

and honour of his native land.

From the 1st of August, daily affairs of posts took place between the

besieged and besiegers--the French commandant allowing no opportunity

of retarding the progress of his opponents to pass unimproved. His

efforts to prolong the siege, or utterly defeat the plans of his

antagonists, were ceaseless. His dreadful salvos of artillery from the

ramparts, at one time, and his well-planned and ably executed sorties,

at another, caused us a loss in time, as well as many valuable lives.

But notwithstanding all his exertions, our batteries were constructed,

and reported ready to open on the 12th of August.

Every moment of our time being precious, preparations were made for

a combined attack on Flushing, by land and sea, on the following

morning. The land batteries, accordingly, opened at ten o'clock, and

were for some time gallantly seconded by a number of our vessels

of war. But the fire of the latter not proving so effective as was

anticipated, Sir Richard Strachan withdrew them from under the enemy's

guns, resolved to make another trial on the succeeding day.

Accordingly, at ten o'clock on the morning of the 14th, Sir Richard

Strachan again weighed anchor, and carrying six or eight ships of the

line close under the enemy's batteries, instantly opened his fire

upon the town, and by rapid and dreadful broadsides from his floating

castles, assisted by the batteries on shore, soon set Flushing on fire

in numerous places. For some hours General Monnet returned the salutes

of our batteries and ships with much spirit and considerable effect;

but towards four o'clock the flames had spread over the greater part

of the town, and so many of his guns had been disabled, that before

five o'clock his fire almost entirely ceased. Conceiving the moment

favourable to transmit the governor a summons to surrender, Sir Eyre

Coote accordingly sent in a flag of truce, about five o'clock, and

gave him one hour to consider the conditions on which his submission

would be accepted. No answer having arrived at the expiry of the above

period, the cannonade was instantly re-commenced, and continued with

unabated violence, till almost the whole of the devoted town was in a

complete blaze. Being now fully convinced that it would only be a waste

of human blood to continue the contest longer, General Monnet offered

to capitulate, on condition of being sent into France. This offer being

refused, he then agreed to accept the terms dictated by the British

commanders, which in substance were,--that he should surrender himself,

and all the troops under his command, prisoners of war, and deliver up

all his cannon, and military stores, into the hands of the conquerors.

The total loss sustained by the enemy on this occasion, consisted of

6079 men killed, wounded, and prisoners, 224 pieces of cannon, 2000

barrels of gun-powder, and an immense quantity of military stores.

The roaring of the artillery, in and around Flushing, had no sooner

reached the ears of the good people in that quarter of South Beveland

where I was then stationed, than the roofs of all the churches and

wind-mills in our vicinity, were crowded with anxious spectators,

almost all of whom had friends or relations residing in Flushing

on that eventful day. Although the distance between us and the

belaboured fortress was considerable, yet the spectacle produced by the

operations of the belligerents, was forced upon our notice in the most

magnificent, but melancholy form, which we could possibly have desired.

None, however, but those who were close to the scene of action, can

form any idea of the dreadful scene which followed in the wake of

the last cannonade. But even at the distance at which we viewed the

conflagration, its appearance was so truly appalling, that although

there was no one thing which we more ardently wished for than the fall

of Flushing, yet as men and as Christian soldiers, we could not refrain

from dropping a tear of sympathy for the innocent inhabitants, who,

surrounded with flames, and threatened with instant death by our shot

and shell, had spent a day and a night of horror, which none but those

who have been similarly situated can possibly describe.

At day-break on the 15th, Flushing had all the appearance of a vast

charnel-house, for whichever way a person turned his eyes, there was

nothing to be seen but houses

Tottering in frightful ruins, as the flames

Had left them, black and bare;

And half-burnt bodies, which allured from far

The wolf and raven,--and to impious food

Tempted the houseless dog.

