SPENSER.

_From an original Picture in the possession of

The Earl of Kinnoull._

Under the Superintendance of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful

Knowledge.

_London. Published by Charles Knight, Ludgate Street._

]

Lady Compton and Mounteagle, express affection and bounden duty, on the

score of kindred, to the house whence those ladies sprang, who were

three sisters, and daughters of Sir John Spencer of Althorpe.

Spenser took the degree of Bachelor in 1572, and that of Master of Arts

in 1576, in which year it is said that he was an unsuccessful competitor

for a fellowship; but Mr. Church, student of Christ Church in Oxford,

who has been more minute in his inquiries than Spenser’s other

biographers, thinks that the story has no foundation. It is agreed on

all hands that Sir Philip Sidney was the person who drew the poet from

obscurity, and introduced him at court. On this subject we are told that

Spenser sent a copy of the ninth canto of the first book of the ‘Faery

Queene’ to Leicester House; and that Sidney was so transported at the

discovery of such astonishing genius, as, after having read a stanza or

two, to order his steward to give the author fifty pounds: after the

next stanza the sum was doubled. The steward was not so enthusiastic as

his master, and therefore in no hurry to make the disbursement; but one

stanza more raised the gratuity to two hundred pounds, with a command of

immediate payment, lest a further perusal should tempt the gallant

knight to give away his whole estate. The obvious drift of this story is

to magnify the genius of its subject; but it is rather hard on Sir

Philip, that a reputation fully capable of standing by itself should

have been unnecessarily propped at the expense of his character for

common sense. The plain fact is, that the celebrated Gabriel Harvey,

Spenser’s college friend, introduced him to Sidney; that he wrote part

of his ‘Shepherd’s Calendar’ at Penshurst, and under the modest name of

_Immerito_, inscribed it to his patron. The general strain of this poem

is serious and pensive, but with occasional bursts of amorous complaint.

Without the latter it was considered that there could be no pastoral

poetry; but in this instance the wailings are thought not to have been

altogether fictitious. The name of Rosalinde is said to have shadowed

forth a mistress who had deserted him, as that of Colin Clout both there

and elsewhere denoted himself. Sidney lost no time in introducing his

new friend to the Earl of Leicester, and finally to Queen Elizabeth. On

his presenting some poems to her, the Queen ordered him a gratuity of a

hundred pounds. Lord Treasurer Burleigh, better qualified to appreciate

the useful than the ornamental, said, “What! all this for a song?” The

Queen in anger repeated the order; and the minister from that time

became the personal enemy of the poet, who alludes to this misfortune in

several parts of his works.

The Earl of Leicester seems to have undertaken to provide for Spenser by

sending him abroad. A letter to Gabriel Harvey from Leicester House

fixes this to the year 1579; but either there is a mistake in the date,

or the scheme must have been abandoned; for in 1580 he was appointed

secretary to Arthur Lord Grey of Wilton, who was sent as lord-deputy to

Ireland. While in that country he wrote his ‘Discourse on the State of

Ireland,’ a judicious treatise on the policy then best suited to the

condition of that country. His services were rewarded with a grant of

3028 acres in the county of Cork, out of the forfeited lands of Gerald

Fitz Gerald Earl of Desmond. Spenser’s residence was at the castle of

Kilcolman, near Doneraile. The river Mulla, which he has more than once

introduced into his poems, ran through his grounds. Here he contracted

an intimacy with Sir Walter Raleigh, who was then a captain under Lord

Grey. ‘Colin Clout’s come Home again,’ in which Sir Walter is described

as the Shepherd of the Ocean, is a beautiful memorial of this

friendship, founded on a similarity of taste for the polite arts, and

described with equal delicacy and strength of feeling. The author

acknowledges services at court rendered to him by Raleigh; probably the

confirmation of the grant of land, which he obtained in 1586. The

friends returned to England together, and Spenser wished to have

obtained a settlement at home, rather than to have continued in a

country at that time little better than barbarous. To mortifications,

and ultimate disappointment in his attendance at court, we probably owe

the well-known lines in ‘Mother Hubbard’s Tale.’ If his forced return to

Ireland was the cause of his writing the ‘Faery Queene,’ his country was

benefited, and his fame immeasurably enhanced by the disappointment of

his wishes. On the publication of the first three books the Queen

rewarded him with a pension of fifty pounds a year; and in him the

office of Laureate may be considered to have commenced, although not

conferred under that title.

Spenser’s marriage is placed by most biographers in 1593; by Mr. Church

in 1596: the year of his death, if we could rest our faith in the

monument. All we know of the lady is, that her Christian name was

Elizabeth: a name, he says in his 74th sonnet, which has given him three

graces, in his mother, his queen, and his mistress. In his

‘Epithalamion’ he says,

“Tell me, ye merchants’ daughters, did ye see

So fair a creature in your town before?

