All those persons who have visited Amoy, either out of curiosity or
on matters of business, appear to agree with each other in regarding
it as a place peculiarly adapted for the extension of European trade.
The mercantile spirit and enterprise of its inhabitants, and their
anxious desire to trade with foreigners, when not held back by the
arbitrary orders of the mandarins, have been long known and recorded
by several travellers, before there was any prospect whatever of the
trade being opened. Mr. Gutzlaff observed respecting it, in the account
of his voyage along the coast--"Its excellent harbour has made it from
time immemorial one of the greatest emporiums of the empire, and one
of the most important markets of Asia. Vessels can sail close up to
the houses, load and unload with the greatest facility, have shelter
from all winds, and in entering or leaving the port, experience no
danger of getting ashore. The whole adjacent country being sterile, the
inhabitants were forced to seek some means of subsistence elsewhere.
Endowed with an enterprising spirit, and unwearied in the pursuit of
gain, they visited all parts of the Chinese empire, gradually became
bold sailors, and settled as merchants all along the coast. Thus they
colonized Formosa, which, from that period to this, has been their
granary, and visited and settled in the Indian archipelago, Cochin
China, and Siam. A population constantly overflowing, demanded constant
resources for their subsistence, and this they found in colonization;
and thus they spread themselves all along the coast of China, up to
Mantchou Tartary. As soon as the colonists amass sufficient money, they
return home, which they leave again when all is spent." Elsewhere he
says, "Many of these merchants, settled in the northern parts of China,
return annually with their profits. It is not surprising, therefore,
that a large amount of Chinese shipping belongs to Amoy merchants, and
that the greater part of the capital employed in the coasting trade
is their property. Hence, even this barren tract is become one of the
richest in China, from the enterprise of its inhabitants. Wherever
the people go they are rarely found in a state of abject poverty; on
the contrary, they are often wealthy, and command the trade of whole
islands and provinces, as well by their capital as by their superior
enterprise and industry."
The English, who had formerly a factory at Amoy, were compelled to
relinquish the trade by the severe extortions to which they were
subject. The Dutch continued it for a longer time, but neglected it
when their influence at Formosa ceased. The natives of Amoy have always
shewn themselves ready to cultivate the friendship of foreigners,
wherever they have been, and in their dealings they have a character
for honesty beyond all other Chinese. They are more ambitious of
successful mercantile enterprise than of literary distinction or
advancement, which is generally so dear to a Chinaman.
The shops of Amoy are generally well supplied with the necessaries and
luxuries of life, the merchants are civil, and although the town is
neither handsome nor very cleanly, and the population in some parts
of it are densely crowded together, still there are many fine houses,
which indicate the possession of wealth and consequence.
An immense trade is carried on between Amoy and the island of Formosa,
to which a great number of emigrants are even still attracted from the
province of Fokien. Before the occupation of Hong-Kong was thought
of, several proposals were made for forming a British settlement upon
Formosa, as being conveniently situated for extending our trade with
the inhabitants, not only of the adjacent district of Fokien, but of
the whole coast of China. This suggestion was partly encouraged by the
recollection of the settlement which the Dutch once possessed upon the
island; but it seemed to be forgotten that the Dutch were at length
forcibly expelled, and that the population having greatly increased
since that period, it is not likely that we should be suffered to
retain possession of any part of the island without being constantly
harassed and provoked to bloodshed; moreover, the privilege of trading
with Amoy does away with all probability of advantage to be derived by
direct trade with Formosa.
Among other proposals, that of a settlement upon the Bonin islands
(which are said already to belong to Great Britain) was suggested, with
a view to commercial enterprise with China; and Mr. Tradescant Lay
warmly supported this notion. These islands were taken possession of
by Captain Beechey, of H.M.S. Blossom, in 1827, and they extend from
latitude 27°, 44', to 26°, 30' N., being about five days' sail from the
Lew-Chew islands, and three from Japan. In the course of a few years,
it is not improbable that Port St. George, the principal harbour, may
be resorted to, with the object of pushing our trade even into Japan
itself. At the present moment, indeed, several Englishmen and other
Europeans are settled there, and are principally concerned in the whale
fishery. There are also a good many natives of the Sandwich Islands at
Port St. George. The islands are volcanic, but are rendered productive
with moderate cultivation.