Having all along looked forward to the fall of Flushing as a signal

for the simultaneous advance of both army and navy, to prosecute, to a

successful close, our ulterior operations against the enemy, language

cannot express in terms sufficiently strong, the severe disappointment

which all of us experienced, when, instead of being ordered to act

a part worthy of the land of our birth, the whole army was kept in

cantonments, and in the full enjoyment of an inglorious ease, till the

troops became so sickly, that it seemed to be a _matter of doubt_

how far _prudence_ would lend the sanction of her name to any further

military operations against Antwerp. To settle this point, however,

a council of war was held, but not till TEN DAYS AFTER the surrender

of Flushing. The deliberations of the council were, as a matter of

course, kept a profound secret. But report was busy on the occasion,

and if it spoke truth, a naval officer of rank offered, with a given

number of frigates, &c., to lead the way to Antwerp, and there take,

burn, or otherwise destroy the whole of the enemy's fleet and stores,

provided he was supported by Sir John Hope, with a mixed force of

22,000 men. The offer, though not accepted, must have shewn the members

of the council, that there was one of their number, who did not occupy

that place at their board which his great military talents entitled

him to fill. For on the _same day_ it was also reported, that on the

breaking up of the meeting of the general officers, _more than one_ of

them expressed an intention of returning to England, that they might

no longer be an obstacle in the way of his appointment to the supreme

command of the army in Holland. If none of the lieutenant-generals,

_senior_ to Sir John Hope, expressed themselves in the manner above

stated, then report must have been amusing its auditors with a tale

of fiction; but until the assertion is shewn to be groundless, by the

testimony of one or more of the lieutenant-generals then present,

(two of whom, viz. the Duke of Gordon, and Earl of Rosslyn, are still

alive,) I shall consider myself entitled to hold the same opinion I

have hitherto done in regard to this matter.

About the 20th of August, the troops were first attacked with fever and

ague. Towards the latter end of the month it had appeared in the ranks

of every battalion, but in some with more virulency than in others.

A great part of the men being quartered in _barns_, it frequently

occurred that all the inmates, (six or eight,) of some of those places,

were seized with the disease in the same night. This, however, we were

not much surprised at; for the natural dampness of the barn-floors,

and the humidity of a Dutch atmosphere, were of themselves more than

sufficient to engender disease, even had the barns been placed on

situations of much greater altitude. As an antidote to the pestilential

vapours incident to the climate, a _wholesale_ system of bathing was

recommended by our medical friends. When it was intended to indulge the

soldiers with a little of this cooling amusement, they were generally

marched down to the right bank of the Western Scheldt about mid-day. At

a given sound of the bugle, the lads of our battalion undressed, but

not a man durst move into the water, till the shrill notes of a second

bugle intimated to the _interesting_ group that they had permission to

do so, dressed in _Adam's first covering_. The scene which followed

can only be pourtrayed by the pencil of a Cruickshank,--language would

fail in the attempt. Some were highly amused with the exhibition;

but I must confess that I looked upon the whole proceedings with

loathing and disgust. I most readily concede, that the feelings of a

considerable portion of the private soldiers are not of a very refined

description,--but as men of various characters are to be found in every

mixed society,--who will assert that there were not many individuals in

the battalion, whose feelings were deeply wounded on these occasions,

by making them figure in an exhibition, no less novel than indecent. It

is bad policy to place men in situations, where, if any change in their

conduct is produced, that change must be for the worse.

But Sir William Erskine, who was intimately acquainted with the nature

of the malady, strongly recommended to our notice the following

recipe,--one glass of brandy before dressing, one at breakfast, one

after dinner, and another in the evening. This antidote, being much

more congenial to the habits and tastes of a great majority of his

brigade, than an ablution in the Scheldt, raised the fame of Sir

William as a son of Æsculapius, far above others of greater pretensions.

But regardless of all our antidotes, death appeared in our ranks

about the latter end of August. His power continuing to increase, it

was deemed advisable to remove all our sick to England, on the 1st

of September. On the 2nd, our division, the reserve, received notice

to prepare for embarkation; and on the following morning we marched

to the left bank of the Eastern Scheldt--went on board of transports

ready to receive us, and afterwards dropped down to the anchorage of

the Vere-Gat. Here, by some of those unaccountable occurrences which

but too often follow the failure of a military enterprise, we were

detained nearly a week, inhaling infection at every breath, when we

might have been enjoying the healthful breezes of our native land. The

consequences were such as any man of common understanding would have

anticipated. Fever and ague, in its worst form, increased so rapidly,

that before we reached our own coast, more than a-half of the men were

under medical treatment, and the whole as uncomfortable as our most

inveterate enemy could wish.