So sweet, so lovely, and so mild as she,

Adorn’d with beauty’s grace and virtue’s store:

Her goodly eyes, like sapphire, shining bright.

* * * * *

Her long loose yellow locks, like golden wire,

Sprinkled with pearl, and pearling flow’rs atween,

Do, like a golden mantle, her attire.”

He probably dwells the more on this latter circumstance, because the

Queen’s hair was yellow. But even if the marriage took place in 1593,

his term of domestic happiness was very short. In the Earl of Tyrone’s

rebellion, in 1598, he was plundered and deprived of his estate. No

direct or authentic account of the circumstances attending this calamity

has come down to us; but among the heads of a conversation between Ben

Jonson and Drummond at Hawthornden, given in the works of the latter,

Jonson, after saying that neither Spenser’s stanzas pleased him, nor his

matter, is stated to have given the following appalling description of

his misfortune: that “his goods were robbed by the Irish, and his house

and a little child burnt: he and his wife escaped, and after died for

want of bread in King Street, Westminster.” Jonson however adds a

circumstance, the strangeness of which throws suspicion over the former

part of the story: “He refused twenty pieces sent him by my Lord Essex,

and said he was sure he had no time to spend them.” But whether these

particulars be true or not, it is certain that he died in London,

ruined, and a victim to despair, according to Camden, in 1598, but

according to Sir James Ware, who wrote the preface to the ‘View of the

State of Ireland,’ in 1599. Sir James, after having given a high

character of his poetry, says, “With a fate peculiar to poets, Spenser

lived in a continual struggle with poverty: he was driven away from his

house and plundered by the rebels: soon after his return in penury to

England he died. He was buried in Westminster Abbey near Chaucer, at the

expense of the Earl of Essex; the poets of the time, who attended his

funeral, threw verses into his grave.” In order to account for the

inaccuracy of the dates on the monument, it is alleged that the

inscription had been defaced, perhaps by the Puritans in revenge for the

descriptions of the Blatant Beast; and that on its renewal, the carver

(the year of birth being illegible) put ten at a venture, and ninety-six

instead of ninety-eight or ninety-nine.

Respecting Spenser’s private character, conversation and manners, his

contemporaries leave us nearly in the dark. We know that Burleigh was

his enemy, that Sidney and Raleigh were his friends: and from the

dignity of sentiment and moral tendency prevailing throughout his works,

we may reasonably infer that his virtue was not unworthy of his genius.

Milton speaks of him as “our sage and serious poet, whom I dare be known

to think a better teacher than Scotus or Aquinas.” ‘The Shepherd’s

Calendar,’ the first of Spenser’s works in print, is generally said to

have come out in 1579. It is a series of pastorals, formed on no uniform

plan, but lowered to the standard supposed to be appropriate to that

style of composition. But the rustic language of these pieces renders

them so utterly untunable to a modern ear, that what obtained the

applause of Sidney would not have saved the author’s name from oblivion,

had it not been borne up to imperishable fame by the splendour of the

‘Faery Queene,’ the three first books of which were published in 1590.

Six years afterwards three other books came out; and after his death two

other cantos, and the beginning of a third. The poem, therefore, exists

as a fragment: there is a traditionary story that he had completed his

design in twelve books, as was his avowed intention; but that the last

six books were lost by a servant who had the charge of bringing them

over to England. Yet, unfinished as the poem is, any one canto has merit

and beauties enough to have secured its author’s fame. In 1591 a quarto

volume was published, containing the following nine pieces:—‘The Ruines

of Time;’ ‘The Tears of the Muses;’ ‘Virgil’s Gnat;’ ‘Mother Hubbard’s

Tale;’ ‘Ruines of Rome;’ ‘Muiopotmos;’ ‘Visions of the World’s Vanitie;’

‘Bellay’s Visions;’ ‘Petrarche’s Visions.’ ‘Daphnaida,’ published in

1592, was dedicated to the Marchioness of Northampton, on the death of

her niece, Douglas Howard. The pastoral elegy of ‘Astrophel’ was devoted

wholly to the memory of Sir Philip Sidney, and inscribed to Lady Essex.

To enter on the subject of his Sonnets, &c. &c. would carry us far

beyond our prescribed limits.

In a letter to Sir Walter Raleigh, Spenser sets forth the general design

of the ‘Faery Queene,’ and settles the scheme of the whole twelve books.