It is worth while here to mention that the Bonin Islands and the
Sandwich Islands lie directly in the line of future intercourse between
China and the west coast of America, and that it has been thought not
improbable that a new route to China may some day be opened, by way of
California and the islands above-named.
To return from this digression to the island of Formosa, which has
claimed our particular interest since the massacre of so many of
our shipwrecked countrymen by the authorities, shortly before the
termination of the late war. In this horrible tragedy no less than two
hundred and eighty-three human beings were put to death in cold blood,
without any other crime than that of helplessness, and without any
other object than that of obtaining rewards by fabricated statements,
and honours by false pretences. Formosa was the last conquest of the
present Tartar dynasty, and even since it has been brought under
Chinese dominion, the rebellions and disturbances of its unruly
inhabitants have been a frequent source of alarm to the government. The
imperial troops have been frequently defeated with great slaughter, and
peace is said to have been purchased by bribes more frequently than it
has been won by conquest. The aboriginal inhabitants are still numerous
in the mountain districts, and along some parts of the eastern shores,
but they, are said to be much oppressed by the Chinese colonists, and
also by the authorities.
When the Tartars first began the conquest of China, great numbers
of discontented spirits went over to Formosa from the neighbouring
provinces, and it has been recorded that one hundred thousand people
took refuge there. The island belongs to the province of Fokien, along
which it is situated at a distance varying from seventy to one hundred
and twenty miles, the passage between it and the mainland being called
the Formosa Channel. The length of this island is about two hundred and
twenty miles, but the breadth of it is extremely irregular. The Chinese
population is at present supposed to amount to about _two millions_,
and is constantly on the increase, by the accession of an influx of
emigrants from the mainland adjoining. They are attracted thither by
the fertility of the soil, and the great facilities for cultivating
sugar and rice, which are there grown to an extent sufficient to supply
a vast quantity of these necessary articles to the inhabitants of the
mainland, and to employ several hundred trading junks in the traffic.
It is worthy of remark, that the Dutch contrived to establish
themselves upon the island of Formosa, and ultimately to form a
factory there, before the Tartar conquest, and before it was regularly
colonized by the Chinese. The Japanese also partly contributed,
though in small numbers, to colonize the island. The Dutch had a
small garrison at a place called Tanshuy, or Tamsui, at the northern
extremity of the island, and another at Kelung, not very for from
it. Their object was to make use of their settlement as a depôt, or
centre of trade, from which their operations could be extended along
the coast of China and Japan. Their influence was, however, of very
short continuance, as they were ultimately completely driven out of
the island, after some few struggles, by the famous pirate, Coxinga,
in 1662, about thirty or forty years after they had fairly established
themselves on it.
The present capital of the island is built upon the site of the
principal Dutch factory of former times, and is called Ty-wan-foo;
it is upon the west coast, some distance down towards its southern
end. The harbour has, however, become almost inaccessible, except to
vessels of very light draught of water, owing to the accumulation of
sand, which is thought to frequently change its place. Indeed, the sea
has gradually continued to retire from many parts of the coast, and
harbours which were once frequented are at present inaccessible.
From the time of the expulsion of the Dutch, to the period of our
operations upon the coast of China, little seems to have been known or
heard of Formosa; and, owing to the jealousy of the Chinese, and other
causes, no attempt seems to have been made to explore the island. The
colonists are described as being generally very turbulent and given to
violence, as it has become a place of refuge for all the bad characters
who can manage to escape from the mainland; but it is also the home of
many respectable and enterprising settlers; although, being removed
from the control of the superior officers of the province, they live
with less restraint, and therefore readily become bold and lawless.
