At the commencement of the month of May, 1842, it became generally
understood, that a movement was very soon to be made upon Chapoo, which
was to be followed by the advance of the whole expedition up the great
Yangtze river. Ningpo, however, is deserving of one or two further
observations, for it is one of the most important trading cities in
China; and, from its position, and its vicinity to several large and
wealthy cities, such as Hang-chow-foo, Soo-chow-foo, and others which
border upon the Imperial Canal, there is every reason to believe, that
an extensive trade will soon be opened there.
Ningpo lies at the distance of only fifty miles from the trading town
of Chapoo, which possesses a monopoly of the whole trade with Japan
and Corea. Hence there is reason to believe, that our manufactures
will soon find their way into these latter countries, (which have
hitherto excluded the foreigner, more pertinaciously even than the
Chinese,) indirectly by way of Ningpo; and, that, in a few years, many
articles expressly adapted for the Japan market, will be ordered to be
manufactured in this country, and sent to Chinese merchants at Ningpo.
This city is famous for its silks, which are very beautiful of their
kind; and the shops are elegant, and well supplied with all kinds of
Chinese manufactures. It is a wealthier and much handsomer town than
Amoy, and is much superior in commercial importance, to Foo-chow-foo,
another of the newly-opened ports. Large junks are even built on the
Ningpo river, and the people have always shewn a great disposition to
trade with foreigners. Indeed, this is the case in every part of China
where the people have not been held back by their mandarins.
Mr. Gutzlaff, in one of his early voyages, obtained a list of all
the foreign ships which had formerly visited Ningpo, and found their
number to be considerable; and it was stated to him that some of the
very old people still retained a faint recollection of the foreigners.
The Portuguese traded at this place in the sixteenth century, and the
English had a factory there as late as the middle of the last century.
It was finally pulled down in 1759, and all foreign trade was then
absolutely prohibited, by express orders from Pekin.
The principal objection made by the government at that time to permit
trade at Ningpo, was simply "the loss of the imperial revenue,
accruing from the overland carriage of tea and other goods, to and from
Canton." Add to this, the great extortions of the local officers, who
here, as well as at Chusan, demanded such exorbitant fees and bribes,
that it was found impossible to carry on trade with any chance of
profit.
It was at Ningpo that the Jesuit missionaries first set foot in China;
and thence, making their way to Pekin, succeeded, by _good policy_,
scientific acquirements, and conciliatory demeanour, in winning the
good-will of the people, and the toleration of the government. This
was towards the end of the seventeenth century. For a time they
possessed great influence; and sanguine expectations were entertained
of the valuable results of their labours, and of the rich fruits which
would ripen to maturity, as soon as the tree of Christianity which
they planted in China, should spread its roots throughout the land.
Various causes conspired to produce their downfal in China, principally
connected with the political state of Europe at that time. But it
has been well observed by Sir George Staunton, in his preface to the
translation of the Penal Code of China, that "the extinction of the
order of Jesuits in that country, caused the adoption of a plan of
conversion more _strict_, and probably more orthodox, but in the same
proportion, more unaccommodating to the prejudices of the people, and
more alarming to the jealousy of the government. Generally speaking,
it threw the profession _into less able hands_, and the cause of
Christianity and of Europe lost much of its lustre and influence. The
Jesuits were generally artists or men of science, as well as religious
teachers."
Ultimately, the teaching of Christianity at Pekin was strictly
prohibited, and particular objection was made to the printing or
translation of books into the _Chinese and Tartar languages_; and, in
1805, all books of this kind were ordered to be seized and destroyed,
and the Tartar subjects were specially exhorted to attend to the
language of their own country, and the admonitions of their own
government; and, above all, to _practise riding and archery_, and
to study the works of the learned and virtuous, and particularly to
observe all the _social duties_.
On the 7th of May, 1842, the city of Ningpo was given up, it was
impossible to spare a garrison for so large a city. Neither was it
any longer necessary to retain possession of it, for the occupation
of Chinhae at the river's mouth, would command the whole trade of the
city. Some of the principal inhabitants, merchants, and others, were
assembled by Sir Hugh Gough, and into their hands the custody of the
city was given over, in the absence of all the constituted authorities.
