“General,—I have received the treaty of the 2d of August, 1815,
concluded between his Britannic Majesty, the Emperor of Austria, the
Emperor of Russia, and the King of Prussia, which was annexed to your
letter of the 23d of July.
“The Emperor Napoleon protests against the purport of that treaty; he is
not the prisoner of England. After having placed his abdication in the
hands of the representatives of the nation, for the benefit of the
constitution adopted by the French people, and in favour of his son, he
proceeded voluntarily and freely to England, for the purpose of residing
there, as a private person, in retirement, under the protection of the
British laws. The violation of all laws cannot constitute a right in
fact. The person of the Emperor Napoleon is in the power of England; but
neither, as a matter of fact, nor of right, has it been, nor is it, at
present, in the power of Austria, Russia, and Prussia; even according to
the laws and customs of England, which has never included, in its
exchange of prisoners, Russians, Austrians, Prussians, Spaniards, or
Portuguese, although united to these powers by treaties of alliance, and
making war conjointly with them. The Convention of the 2d of August,
made fifteen days after the Emperor Napoleon had arrived in England,
cannot, as a matter of right have any effect; it merely presents the
spectacle of the coalition of the four principal powers of Europe, for
the oppression of a single man; a coalition which the opinion of all
nations disavows, as do all the principles of sound morality. The
Emperors of Austria and Russia, and the King of Prussia, not possessing,
either in fact or by right any power over the person of the Emperor
Napoleon, were incapable of enacting any thing with regard to him. If
the Emperor Napoleon had been in the power of the Emperor of Austria,
that prince would have remembered the relations formed by religion and
nature between a father and a son, relations which are never violated
with impunity. He would have remembered that four times Napoleon
re-established him on his throne; at Leoben, in 1797, and at Luneville
in 1801, when his armies were under the walls of Vienna; at Presburgh in
1806, and at Vienna in 1809, when his armies were in possession of the
capital and of three-fourths of the monarchy. That prince would have
remembered the protestations which he made to him at the bivouac in
Moravia in 1806, and at the interview at Dresden in 1812. If the person
of the Emperor Napoleon had been in the power of the Emperor Alexander,
he would have remembered the ties of friendship, contracted at Tilsit,
at Erfurth, and during twelve years of daily intercourse; he would have
remembered the conduct of the Emperor Napoleon the day after the battle
of Austerlitz, when, having it in his power to take him prisoner with
the remains of his army, he contented himself with his word, and
suffered him to effect his retreat; he would have remembered the dangers
to which the Emperor Napoleon personally exposed himself to extinguish
the fire of Moscow and preserve that capital for him: unquestionably
that prince would not have violated the duties of friendship and
gratitude towards a friend in distress. If the person of the Emperor
Napoleon had been even in power of the King of Prussia, that sovereign
would not have forgotten that it was optional with the Emperor, after
the battle of Friedland, to place another prince on the throne of
Berlin; he would not have forgotten, in the presence of a disarmed
enemy, the protestations of attachment and the sentiments which he
expressed to him in 1812, at the interviews at Dresden. It is,
accordingly, evident from the 2d and 5th articles of the said treaty,
that, being incapable of any influence whatever over the fate, and the
person of the Emperor Napoleon, who is not in their power, these princes
refer themselves in that respect to the future conduct of his Britannic
Majesty, who undertakes to fulfil all obligations.
“These princes have reproached the Emperor Napoleon with preferring the
protection of the English laws to theirs. The false ideas which the
Emperor Napoleon entertained of the liberality of the English laws, and
of the influence of a great, generous, and free people on its
government, decided him in preferring the protection of these laws to
that of his father-in-law, or of his old friend. The Emperor Napoleon
always would have been able to obtain the security of what related
personally to himself, whether by placing himself again at the head of
the army of the Loire, or by putting himself at the head of the army of
the Gironde, commanded by General Clausel; but, looking for the future
only to retirement and to the protection of the laws of a free nation,
either English or American, all stipulations appeared useless to him. He
thought that the English people would have been more bound by his frank
conduct, which was noble and full of confidence, than it could have been
by the most solemn treaties. He has been mistaken, but this error will
for ever excite the indignation of real Britons, and, with the present
as well as future generations, it will be a proof of the perfidy of the
English administration. Austrian and Russian commissioners are arrived
at St. Helena; if the object of their mission be to fulfil part of the
duties, which the Emperors of Austria and Russia have contracted by the
treaty of the 2d of August, and to take care, that the English agents,
in a small colony, in the midst of the Ocean, do not fail in the
attentions due to a prince connected with them by the ties of affinity,
and by so many relations, the characteristics of these two sovereigns
will be recognized in that measure. But you, Sir, have asserted, that
these commissioners possessed neither the right nor the power of giving
any opinion on whatever may be transacted on this rock.