For the same reason, the local mandarins are cruel, rapacious, and
ignorant; and their behaviour towards our unfortunate countrymen will
suffice to stamp them with the character of treachery and thorough
baseness. But the cultivation and prosperity of the island have
increased in a rapid and remarkable manner; and it is evident that
British manufactures will soon be spread among its numerous population,
through their intimate connexion with Amoy.
Besides furnishing immense supplies of rice, Formosa also produces
great quantities of sugar, camphor, and tobacco, which are exported to
Amoy. A great part of the camphor is already carried down to Singapore
in the trading junks from Amoy, but probably our own trading vessels
will henceforth procure supplies of it on the spot, in exchange for
cotton and other manufactured articles.
Unruly as the people of Formosa are, the island is, nevertheless,
somewhat famous for its schools, which are said to be in a flourishing
condition. Mr. Gutzlaff states, that the rich men of Fokien frequently
send their sons over to obtain literary degrees at Formosa; and the
Dutch, at an early period, took pains to spread Christianity among the
inhabitants, who, at that time, were comparatively few in number. A
few books on Christianity were translated by them into the Formosan
language, and they were very successful in making converts. Since they
abandoned the island, however, nearly all traces of their early labours
have disappeared.
The close connexion of Formosa with Amoy will probably be the means
of reviving amongst the inhabitants some of the lost spirit of
Christianity; for we cannot doubt that, in all parts of China, the
increase of missionary labour will keep pace with the increase of
commercial intercourse.
The wreck of the Nerbudda transport, on her way up to join the
expedition with camp-followers, in the month of September, 1841, soon
after our forces left Amoy, and the loss of the brig Ann, a trading
vessel, on her way down to Macao, from Chusan, in the month of March
following, upon the shores of Formosa, served to attract unusual
attention towards that island, and to put us in possession of some
little information respecting the interior.
The history and ultimate fate of our shipwrecked countrymen is
calculated to awaken the most painful interest. On board the Nerbudda
there were altogether two hundred and seventy-four people; of whom,
twenty-nine were Europeans, two natives of Manilla, and two hundred
and forty-three natives of India. The captain and the rest of the
Europeans, with the two Manilla men, and only three Indians, got
away in the ship's boats immediately after she struck, and were
providentially picked up some days afterwards by a trading schooner,
called the Black Swan, on her way down to Hong-Kong. The unfortunate
Indians, to the number of two hundred and forty, who were left upon
the wreck, after remaining by her for five days, managed to construct
rafts, upon which they attempted to reach the shore. Many of them,
however, perished in the surf, and others are supposed to have been
murdered by the Chinese plunderers. The exact number, therefore, who
fell into the hands of the Chinese authorities, and were imprisoned
and subjected to the greatest privations, cannot be ascertained; but
they were thought to amount, according to the best information which
could be obtained, to more than a hundred and fifty.
On board the brig Ann there were in all fifty-seven souls; of whom,
fourteen were natives of Europe or America, four Portuguese, five
Chinamen, and thirty-four natives of India. Out of all those who were
taken prisoners, belonging to both vessels, only nine ultimately
escaped an untimely fate, and were restored at the end of the war,
according to the terms of the treaty.
The following account of what befel the unfortunate sufferers on board
the Ann will apply, with little variation, to those who were wrecked
before them, in the Nerbudda. It is extracted and condensed from a
curious journal, kept by one of the sufferers, a fine young man, who
was a passenger on board. It was found concealed in his cell, after his
unfortunate fate, and cannot but awaken feelings of deep commiseration
for all his companions in distress.[57] It was written upon common
Chinese paper, with a piece of bamboo, and the account was continued to
within five or six days of the time when the final tragedy is supposed
to have taken place. It was written day by day, as the various little
occurrences took place, and some of the observations casually made upon
the appearance of the island will be read with great interest; but I
have thought proper to omit the minutiæ and repetition of abrupt and
hasty notes, which would have been tedious and of little benefit.