As might be expected, our evacuation of Ningpo was represented to
the Emperor as a great victory gained. The Chinese looked on in
apparent astonishment, but there was no shouting or expression of
public feeling, and the gates were given over to the persons selected
for the purpose, who took possession of them with a party of their
followers, very little differing in appearance from the common rabble.
Our troops embarked in perfect order on board the Queen, Sesostris, and
Phlegethon, and without any irregularity whatever.
The reinforcements which had already arrived in the Chinese waters
had not all yet joined the main body to the northward; in fact, they
did not leave Hong-Kong until a month afterwards, but Sir Hugh Gough
decided on proceeding to the attack of Chapoo without waiting for them.
All the troops, however, which could possibly be spared from Chinhae,
Chusan, and Kolingsoo, (Amoy,) small garrisons only being left at
each of those places, had been called in, and the transports were,
therefore, tolerably crowded. The anchorage close to the small island
called Just-in-the-Way, lying nearly midway between Chusan and Chinhae,
was the appointed rendezvous for the ships; and owing to various
circumstances they were unable to leave it before the 13th (May.)
The whole force which the General had now at his disposal, exclusive of
the naval brigade, was about two thousand two hundred men, including
the artillery and the gun lascars, and sappers and miners. To this must
be added about one hundred and ten officers. The force was divided into
three columns: the right, composed of the 18th and 49th regiments, each
being from four to five hundred strong, together with a few sappers
and miners--in all about nine hundred and twenty men and forty-eight
officers--was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Morris. The centre, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Montgomerie, (Madras Artillery,) was composed of a
small detachment of the Royal Artillery, (twenty-five men only,) with
the Madras Artillery and Sappers, and the Madras Rifles, (one hundred
men,)--in all about four hundred and sixty men, (including lascars,)
and fifteen officers. And the left, composed of the 26th and 55th
regiments, (the latter only half the strength of the former,) together
with twenty-five sappers, in all eight hundred and twenty men, and
two hundred and thirty officers, was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel
Schoedde.
On the 13th, the ships of war, the Cornwallis, Blonde, Modeste,
Columbine, Starling, Algerine, and Plover, with the troop-ship Jupiter,
and several transports, got under weigh with a light breeze; they soon
passed the hill of Chinhae, (the Pelican being at anchor in the river,)
and afterwards neared the Teshan Islands, and then, hauling up to the
westward, made the remarkable hills about Chapoo, and anchored in
seven and a half fathoms water, seventy-five miles from land. Chapoo
itself is in reality situated in what may be called an open roadstead
(with a shallow dry harbour close to the town) on the northern side
of the large deep bay, into which the river which flows down past
Hang-chow-foo, called the Tshen-tang river, empties itself. The tides
there are remarkably rapid at all times; and on the following day a
strong breeze setting in from the north-east with hazy weather, it was
impossible to move from the anchorage. The next day there was still no
improvement in the appearance of the weather, and it was not until the
16th that a reconnoissance of Chapoo could be made by the General and
Admiral on board the Phlegethon and Nemesis steamers.
No information upon which reliance could be placed had been obtained as
to the actual strength of the Chinese force at Chapoo, but the general
belief was, either that a very large body of troops would be found
there, or that the place would have been abandoned altogether by the
enemy, for the purpose of concentrating their forces for the protection
of Hang-chow-foo. This question was soon set at rest.
The view of Chapoo and the adjacent hills from the sea, as you approach
the coast, is very remarkable. The town and its extensive suburbs are
situated near the western extremity of a small promontory, stretching
east and west for the distance of between four and five miles. The
suburbs, which appear to be the principal resort for merchants and
traders, and contain the most wealthy shops, run along the edge of the
beach, partly at the foot of the hills which rise up on either side,
and partly occupying a low flat between them. The actual walled town
stands about half a mile in the rear, and the nature and extent of its
defences could not be accurately ascertained.
