15. _Morocco_.

Let us turn now to the other storm-centre, Morocco. The salient features

here were, first, the treaty of 1880, to which all the Great Powers,

including, of course, Germany, were parties, and which guaranteed to

the signatories most-favoured-nation treatment; secondly, the interest of

Great Britain to prevent a strong Power from establishing itself opposite

Gibraltar and threatening British control over the Straits; thirdly, the

interest of France to annex Morocco and knit it up with the North African

Empire; fourthly, the new colonial and trading interests of Germany, which,

as she had formally announced, could not leave her indifferent to any new

dispositions of influence or territory in undeveloped countries. For many

years French ambitions in Morocco had been held in check by the British

desire to maintain the _status quo_. But the Anglo-French Entente of 1904

gave France a free hand there in return for the abandonment of French

opposition to the British position in Egypt. The Anglo-French treaty of

1904 affirmed, in the clauses made public, the independence and integrity

of Morocco; but there were secret clauses looking to its partition. By

these the British interest in the Straits was guaranteed by an arrangement

which gave to Spain the reversion of the coast opposite Gibraltar and a

strip on the north-west coast, while leaving the rest of the country to

fall to France. Germany was not consulted while these arrangements were

being made, and the secret clauses of the treaty were, of course, not

communicated to her. But it seems reasonable to suppose that they became

known to, or at least were suspected by, the German Government shortly

after they were adopted.[1] And probably it was this that led to the

dramatic intervention of the Kaiser at Tangier,[2] when he announced

that the independence of Morocco was under German protection. The result

was the Conference of Algeciras, at which the independence and integrity of

Morocco was once more affirmed (the clauses looking to its partition being

still kept secret by the three Powers privy to them), and equal commercial

facilities were guaranteed to all the Powers. Germany thereby obtained what

she most wanted, what she had a right to by the treaty of 1880, and what

otherwise might have been threatened by French occupation--the maintenance

of the open door. But the French enterprise was not abandoned. Disputes

with the natives such as always occur, or are manufactured, in these cases,

led to fresh military intervention. At the same time, it was difficult to

secure the practical application of the principle of equal commercial

opportunity. An agreement of 1909 between France and Germany, whereby

both Powers were to share equally in contracts for public works, was

found in practice not to work. The Germans pressed for its application

to the new railways projected in Morocco. The French delayed, temporized,

and postponed decision.[3] Meantime they were strengthening their position

in Morocco. The matter was brought to a head by the expedition to Fez.

Initiated on the plea of danger to the European residents at the capital

(a plea which was disputed by the Germans and by many Frenchmen), it

clearly heralded a definite final occupation of the country. The patience

of the Germans was exhausted, and the Kaiser made the coup of Agadir.

There followed the Mansion House speech of Mr. Lloyd George and the

Franco-German agreement of November 1911, whereby Germany recognized a

French protectorate in Morocco in return for concessions of territory

in the French Congo. These are the bare facts of the Moroccan episode.

Much, of course, is still unrevealed, particularly as to the motives and

intentions of the Powers concerned. Did Germany, for instance, intend to

seize a share of Morocco when she sent the _Panther_ to Agadir? And was

that the reason of the vigour of the British intervention? Possibly, but

by no means certainly; the evidence accessible is conflicting. If Germany

had that intention, she was frustrated by the solidarity shown between

France and England, and the result was the final and definite absorption

of Morocco in the French Empire, with the approval and active support of

Great Britain, Germany being compensated by the cession of part of the

French Congo. Once more a difficult question had been settled by diplomacy,

but only after it had twice brought Europe to the verge of war, and in such

a way as to leave behind the bitterest feelings of anger and mistrust in

all the parties concerned.

The facts thus briefly summarized here may be studied more at length,

with the relevant documents, in Mr. Morel's book "Morocco in Diplomacy."

The reader will form his own opinion on the part played by the various

Powers. But I do not believe that any instructed and impartial student

will accept what appears to be the current English view, that the action

of Germany in this episode was a piece of sheer aggression without excuse,

and that the other Powers were acting throughout justly, honestly, and

straightforwardly.

The Morocco crisis, as we have already seen, produced in Germany a painful

impression, and strengthened there the elements making for war. Thus Baron

Beyens writes:--

The Moroccan conflicts made many Germans hitherto pacific regard another

war as a necessary evil.[4]

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