It will here be proper to mention, that prompt redress and "_condign_"
punishment upon the heads of those high officers, whose false and
pitiless misrepresentations occasioned the final catastrophe, has
since been demanded, in firm and dignified terms, by her Majesty's
plenipotentiary; and one of the conditions insisted on was, "that the
property of the high authorities of the island, who were perfidiously
concerned in the affair, should be confiscated, and the amount paid
over to the officers of the British government, to be applied to the
relief and support of the families of the innocent men who suffered."
By the orders of the Emperor, a strict investigation has been made into
all the circumstances connected with the dreadful event; and a report
has been sent up to Pekin, by the Viceroy of Fokien, condemnatory of
the misrepresentation and duplicity of the authorities of Formosa.
The whole of the fifty-seven individuals who were on board the Ann
quitted the wreck at daylight; and, having marched along the shore
about two miles, they fell in with two junks, lying wind-bound in a
small river or creek. They hoped to be able to put to sea, and stretch
across to Amoy; but the gale continued so violent that it prevented
them from getting out of the creek. They were not ill-treated by
the Chinese junkmen, but, as they were without food of any kind,
and exposed to a cold, cutting wind, it was soon evident that they
must surrender themselves to the Chinese authorities. Soldiers soon
gathered round them in crowds; and, as they had very little ammunition,
any attempt to defend themselves, which might have caused the death
of some of the soldiers, or of the mob, would certainly have been
followed by the massacre of the whole party. In the afternoon, they all
gave themselves up, without having fired a single shot, and without
attempting to make any kind of resistance. They were immediately
stripped and marched away, exposed to the most cutting wind and sleet,
without any covering, their feet cut by the sharp shells with which
the beach was covered, and with very little allowance of food. It
is not surprising, therefore, that two men soon died from fatigue
and exposure, and several others fell from sheer exhaustion, and
were obliged to be carried along in baskets; others were afterwards
carried in sedans, more for sake of security than from any feeling of
compassion for them. It was remarked, that during the whole journey of
thirteen or fourteen days, to the capital of the island, the lascars or
Indian sailors shewed a great deal of bad and selfish behaviour towards
each other. Each man of the party had a ticket fastened round his neck,
stating what he was, and whence he was brought; being treated in this
respect like public criminals. For a great length of time their food
was only salt fish and greens, with sometimes rice. They suffered all
sorts of abuse and indignities in every town and village through which
they passed; but it is remarked, "that the women (who did not appear to
be at all secluded) did not join in this, although they exhibited the
usual curiosity of the sex." They were observed throughout the whole
journey to be very plain, but they had a pretty fashion of dressing
their hair, by weaving natural flowers amongst it.[58]
After the first two or three days, they came to a considerable walled
town, where they were placed for the night in two cells, _about eight
feet by seven feet_, in which twenty-five unfortunate beings were
stowed, with nothing to lie upon, the weather being intensely cold.
Three guards were placed over them. The rest of the party were taken
by a different route, but they all ultimately reached the capital. One
large town they came to was enclosed, as were some others, by a high,
red brick wall. It was situated in a large paddy swamp or valley,
interspersed here and there with small hamlets, around which the
bamboo plantations were growing in great beauty and luxuriance, and of
extraordinary height, many of them measuring upwards of sixty feet.
In some of the smaller towns and villages, the so-called gates (for
they all had them) were constructed of bamboo. The country appeared
well cultivated in many parts, and _wheat_ and sugar-cane were met
with; but other parts of the country were very barren, and covered
with large stones, such as are called "boulders," in some parts of
England. Generally, the men were made to wear handcuffs, but they were
not of great strength, for some of the party managed to break them off;
and they were then carried along in chairs, under a strong guard of
soldiers, but were occasionally allowed to walk. Wherever they went,
the crowd and annoyance of the hosts of curious gazers, who frequently
insulted them, was so great that it was a relief to get lodged in the
common gaol, which was divided into several cells, each cell having
cages in it, made of wooden bars, just like the dens of wild beasts.