As the steamers were running in, so as to get near enough to observe
the nature of the Chinese defences, and the works thrown up on
the adjacent hills, a large fishing boat was brought-to, to get
information, and three of the fishermen, being brought on board of the
Nemesis, were questioned as to the numbers of Chinese troops, &c., on
shore. One of these men stoutly denied that there were any soldiers
there at all; but, upon a threat that they would all be hanged if they
were found to conceal the truth, the other two men declared that there
was a large force assembled for the defence of the place.
On a nearer approach it was observed that there were three principal
hills extending along the coast to the eastward of the suburbs, for
the distance of full three miles, and two or three small islands lying
off a little bay at their eastern extremity, and contributing to
shelter it, and to make it a good landing-place for our troops. Upon
the heights above, several breastworks were thrown up, particularly
along the slopes between the hills. Upon the side of the hill nearest
the town were two small batteries, mounting five and seven guns, and
upon a low hill in front of the suburbs there was a circular battery of
twelve to fourteen guns. Along the shore, a little further westward,
a masked battery was commenced, but apparently not yet completed. The
steamers ran in close enough to be able, with a glass, to observe the
mandarins despatching messengers along the heights, upon which a great
number of troops were posted, but they did not fire at the steamers,
although they came within range. Indeed, the Chinese seemed disinclined
to commence an action, and thus provoke a contest.
The anchorage was completely surveyed by Commanders Kellett and
Collinson, who carefully sounded without any interruption along the
whole coast at night, thus enabling the Cornwallis, Blonde, Modeste,
and the other vessels before named, to take up advantageous positions
against the enemy's works, and to cover the landing of the troops,
which it was decided should take place in the bay to the eastward,
before mentioned. From that point it appeared to the General that the
heights could be turned, and the enemy cut off before they could make
good their retreat upon the walled city.
At daylight, on the 17th, the whole of the men-of-war and transports
got under weigh, and stood in towards Chapoo, with a light breeze from
the southward, the Nemesis and Phlegethon leading, and giving the
soundings by signal to the Cornwallis, the Algerine having dropped
astern, owing to the light wind. At eight, A.M., they came to anchor
about four miles off shore, it being nearly calm and high water. The
positions had already been assigned to the respective ships, and
particularly to the steamers, who were to land the troops. The fleet
got under weigh again soon after one o'clock, with a fresh breeze from
the south-west, and beat in towards the anchorage of Chapoo, which they
reached in the evening, when each ship took up its allotted position
without any obstacle. The Nemesis anchored close in shore, in three
fathoms water, and from her deck every movement of the Chinese could
be seen, even without the aid of a glass. The transports were anchored
near the islands, off the little bay to the eastward, where the troops
were to land, under cover of the Starling, Columbine, Plover, and
Algerine. The Cornwallis and Blonde took up positions against the
small batteries upon the hill-side next the suburbs, upon the top of
which there was a temple, or joss-house, occupied by a large body
of the enemy, and the Modeste was placed nearer the suburbs, to act
against the works in front. The Nemesis, Phlegethon, and Queen steamers
were in the first instance to land the troops from the transports,
assisted by the boats, while the Sesostris steamer was anchored in
shore, to shell the Chinese as they retreated before our advancing
troops.
The sun set clear and brilliant on that evening, the last which many a
brave man on both sides was doomed to look upon. The Chinese were on
the alert during the night, and brought down some large ginjals, which
they planted upon the hill-side, abreast of the Nemesis, but did not
make use of them.
At daylight next morning the Nemesis went alongside the transports,
to take in the 18th Royal Irish, under Colonel Tomlinson, and, having
landed them in the appointed bay, returned immediately to fetch part of
the 55th, together with the rifles; the remainder of the 55th, with the
26th, 49th, and artillery, being landed by the Queen and Phlegethon,
assisted by the boats of the squadron, the whole under the direction of
Commander Charles Richards, of the Cornwallis. Sir Hugh Gough landed
with the first or right column from the Nemesis, and at once occupied
a height which commanded the landing-place, without meeting with any
opposition. As usual, the Chinese had neglected their flanks, as if an
enemy could only think of attacking them where they were most prepared
to defend themselves.