“The English ministry have caused the Emperor Napoleon to be transported
to Saint Helena, two thousand leagues from Europe. This rock, situated
under the tropic at the distance of five hundred leagues from any
continent is, in that latitude, exposed to a devouring heat; it is,
during three-fourths of the year, covered with clouds and mists; it is
at once the driest and wettest country in the world. This is the most
inimical climate to the Emperor’s health. It is hatred which dictated
the selection of this residence, as well as the instructions, given by
the English ministry to the officers who command in this country; they
have been ordered to call the Emperor Napoleon, General, being desirous
of compelling him to acknowledge that he never reigned in France, which
decided him not to take an incognito title, as he had determined on
quitting France. First magistrate for life, under the title of first
consul, he concluded the preliminaries of London and the treaty of
Amiens with the king of Great Britain. He received as ambassadors, Lord
Cornwallis, Mr. Merry, and Lord Whitworth, who resided in that quality
at his court. He sent to the King of England, Count Otto and General
Andreossi, who resided as ambassadors at the Court of Windsor. When,
after the exchange of letters between the ministers for foreign affairs
belonging to the two monarchies, Lord Lauderdale came to Paris, provided
with full powers from the King of England, he treated with the
plenipotentiaries provided with full powers from the Emperor Napoleon,
and resided several months at the court of the Tuileries. When,
afterwards, at Chatillon, Lord Castlereagh signed the ultimatum, which
the allied powers presented to the plenipotentiaries of the Emperor
Napoleon, he thereby recognized the fourth dynasty. That ultimatum was
more advantageous than the treaty of Paris; but France was required to
renounce Belgium and the left bank of the Rhine, which was contrary to
the propositions of Frankfort and to the proclamations of the allied
powers; and was also contrary to the oath by which, at his consecration,
the Emperor had sworn the integrity of the empire. The Emperor then
thought these national limits were necessary to the security of France
as well as to the equilibrium of Europe; he thought that the French
nation, in the circumstances under which it found itself, ought rather
to risk every chance of war than to give them up. France would have
obtained that integrity, and with it preserved her honour, had not
treason contributed to the success of the allies. The treaty of the 2d
of August, and the bill of the British parliament, style the Emperor,
Napoleon Bonaparte, and give him only the title of General. The title of
_General Bonaparte_ is, no doubt, eminently glorious; the Emperor bore
it at Lodi, at Castiglione, at Rivoli, at Arcole, at Leoben, at the
Pyramids, at Aboukir: but for seventeen years he has borne that of First
Consul and of Emperor; it would be an admission that he has been neither
first magistrate of the republic, nor sovereign of the fourth dynasty.
Those, who think that nations are flocks, which, by divine right, belong
to some families, are neither of the present age, nor of the spirit of
the English legislature, which has several times changed the succession
of its dynasties, because the great alterations occasioned by opinions,
in which the reigning princes did not participate, had made them enemies
to the happiness of the great majority of that nation. For kings are but
hereditary magistrates, who exist but for the happiness of nations, and
not nations for the satisfaction of kings. It is the same spirit of
hatred, which directed that the Emperor Napoleon should not write or
receive any letter, without its being opened and read by the English
ministers and the officers of St. Helena. He has, by that regulation,
been interdicted the possibility of receiving intelligence from his
mother, his wife, his son, his brothers; and when, wishing to avoid the
inconvenience of having his letters read by inferior officers, he wished
to send sealed letters to the Prince Regent, he was told, that open
letters only could be taken charge of and conveyed, and that such were
the instructions of the ministry. That measure stands in need of no
comment; it will suggest strange ideas of the spirit of the
administration by which it was dictated; it would be disclaimed even at
Algiers! Letters have been received for general officers in the
Emperor’s suite; they were opened and delivered to you; you have
retained them, because they had not been transmitted through the medium
of the English ministry; it was found necessary to make them travel four
thousand leagues over again, and these officers had the misfortune to
know, that there existed on this rock news from their wives, their
mothers, and their children, and that they could not be put in
possession of it, in less than six months!!!—The heart revolts.
