THE ODYSSEY—COMBAT BETWEEN ULYSSES AND IRUS.

8th. When I entered the Emperor’s apartment this morning, I found him

engaged in reading the files of the _Journal des Debats_, which had

lately arrived. At three o’clock he began to dress. His first valet de

chambre was ill; and he observed that those who acted as his substitutes

were not equal to him in address.

The weather was tolerable, and we walked to the extremity of the wood,

where the calash was to take us up.

I had a disposable sum of money in London, which I had conveyed thither

in 1814. The recollection of the privations I had endured during my

emigration, and the chance of being exposed to future want, had prompted

me to this act of prudence, and I was now reaping the fruits of it.

Owing to this circumstance, I was more at my ease, as to pecuniary

affairs, than any other individual of the Emperor’s suite at St. Helena;

but what led me to regard this sum as an inestimable treasure was the

happiness of being able to lay it at the feet of the Emperor. I had

already several times proposed that he should accept it; and I now once

more repeated the offer, while I adverted to the renewed outrages which

we had just experienced from the Governor. At this moment we were joined

by Madame de Montholon, who had set out after us. She observed that the

Emperor walked so fast that she should certainly have lost sight of him,

had not my gesticulations enabled her to keep her eye upon us; and that

she had been puzzled to guess the cause of my vehemence of manner.

“Madam,” said the Emperor with the most captivating grace, “he has been

trying to make me accept his bounty; he has been offering to support us

here.”

We returned almost immediately to the house, as the weather was very

damp and the Emperor complained of tooth-ache. For some time past he has

been troubled with a profuse secretion of saliva.

After dinner he resumed the reading of the Odyssey: we had arrived at

the passage describing the combat between Ulysses and Irus, on the

threshold of the palace, both in the garb of beggars. The Emperor very

much disapproved of this episode, which he pronounced to be mean,

incongruous, and beneath the dignity of the King. “And yet,” continued

he, “independently of all the faults which, in my opinion, this incident

presents, I still find in it something to interest me. I fancy myself in

the situation of Ulysses, and then I can well conceive his dread of

being overpowered by a wretched mendicant. Every prince or general has

not the broad shoulders of his guards or grenadiers; every man has not

the strength of a porter. But Homer has remedied all this by

representing his heroes as so many giants. We have no such heroes

now-a-days. What would become of us,” he added, glancing round at us

all, “if we lived in those good times when bodily vigour constituted

real power? Why, Noverraz (his valet-de-chambre) would wield the sceptre

over us all. It must be confessed that civilization favours the mind

entirely at the expense of the body.”

THE POLE ARRESTED BY THE GOVERNOR.—THE EMPEROR’S REFLECTIONS ON HIS SON

AND ON AUSTRIA.—NEW VEXATIONS.—REMARKS ON LORD BATHURST.—OBSERVATIONS

DICTATED BY NAPOLEON.

9th.—As we were walking to come up with the calash, we received

information that the Pole had just been put under arrest by the

Governor. This was, of course, merely a first step—a warning of what we

all had to expect. Intimidation seems to be the system to which the

Governor has resorted since the arrival of his last instructions, which

he endeavours to fulfil to the utmost of his ingenuity. We shall see how

far he will go.

When I waited on the Emperor, before dinner, I found him dull and

apparently absent. The conversation led him to mention Austria, and he

alluded to the wrongs which he had received from that Power, and the

errors of her policy. He described the weakness of the monarch, who, he

said, had never evinced energy, except when it tended to ruin him in the

estimation of his subjects. He dwelt on the venality and want of

principle which distinguished the men who had advised and executed the

measures of the Austrian cabinet. He spoke of the blind policy of

Austria, and described her dangerous situation. “She now stands,” said

he, “in the most imminent peril, advancing to meet the embraces of a

colossus in her front, while she cannot recede a single step, because an

abyss is yawning on her flank and rear.”