As soon as the whole of the troops were formed, Colonel Schoedde was
directed to move with the 26th and 55th regiments, forming the left
column, and Colonel Montgomerie, with the artillery and rifles, forming
the centre, as rapidly as possible round the base of the heights,
in the rear of which there was a broken valley, leading up in the
direction of the walled town, from which, by this means, the retreat
of the Chinese would be cut off. Sir Hugh Gough moved with the left
column, composed of the 18th and 49th regiments, under Colonel Morris,
along the crest of the heights, driving the enemy before him from one
point to another. As soon as the advance was sounded in that quarter,
the ships of war opened fire upon the enemy's right flank, near the
town, and after a few rounds, the Chinese fled from their field works,
and from the joss-house upon the summit of the hill.
The Nemesis, in the meantime, having united her fire to that of the
other ships, was signalized to close the Cornwallis, for the purpose
of protecting the landing of the battalion of seamen and marines under
Captain Bourchier, who was accompanied by the Admiral himself, who
never shrunk from fatigue or danger, ashore or afloat. The enemy's
right flank was now turned, and their principal works were fortunately
carried before the Chinese had time to spring the mines which they had
prepared. The enemy was soon in full flight.
The Sesostris threw some shells in upon the Chinese centre, as our
troops advanced upon them from their left; but, owing to the rapid
movement of the left column round the base of the hills, and the
dangerous direction of the line of fire of the steamer, there was at
one time more chance of danger to our own men than to the Chinese. The
sides of the hills were covered with a great number of tombs, which,
together with the broken nature of the ground, afforded shelter and
rallying points for the enemy, behind which they occasionally made a
stand, and suffered severely in consequence. Many of the Tartars were
even seen deliberately cutting their own throats, as our men were
advancing upon them.
But the most terrible scene, and the point at which the greatest loss
on our side occurred, was a large house partly enclosed with a wall,
situated at the end of a little valley, about a mile from the walls of
the town. About three hundred resolute Tartar soldiers, finding their
retreat cut off, took refuge in this building, determined to sell their
lives as dearly as possible, expecting no quarter from their enemy. The
defence of this large building was no part of their original design;
but as they were driven into it, one after another, without any means
of escape, they were forced to defend themselves. The number who might
be inside was not at first known; and two small parties of the 18th and
49th, under Lieutenant Murray, of the former corps, and Lieutenant and
Adjutant Browne, of the latter, attempted to follow them in, but were
unable to effect an entrance. Of the 49th party, Lieutenants Browne and
Mitchell were the only two who escaped untouched. One man was killed
and the rest wounded.
This little check was now reported to Lieutenant-Colonel Stevens of
the 49th, who soon came up. Perceiving that there were a great many of
the enemy in the house, and that they were firing from the windows and
doors, he ordered our troops to be withdrawn under cover, until the
guns were brought up. Colonel Tomlinson, of the 18th, having overheard
some injudicious remarks which he thought reflected upon himself,
instantly put himself at the head of a few of his own regiment and
of the 49th, and rushed in at the door of the joss-house. Scarcely
a second had elapsed when he fell a corpse into the arms of his men,
having received two balls in his neck. In fact, every man who attempted
to enter was either wounded or killed, as he became exposed to the
steady aim of the Tartars, in the narrow doorway, the light being full
upon him, while the Tartars were themselves concealed from view.
The failure of this second attempt to enter the building, added to the
exasperation occasioned by the death of Colonel Tomlinson, rendered it
very difficult to restrain the men from recklessly exposing themselves.
Just at this time, one 6-pounder gun was brought up by Major Knowles,
and some rockets were also thrown into the house, but did not succeed
in setting it on fire. The field-piece made very little impression upon
the walls; but it was important that the place should be destroyed
and the Tartars captured. In the meantime, it was blockaded by two
companies of the 18th Royal Irish.