But the following passage proves that he contemplated twelve more. “I

labour to pourtraict in Arthur, before he was king, the image of a brave

knight, perfected in the twelve Moral Vertues, as Aristotle devised, the

which is the purport of these first twelve books: which if I find to be

well accepted, I may perhaps be encouraged to frame the other part of

Politic Vertues in his person, after that he came to be king.” He also

says, “In the person of Prince Arthur I set forth Magnificence in

particular.” By magnificence Dryden understands him to mean magnanimity,

in succouring the representatives of the particular moral virtues when

in distress, and considers his interposition in each legend as the only

bond of uniformity in a design, which in all other respects insulates

his allegorical heroes, without subordination or preference. This plan

gave him much opportunity of drawing flattering portraits of individual

courtiers, though few of the likenesses have been recognized, and the

originals seem to have shown but little gratitude for the compliment. It

is generally allowed that Prince Arthur was meant for Sir Philip Sidney,

who was the poet’s chief patron. The prevailing beauty of this great

poem consists in its vein of fabulous invention, set off by a power of

description and force of imagination, so various and inexhaustible, that

the reader is too much pleased and distracted to be sensible of the

faults into which his judgment is betrayed by occasional excess. It is

remarked by Sir William Temple, in his ‘Essay on Poetry,’ that “the

religion of the Gentiles had been woven into the contexture of all the

ancient poetry with an agreeable mixture, which made the moderns affect

to give that of Christianity a place in their poems; but the true

religion was not found to become fictions so well as the false one had

done, and all their attempts of this kind seemed rather to debase

religion than heighten poetry.” Critics in general, and common sense

itself, have confirmed Temple’s remark as to the hazard, which it

required such a mind as Milton’s successfully to face, of giving a

poetical colouring to the solemn truths of religion. To a feeling of

this difficulty we probably owe the peculiarity of Spenser’s epic, if so

it may be called. In other epics, instruction is subordinate to story,

and conveyed through it; in the ‘Faery Queene,’ morality is the avowed

object, to be illustrated by the actions of such shadowy personages,

that but a thin veil is thrown over the bare design. Whatever may be

thought of allegorical poetry as a system, the execution in this

instance is excellent, the flights of fancy brilliant, and often

sublime. Rymer finds fault with Spenser for having suffered himself to

be “misled by Ariosto;” and says that “his poem is perfect Fairyland.”

The readers of poetry in the present day will probably receive that

censure as praise: marvels and adventures, even if probability be not

made matter of conscience, may have more attraction than classic

regularity and strict adherence to the unities. But though Spenser

frequently imitated both Tasso and Ariosto in descriptions of battles,

and his general delineation of knight-errantry, the plan and conduct of

his poem deviated widely from Ariosto’s model, and, it is generally

thought, not on the side of improvement. Ariosto narrates adventures as

real, however extravagant, and only occasionally intermixes portions of

pure allegory. But allegory is the staple of Spenser’s design; and his

legendary tales are interwoven with it so far only as they are connected

with his one human hero. With the exception of Prince Arthur, his heroes

are abstractions; they bear the names of knights, but are in reality

Virtues personified. Dryden finds fault with Spenser’s obsolete

language, and the ill choice of his stanza. The poems of the Elizabethan

age, now considered as the golden age of poetry, are so much more read

and better understood in these later times, than they were in Dryden’s

days, that the language is no longer felt as a serious obstacle to the

pleasures of perusal. With respect to the form of stanza, it was natural

for Dryden, the mighty master of the couplet, to condemn it; and it may

be in itself objectionable as favouring redundancy of style, not only in

respect of expletives and tautology, but of ideas. Its fulness of melody

however, and sonorous majesty, have of late brought it into favour both

with writers and readers.

Of all critics, none can be better worth hearing, on such a subject as

that of the Faery Queene, than the historian of English poetry. Warton

writes thus:—“If the Faery Queene be destitute of that arrangement and

economy which epic severity requires, yet we scarcely regret the loss of

these, while their place is so amply supplied by something which more

powerfully attracts us; something which engages the affections, the

feelings of the heart, rather than the cold approbation of the head. If

there be any poem whose graces please, because they are situated beyond

the reach of art; and where the force and faculties of creative

imagination delight, because they are unassisted and unrestrained by

those of deliberate judgment, it is this: in reading Spenser, if the

critic is not satisfied, yet the reader is transported.”

The principal editions of Spenser are Upton’s ‘Faery Queene, with a

Glossary and Notes,’ London, 1751; and Mr. Todd’s Variorum Edition of

his Works, 8 vols. 8vo. 1805.

[Illustration:

[Illustration of the ‘Faery Queene,’ after a design by Stothard.]

]

[Illustration:

_Engraved by J. Posselwhite._

The Gallery of Portraits: with Memoirs. Volume 4 (of 7) · 第 47 / 51 题