The cells were also provided with a regular pair of stocks, in order to
afford greater security, if required. One of the cells was filled with
Chinese prisoners.
The great object of the mandarins now appeared to be, to get some of
the party to admit that the Ann was a man-of-war, sent to look after
the crew of the Nerbudda, who were known to be still upon the island.
With this view, two of the men were mercilessly beaten, but without the
desired effect. So common and so public a practice did opium-smoking
appear to be, that even the soldiers who acted as an escort carried
their opium-pipes in their girdles. For the first twelve days, the
prisoners were never allowed to wash even their faces, and at length
they could only do it in a dirty pool by the road side. For the last
four days before they reached the capital, called Ty-wan-foo, they
were compelled to wear leg-irons as well as handcuffs. Generally, they
were allowed to purchase their own food during the journey; for which
purpose a little money was given to them, at the rate of one mace, or
about fivepence, a day. But this was only after the first few days.
It was remarked that wheel-carts were in common use in the island,
and tracks of them were seen in all directions. On the mainland of
China these are unknown, except in the neighbourhood of Pekin; but,
in the island of Hainan, to the southward of Canton, they are very
common, and similar in construction to those in use upon Formosa.
They are, however, very clumsy and inconvenient; the wheels, which
are small, being composed of two semicircular pieces of solid wood,
joined together, with the axle _fixed_ into the wheel itself, so as to
revolve _with_ it, and not within it, but made to turn round under the
body of the cart. The roads or causeways are generally broader than
upon the mainland, and were in many places shaded with bamboos on each
side. Several rivers were crossed near the capital, and the country was
somewhat improved in appearance.
About twenty miles from Ty-wan-foo they passed a night in a large
town, with walls built of chunam; at the entrance of which were
placed several very long guns, not mounted on carriages, but fixed
upon the ground, rather to indicate their good intentions than their
ability to perform them. Here again they were lodged in the common
gaol; and, on the following morning, the Chinese servant who had been
taken prisoner with them had a chain put round his neck, in addition
to his leg-irons and handcuffs. The next night (the last before they
entered the capital) was spent at an inn by the road-side, which was
so crowded with travellers that scarcely any food could be procured.
The Chinese had regular fights and scrambles for the little which was
to be had, and their appetites appeared by no means delicate; but,
whether their hunger was appeased or not, they were all prepared in the
evening to enjoy in good earnest the luxury of the opium-pipe, soldiers
and travellers all alike; nor did the two mandarins who were present
interfere in any manner to point out its impropriety.
On the 24th March, (fourteenth day since the wreck,) they were destined
to make their wretched entrance into the capital. At the distance of
six or seven miles from it, they were met by an officer and a few
soldiers, by whom their names and their numbers were called over,
according to a list which the officer held in his hand, and they were
then separated into smaller parties, and led by different routes into
the city. As they approached the gate, they, for the first time, caught
a glimpse of the sea, with a few junks at anchor at a distance,
towards which they hopelessly strained their longing eyes. The walls
of the city appeared to be in a state of dilapidation, except near
the gateway, where they had been recently repaired and whitewashed.
The prisoners were now fairly within the capital of Formosa, and were
conducted to an open space, planted thickly with trees, but broken
up by rough watercourses, over which there were several bridges of
stone. Thence they were led through back lanes, avoiding the principal
streets, to the house of a high mandarin, in front of which they halted
for a short time; and such was the pressure of the crowd and the
curiosity of the people, that the chairs in which they had been brought
were nearly pulled to pieces before they were ordered to get out and
enter the outer gateway of the mandarin's house.