This turn of the conversation naturally led the Emperor to speak of his

son. “What education will they give him?” said he. “What sort of

principles will they inculcate in his youthful mind? On the other hand,

if he should prove weak in intellect—if they should inspire him with

hatred of his father! These thoughts fill me with horror! and where is

the antidote to all this? Henceforth there can be no certain medium of

communication—no faithful tradition between him and me! At best my

Memoirs, or perhaps your Journal, may fall into his hands. But to subdue

the false precepts imbibed in early life, to counteract the errors of a

bad education, requires a certain capacity, a certain strength of mind

and decision of judgment which fall not to the share of every one.” He

appeared deeply affected; and, after a pause of a few moments, he said,

suddenly and with emphasis, “But let us talk of something else;”

however, he still continued silent. I sat down to write, and after an

hour or two the Grand Marshal came and took my place.

Just after I had quitted the Emperor’s apartments, I was again sent for

to translate to him a large packet of papers which had been received

from the Governor. The state of my eyes, which are now altogether

failing me, obliged me to avail myself of M. de Montholon’s assistance

in reading the papers.

Their contents were 1. Some of the new restrictions that have been

imposed on us, in which the Emperor is treated in a way that may be

termed curious; for indecency and indecorum are carried so far as to

prescribe the nature and limits of the conversations which he is to be

permitted to hold. This will scarcely be credited!

2. The form of the declaration which was presented for our signature.

This was merely a series of arbitrary and useless vexations, heightened

by every irritating circumstance that vengeance could suggest.

3. Finally a letter from the Governor to the Grand Marshal, founded on

the note presented by Colonel Reade, which I translated to the Emperor,

and which the colonel had refused to leave behind him; the reader will

recollect my having already noticed it. However, in the letter now

transmitted to the Emperor certain essential points were very

ingeniously suppressed or modified: the Emperor frequently remarked that

the Governor possesses a peculiar talent for business of this sort. I

will here retrace this note from recollection. Though I read it only

once, namely, at the time when I translated it to the Emperor, yet I

think I can vouch for the following being an accurate representation of

its contents.

“The Frenchmen who wished to remain with General Bonaparte, were

required to sign the formula which should be presented to them, and by

which they would subject themselves to all the restrictions imposed on

the General. This obligation was to be regarded as perpetual. Those who

should refuse to enter into this agreement were to be sent to the Cape

of Good Hope. Four individuals were to be removed from the suite of

General Bonaparte. Those who might remain were to be considered as

though they were Englishmen by birth, and to be subject to the laws

established for securing the safe custody of General Bonaparte; that is

to say, they would incur the punishment of death by conniving at his

escape. Any Frenchmen who might use insulting language or reflections,

or behave so as to give offence to the Governor or the Government, would

be immediately removed to the Cape of Good Hope, without being provided

with the means of returning to Europe: the whole expense of the voyage

devolving on himself.”

During dinner, and the greater part of the evening, these documents

became the subject of conversation.

We were much amused by that passage in the Governor’s letter which

transmitted the ministerial instructions, and informed us that those who

might be wanting in respect for the Governor, or render themselves

obnoxious, would be removed to the Cape, and the expense attending their

return to Europe was to be defrayed by themselves. We thought this very

droll, and the Emperor said, “Of course this threat appears to you very

extraordinary and ridiculous; but no doubt it was perfectly natural to

Lord Bathurst. I dare say he could not imagine a more terrible

punishment. It is a true shopkeeper idea!”

The Emperor concluded the evening by reading to us Adelaide Duguesclin,

which contains a fine rhodomontade upon the Bourbons.

After reading it, the Emperor said, “During the time of my power, an

order was given for suppressing the performance of this drama, under the

idea that it would be offensive to me. This circumstance accidentally

came to my knowledge, and I ordered the piece to be revived. Many things

of the same kind took place; people often acted very unwisely under the

idea that they were serving or pleasing me.”

I transcribe here the restrictions to which I have just alluded. They

are curious in themselves, and will serve better than volumes of

description, to give a just idea of our situation; but what enhances the

value of this document is that the observations which accompany each

article were made by the Emperor himself.

RESTRICTIONS drawn up by Sir Hudson Lowe, and transmitted to Longwood on

the 19th of October, 1816, but which he had already put into execution

by different secret orders, since the preceding month of August, though

he never communicated them to the English officers on duty, doubtless,

because he was ashamed of them.

Memoirs of the life, exile, and conversations of the Emperor Napoleon. (Vol. III) · 第 34 / 40 题