On the morning subsequent to our re-embarkation, between twenty

and thirty of the men on board of the transport in which I took my

passage, were attacked with the pestilence. To prevent it spreading,

the worst cases were removed from the hold, into boats placed under

an awning on deck. In one of these temporary hospitals, ten or a

dozen fine fellows were confined on the evening of the 5th September,

when the first victim on board ship, a tall, handsome grenadier, took

leave of this world. His companions taking it for granted that their

dissolution was also approaching, became so agitated, that it was with

the utmost difficulty they could be prevailed upon to remain in their

berths. Being on deck when the grenadier died, and perceiving the

state into which his melancholy exit had thrown them, I endeavoured,

but unsuccessfully, to soothe their excited feelings, and banish the

dreadful notions which seemed to haunt their minds; but the prospect of

immediate dissolution, and its attendant horrors, stared them so fully

in the face, that no language I could use seemed to have the smallest

effect. Their situation, at length, was so truly deplorable, that one

of the party, a tall, robust non-commissioned officer, started to his

feet with the agility of the hare, leaped from the boat, and then with

the countenance of a maniac, ran along the deck, crying in all the

bitterness of despair, that he was a dying man, and continued in this

state of temporary delirium, till a fresh attack of ague compelled him

to resume his place in the boat.

In the same group of patients, there was a grenadier, a man of a most

athletic form, but of weak intellect. On perceiving the serjeant leap

from the boat, honest Willie Mill attempted to follow his example, but

was prevented by the sentry on duty. Early next morning I went on deck,

expecting to find Willie in the last stage of the disease, but to my

utter surprise I found him soliciting, not the grim king of terrors for

a short respite, but the pay-sergeant of his company for a morning

repast. Willie's appetite being always keen, he pressed his suit with

so much ardour, that the sergeant was frequently on the point of

yielding. A sense of duty, however, at length prevailed, and Willie's

request was refused. Foiled in his attempt to obtain a substantial

breakfast of beef and bread, Willie turned round, and with a look

that would have sunk deep into the heart of a savage, very gravely

said,--"Weel, weel, sergeant M'Combie, if ye think thae things are o'er

strong for my weak stamach, just gang to the cook, and tell him _to

mak me some stir-about, and to mak it gay'n thick_." I need scarcely

add, that Willie's second request excited considerable merriment on

deck, in which some of his boat-companions, ill though they were,

heartily joined. Willie's last appeal was too powerful to be resisted;

his appetite was gratified; he recovered, and I believe still lives to

enjoy the bounty of his sovereign, which enables him to indulge in a

daily allowance of his favourite stir-about.

On the 8th September, the transports containing our regiment, quitted

their anchorage on the Dutch coast, and on the 10th cast anchor in

the Downs. On the following morning we sailed for Harwich, where, by

reason of foul winds, we did not arrive till the afternoon of the 13th.

Early on the 14th our worst cases were landed and consigned to the

care of the medical staff at Harwich, and a few of those who could

with safety be removed farther by water, were transported in boats

to Ipswich. In the afternoon the rest of the battalion, including

all the remaining sick, landed at Land-Guard Fort, and proceeded to

Woodbridge barracks--the former on foot, the latter on waggons. Never

did I witness a spectacle more heart-rending than the removal of the

sick from the transports to the shore, and thence to Woodbridge. The

emaciated figures, and long thin pale visages of the poor sufferers

as they lay stretched in the boats and on the waggons,--the piercing

shrieks and agonizing groans which the jolting of the latter drew from

their death-like lips, forced tears from my eyes as I moved along with

the melancholy throng. This scene however, distressing as it was, was

soon to be eclipsed by others of a still more mournful description.

For several weeks after our arrival at Woodbridge, our sick-list daily

increased, till upwards of _four hundred_ of our men were immured

within the cheerless walls of an _hospital_. Of these, two, three,

and even four, were frequently removed in one day to the place of

interment, and there consigned to the silent tomb, by those few whom

a merciful Providence was pleased to bless with health and strength.