While this was going on, Sir Hugh Gough had marched on towards the
city wall, and was joined there by Sir William Parker with the naval
brigade. As soon as the Admiral had landed, Captain Hall, with three
of his officers (including the surgeon) and sixteen men, (eight
seamen, and eight of the Bombay artillery,) also landed as volunteers,
and, after clearing a hill in their front of some straggling Chinese
soldiers, they advanced directly up the hollow, at the extremity
of which stood the large building just mentioned. Already Colonel
Tomlinson was killed, and several other officers wounded; both the
rockets and the small field-piece had failed to clear the house of its
defenders. Captain Pears, the field engineer, had also come up, and
proposed to endeavour to blow in a portion of the outer wall by means
of a bag of powder.
Seeing a small side-door open, Captain Hall, followed by Lieutenant
Fitzjames and one of his own men, got close to it and fired into it,
wounding a Tartar mandarin, but it was too hazardous to try to force a
passage in; and, as the defenders kept up a smart fire from the windows
above, it was necessary to retire under cover. An attempt was then
made to set fire to the building, by throwing combustibles in at the
principal door; and Captain Hall rushed in towards it, with a bundle of
straw in one hand and his sword in the other, followed by several of
his men and one or two officers. Scarcely had he reached the doorway,
when a smart fire was opened from within, by which two of his men were
shot dead close by his side, but he himself escaped as if by a miracle.
The bodies were instantly removed to a place of safety, and this
attempt failed, as the others had done. Three or four of the Tartars
now made an attempt to escape, by rushing out of the doorway, and ran
the gauntlet of ten or a dozen shots directed at them. They ran for
their lives and escaped, although, from the traces of blood, it was
thought that more than one of them must have been wounded.
Captain Pears at length got a powder-bag fixed to the northern wall of
the building, which blew it in; and a small party of the 18th again
attempted to enter it, but one of them was killed, and two wounded, and
the rest withdrew. In fact, it was so dark inside the building, and the
space was so narrow, that it was impossible to make a rush at it.
It was next proposed to set the place on fire, for on one side the
upper part of the building appeared to be built of wood. Another
powder-bag was fixed to that side of the house, just below the
wood-work, in the hope that it would knock it all down together, or
else set it on fire. The explosion was so powerful that it not only
destroyed part of the wall, but brought down the wood-work above it,
and thus many of the Tartars above became exposed, of whom some were
shot, and others succeeded in getting down below. But, wherever a
Tartar shewed himself at a window in any part of the building, several
muskets were levelled at him; and, on the other hand, so well did the
Tartars take aim with their matchlocks, that one of the Royal Irish,
who _would_ persist in merely peeping round the doorway "just to see if
he couldn't pick off a Tartar," received a shot in his knee, before he
had himself time to fire.
The fragments of the wood-work, which had tumbled down, were now
collected into a heap by the sappers, and set on fire, which soon
communicated to the rest of the building. Gradually, as it spread,
the matchlocks of the Tartars (probably of the fallen) were heard to
go off, and loud cries were uttered. The rest of the defenders must
evidently surrender; and, on entering the doorway, the poor fellows
could now be seen stripping off their clothes to avoid the flames, and
running about in despair from one side to the other. About fifty were
taken prisoners, but two or three, who tried to escape, were shot; and
so exasperated were the 18th at the loss of their colonel, and some of
their comrades, that it was not without difficulty they were prevented
from putting several of the prisoners to death. These were now tied
together by their tails, in parties of eight or ten, so that they could
not well run away all together; and they were marched off, under an
escort, to the walled town, which had already been taken possession of.
The walls had been scaled near the east gate, by the grenadiers of the
55th, without opposition; and the other gates of the town were soon
occupied by passing round the ramparts. There were few guns, or even
ginjals, mounted on them; and the Chinese, having been once driven from
the heights, and cut off from the city, were dispersed all over the
country, a large body of them taking the direction of Hang-chow-foo.