“Permission could not be obtained to subscribe to the Morning Chronicle,
to the Morning Post, or to some French journals: some broken numbers of
the Times have been occasionally sent to Longwood. In consequence of the
demand made on board the Northumberland, some books have been sent, but
all those which relate to the transactions of late years have been
carefully kept back. It was since intended to open a correspondence with
a London bookseller for the purpose of being directly supplied with
books which might be wanted, and with those relative to the events of
the day; that intention was frustrated. An English author, having
published at London an account of his travels in France, took the
trouble to send it as a present to the Emperor, but you did not think
yourself authorized to deliver it to him, because it had not reached you
through the channel of your government. It is also said, that other
books, sent by their authors, have not been delivered, because the
address of some was—To the Emperor Napoleon, and of others—To Napoleon
the Great. The English ministry are not authorized to order any of these
vexations. The law, however unjust, considers the Emperor Napoleon as a
prisoner of war; but prisoners of war have never been prohibited from
subscribing to the journals, or receiving books that are printed; such a
prohibition is exercised only in the dungeons of the Inquisition.
“The island of St. Helena is ten leagues in circumference; it is every
where inaccessible; the coast is guarded by brigs; posts within sight of
each other are placed on the shore; and all communication with the sea
is rendered impracticable. There is but one small town, James Town,
where the vessels anchor, and from which they sail. In order to prevent
the escape of an individual, it is sufficient to guard the coast by land
and sea. By interdicting the interior of the island, one object only can
be in view, that of preventing a ride of eight or ten miles, which it
would be possible to take on horseback, and the privation of which,
according to the consultations of medical men, is abridging the
Emperor’s days.
“The Emperor has been placed at Longwood, which is exposed to every
wind; a barren spot, uninhabited, without water, and incapable of any
kind of cultivation. The space contains about 1200 uncultivated fathoms.
At the distance of 11 or 1200 fathoms, a camp has been formed on a small
eminence; another has been since placed nearly at the same distance in
an opposite direction, so that, in the intense heat of the tropic,
whichever way the eye turns nothing is seen but camps. Admiral Malcolm,
perceiving the utility of which a tent would be to the Emperor in that
situation, has had one pitched by his seamen at the distance of twenty
paces from the house; it is the only spot in which shade is to be found.
The Emperor, has, however, every reason to be satisfied with the spirit
which animates the officers and soldiers of the gallant 53d, as he had
been with the crew of the Northumberland. Longwood House was built for a
barn to the company’s farm; some apartments were afterwards made in it
by the Deputy-Governor of the island; he used it for a country-house;
but it was, in no respect, adapted for a residence. During the year that
it has been inhabited, people have always been at work in it, and the
Emperor has been constantly exposed to the inconvenience and
unwholesomeness of a house, in which workmen are employed. His
bedchamber is too small to contain a bedstead of ordinary size; but
every kind of building at Longwood would prolong the inconvenience
arising from the workmen. There are, however, in this wretched island,
some beautiful situations, with fine trees, gardens, and tolerably good
houses, among others Plantation House; but you are prevented by the
positive instructions of the ministry from granting this house, which
would have saved a great deal of expense laid out in building, at
Longwood, huts covered with pitched paper, which are no longer of any
use. You have prohibited every kind of intercourse between us and the
inhabitants of the island; you have, in fact, converted Longwood House
into a secret prison; you have even thrown difficulties in the way of
our communication with the officers of the garrison. The most anxious
care would seem to be taken to deprive us of the few resources afforded
by this miserable country, and we are no better off here than we should
be on Ascension Rock. During the four months you have been at St.
Helena, you have, Sir, rendered the Emperor’s condition worse. It was
observed to you by Count Bertrand, that you violated the law of your
legislature, that you trampled upon the privileges of general officers,
prisoners of war. You answered, that you knew nothing but the letter of
your instructions, and that they were still worse than your conduct
appeared to us.