At first the dead were buried with military honours; but this mark of

respect was latterly withheld, on a representation being made to the

commanding-officer by the medical attendants, that the long-roll of the

muffled drum operated so powerfully on the minds of the sick, as to

renew the alarming symptoms which had previously yielded to the power

of medicine. As each mournful procession crossed the barrack-square,

the lamentations of friends, or the wailings of a widow, and her orphan

children, struck upon every ear, and penetrated every heart. Never,

no never, shall these distressing scenes, the fruits of rashness and

mismanagement, be banished from my remembrance.

During the first two months of our residence in Woodbridge, the

duties of the regimental medical staff were unremitting and

severe--particularly those of assistant surgeon Dunn, whose humanity

would never permit him to absent himself from the bed of the poor

sufferers, so long as his medical advice could be of service. For this

praise-worthy attention to those under his charge, the blessings of

the soldiers saluted him at every step, and no doubt encouraged him to

persevere in the same laudable conduct throughout. I have been induced

to notice these facts, in order to shew my young medical friends

that it is only by a humane, diligent, and faithful performance of

their duties, that they can expect to obtain the grateful and sincere

respect of those whose comforts and happiness, on similar occasions,

are generally increased or lessened, in exact proportion to the zeal

with which the surgeon and his assistants discharge the duties of their

stations.

With regard to the loss which we sustained in this most disastrous

expedition, I may remark that the effective strength of the battalion,

which, on landing in South Beveland, was 998 rank and file, was so

much reduced by the Dutch pestilence, that, in the month of October

following, between 200 and 300 only were fit for duty. One morning,

indeed, the grenadier company could only bring _two_ non-commissioned

officers, and _three_ privates, to the public parade. But had the

deaths, numerous as they were, constituted the whole of our loss, a

few additional recruiting parties would very soon have made good the

deficiency. Unfortunately, however, in our battalion, as in almost

every other employed on the same service, the deaths formed but a small

portion of our _real loss_. For the repeated attacks of the malady had

made such inroads on the constitutions of the survivors, that, when put

to the test in the Peninsula, they were found to be no longer the same

men. Their frames had become so enervated, that exposure to the night

air, or a heavy shower of rain, sent many of them shivering to their

beds; then to an hospital, where they but too frequently led a life of

suffering and misery, till they sank into a premature grave.

Placed in Woodbridge under the circumstances just now stated, it cannot

be considered surprising that the months of October and November should

have appeared to us cheerless, and have passed slowly away. Indeed I

believe, that but for the grand jubilee parade, subscription ball,

and dinner, on the 25th of October, we should have died of perfect

ennui. In the afternoon of that day, the garrison, consisting of

four battalions of infantry, a considerable body of artillery, and

some German cavalry, were marshalled in the barrack-square, by Baron

Alten, and almost immediately on the troops taking their stations, the

thundering of the cannon right and left,--the vollies of musketry,--the

cheers of the soldiers, re-echoed by dense masses of the populace,

proclaimed to the surrounding country, that George the Third, the

Father of his people, had completed the fiftieth year of his eventful

reign.

At the conclusion of this interesting pageant, the officers threaded

their way towards Woodbridge, where, at five o'clock, they sat down to

an elegant dinner, consisting of all the varieties and delicacies of

the season. Almost every officer in the garrison was present, and for

some time every thing went off with eclat. On occasions of this kind,

however, it but too frequently happens that the young and inexperienced

allow reason to resign her seat to folly, and are then betrayed into

actions the most extravagant and absurd. Inexperience has, no doubt,

been often permitted to be pleaded in mitigation of the offence of

an unfledged youth; but some young men are led to the commission of

offences which even youth cannot palliate. This being the case, I trust

I shall be permitted to express a hope, that in future the young and

thoughtless portion of our military youth will attentively listen

to, and ponder over the advice of their more experienced brethren,

before they place themselves under the guidance of a tutor reared in

the school of folly. For by doing so, they may rest assured that they

will at all times glide along the surface of life as smoothly as a

little bark, skimming along the surface of unruffled water, and like

her, at length find their way into port without meeting with any thing

materially to lessen the pleasure of the voyage of life.

On the 6th of March, 1810, I bade adieu to Woodbridge, and proceeded

to Scotland, on my way to join the second battalion of my regiment in

Ireland. Being in a delicate state of health, I amused myself a few

weeks in Edinburgh, and then proceeded to the country to inhale the air

of my native hills.

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