Between Chapoo and that city there is a good canal communication,
supposed to be connected with the grand canal itself; and, in addition
to that, the communication by land, along a good causeway, broad enough
for artillery, gave many facilities for an immediate advance upon the
capital. It was said also, that a curious Chinese map of the road, and
of the adjacent country had been obtained; but, with so small a force,
it was not thought advisable to march further inland.
If the loss of the Chinese was great on this day, so was it on our
side much greater than on any previous occasion. The high spirit of
the Tartar soldiers, the descendants of the conquerors of China,
and soldiers by birthright, could not brook a total defeat; and,
when they were further stimulated by the excitement of opium, their
self-devotion and stubbornness tended to increase their loss. When
they could no longer fight, they could die; and the instances of mad
self-destruction, both within the city and without, were perfectly
horrible. Many of the Tartars were with difficulty prevented from
cutting their throats, which they attempted to do with apparent
indifference. On visiting the large building, or joss-house, which had
resisted so long, and had cost so many lives, a number of dead and
wounded men were found huddled together in a horrible manner, in one
of the out-buildings attached to it. The ruins of the house were still
smoking, and our object was to drag out the wounded and put them under
cover until they could be properly attended to, for, on all occasions,
the Chinese wounded received every attention that could be shewn them
from our medical officers. Just as our men began to move aside the dead
bodies, a Tartar soldier, who had until now concealed himself among
them, literally rising from the dead, stood up suddenly and drew his
sword. But, instead of making a dash for his life, or giving himself up
as a prisoner, he began deliberately to hack his own throat with the
rusty weapon, and inflicted two wounds upon himself before his hand
could be stopped. Another man was found concealed in a deep hollow in
the earth, where there was a sort of oven, and could not be got out
until some men were sent to dig him out, and he was then found to be
wounded. Altogether, the scene at this house was quite enough by itself
to appal any man with the horrors of war. Many of the wounded were
dreadfully mutilated, and the dead bodies were charred and disfigured.
A large building in the city was specially set apart for the Chinese
wounded, and the great kindness and attention they received at Chapoo
produced important effects afterwards upon the authorities, and induced
them to treat our prisoners with kindness, instead of torturing them
to death, as had frequently been the case. The veteran Elepoo, who
was, in fact, at that time governor of Chapoo, (having been partially
restored to favour by the Emperor,) expressly thanked the General and
the Admiral for their humanity, in a letter written about a month
afterwards. "On inquiry," said he, "I found that you gave the hungry
rice to eat, and allowed to the wounded medical attendance, and we feel
obliged for your kindness and courtesy." But this was not the only mark
of their gratitude, as we shall presently relate.
Too much praise cannot be given to the superintending surgeon, Dr.
French, (often mentioned in the despatches,) and the other medical
officers, for their constant attention to the Chinese wounded, whenever
they had an opportunity. Occasionally, however, the Chinese refused all
assistance.
Among the Tartar population, who were here for the first time met
with, living entirely separate from the Chinese, and preserving
their own habits and privileges, it is admitted by all that the most
shocking scenes were witnessed; and the similar barbarities which
were afterwards observed at the Tartar city of Chin-keang-foo confirm
all that has been said of the cruel and revolting practices of that
remarkable people in time of war. All accounts concur in giving their
testimony to the fact of the self-destruction of whole Tartar families;
the women destroying their children, drowning them in wells, and
throwing themselves in afterwards; the husbands hanging and poisoning
their wives, and deliberately cutting their own throats.
Every effort was made to put a stop to these barbarities, and every
means were used to pacify and soothe the people; but as the greater
part of the Tartar population had abandoned the Tartar portion of the
city, the Chinese rabble set about plundering it, and frightened the
few who remained, even more than our own people.
The Tartar town, which was separated from the other by a wall enclosing
about one-fourth of the space within the city, presented its peculiar
aspect. The houses were disposed something after the manner of tents in
an encampment, one of the last traces of the wandering pastoral habits
of the race; to each hut was attached a small bit of open ground, with
a bamboo fence round it, and a few trees within; and the vine was
not unfrequently seen twining itself among the bamboos. Their scanty
furniture was more rude than that of the Chinese; and the bow, with
its quiver full of arrows, the spear, the sword, and the matchlock,
seemed to be the most cherished ornaments of their abode. _They_ alone
are permitted to retain their weapons in their own charge. Indeed,
the Tartar here lives as a conqueror, and glories in the emblems of
conquest which he still has around him. In other respects, they are
all subject to the same laws, and wear the same dress, but differ a
good deal in their countenance and expression. Commonly the Tartars
are a fairer people than the Chinese, and some of them much resemble
Europeans.
It is worthy of remark, that the conquerors imposed upon the conquered
the practice of shaving the head, excepting the back part, with its
long tail; but they themselves took care never to adopt the absurd
Chinese custom of preventing the growth of the female foot, and even
deforming it, in such a way as to render it nearly useless to its
owner. From the Emperor's court to the lowest soldier's wife, no Tartar
woman ever has her foot tortured into deformity. At Chusan, I remember
seeing a Tartar woman walking about with her natural undeformed feet,
and she was looked at as a curiosity by the Chinese inhabitants, who
stared and smiled as if they thought it a strange piece of barbarism.
The attention of children to their parents, for which the Chinese as
well as Tartars are remarkable, was shewn in many instances, even
amid the trials of war, at Chapoo. The aged and infirm were of course
unable to fly from the city, and many of these were found in the Tartar
houses, carefully tended by their daughters, who stayed behind and
braved the expected horrors of an enemy's approach, rather than abandon
an aged parent. There were some touching scenes of this kind, and when
they found that they were not treated harshly, their fears, which at
first were distressing, gradually disappeared.
The country about Chapoo is perhaps one of the richest and most
beautifully cultivated spots in the world. It in some respect resembles
the prettiest parts of Devonshire. The low hills immediately adjoining
the town--the rich, luxuriant, well-watered plain beyond, interspersed
with numerous hamlets and villages, with their curiously-shaped
blue-tiled roofs, and intersected by canals and causeways, formed a
very attractive panorama, and served to indicate the means by which so
dense a population is supported. But even there the horrors of war were
still to be traced; dead bodies floating along the canals, (probably
of wounded who had been carried away and had died,) parties of Chinese
plunderers, hastening across the country, laden with every kind of
property, and, perhaps, occasionally, a little, quiet European foraging
party, hunting out ducks, and fowls, and pigs, for which, however, the
peasants were generally very well paid.
It was not the object of Sir Hugh Gough to occupy the city longer than
was necessary for the purpose of destroying the arsenals, and property
belonging to the government, including, of course, the iron guns,
ginjals, &c. The brass ones, some of which were very good, were sent
over to Chusan. Several horses, or rather ponies, which had belonged
to mandarins, were captured by our officers, and one of these, a stout
grey, was carried up to Calcutta in the Nemesis, after the war was over.
The number of Chinese engaged at Chapoo has been estimated at between
seven and eight thousand men, of whom about one-fourth were Tartars.
It is difficult to estimate the number of their killed and wounded,
but it must have been very great; it has been estimated that nearly
one-sixth of them suffered more or less. On our side, two officers,
one sergeant, and ten men were killed, including three of the naval
brigade, of which two belonged to the Nemesis; six officers, one
sergeant, and about forty-five men were wounded, many of them severely.
The following were the names of the officers killed and wounded:
Killed--Lieutenant-Colonel Tomlinson, 18th Royal Irish, and Captain
Colin Campbell, 55th regiment, died two or three days after, from a
severe wound in the head. Wounded--Staff, Lieutenant-Colonel Mountain,
C.B., Deputy-Adjutant-General, severely, (three balls in his back;)
Lieutenant A. E. Jodrell, 18th; Lieutenant A. Murray, 18th; Captain T.
S. Reynolds, 49th; Lieutenant and Adjutant W. P. K. Browne, 49th; and
Lieutenant J. G. Johnstone, Madras Sappers and Miners.
There were ten brass guns taken, together with eighty-two iron ones,
and a number of ginjals, &c.