Here they were drawn up in line, to have the tickets round their
necks copied; but before the process could be half finished, the
pressure of the crowd became so great that the mandarins were obliged
to discontinue the task. A ludicrous scene followed, which, for the
moment, afforded amusement even to the prisoners themselves. The
enraged mandarins charged the mob in great fury, and whipped them with
their _long tails_, which, having silk woven on to the ends, gave some
tolerable cuts to the people's faces. For a few minutes our hapless
prisoners were put for refuge into a small temple which was close at
hand; but even here the mob pressed so hard upon them that the door
was nearly smashed in; and, as a last resource, they were marched off,
with heavy irons on their legs, which bruised them at every step, to
a prison in the courtyard of a superior mandarin's house, about one
hundred yards distant. Here their treatment was very bad; for several
successive days they were brought up before the mandarin to answer an
infinity of questions, many of them very puerile, about the names,
ages, and duties of every one on board the Ann; also about geography
and the possessions of Great Britain, and where the poppy was grown;
how money was raised, &c. &c. The Chinese carpenter of the vessel acted
as interpreter; and, on one occasion, both he and the other Chinaman
were severely flogged with bamboos.
After some time, those who could draw were allowed to sketch ships,
carriages, and other things, which exceedingly amused the Chinese, who
were glad to purchase them; so that by these means they were able to
procure food and tobacco, and thus to diminish in some degree their
chances of being carried off by starvation or sickness.
After the lapse of a week or two, fever broke out, and they were then
separated into smaller parties, and put into different cells or
prisons, some faring better, some worse, according to the temper or
caprice, or even roguery, of the particular jailer who chanced to have
charge of them. One of these wretches seems to have been a perfect
fiend of his class; he kept one party of _ten_ miserable human beings
in a den so small that not one of them could lie down at night. It
will scarcely be believed that they were made to exist for _two whole
months_ in this horrid black hole, only _eleven feet six inches long,
by seven feet six inches wide_; grudging each other every little inch
of room, and longing even for the little bit of space which the single
insensible bucket, which was the only piece of furniture, occupied in
their den. Here were ten human beings stowed away together, some sick,
some sore, and all in pain and misery. For some time they were not
permitted to come out of the den at all, but at last they were let out
once a day, and were allowed a very little water to wash themselves;
only two or three, however, could wash themselves on the same day, so
that the whole of them could only be able to wash themselves once in
three days. Of course, they were dreadfully infected with vermin of
every kind, and, as the author of the journal expresses it, "A few
weeks have sufficed to bring me down from a strong hale man, to a
wretched helpless being, disgusted with myself."
Many attempts were made to get a note sent across to Amoy, to give
information of their situation; and the promise of one hundred dollars
on its safe delivery, and one hundred more on bringing an answer back,
(to be paid at Amoy,) sufficed to induce a tolerable trusty Chinaman
to undertake the task. We shall see presently how far it succeeded.
It has before been stated that the several parties fared differently,
according to the humanity or rapacity of the particular jailer.
Something also depended upon the particular mandarin under whose
supervision they were placed, but it is noticed that the highest, or
red-button mandarin, was the best of all, and frequently ordered some
of the hardships they complained of to be remedied, particularly as
regarded the quality of the food.
On the other hand, it is stated, that one of the jailers, who was
humane enough to allow his party of prisoners _to be shaved_, was taken
before a mandarin and punished with fifty strokes of the bamboo; after
which, no visitors were allowed to see them at all, and the jailer
became very sulky, except when he was drunk, which he generally was,
by the use of opium, every evening. Sometimes they were taken out
of prison in order to draw for the mandarins, at others, to undergo
repeated examinations for their amusement. In the first instance,
however, the object invariably was, to betray them into an admission,
however remote, that the vessel was really a man-of-war. But it was
quite evident that they knew perfectly well that she was not so, and at
length the red-button mandarin put an end to this part of the business.
From this time, their questions were more of a general nature, but many
of them were exceedingly absurd. The mention of Sir Henry Pottinger's
name (for they appeared already to have heard of him) invariably made
them angry, and on one occasion they inquired whether he was a _white_
or a _black_ man. They also inquired a good deal about the Queen, her
court, and ministers, mode of life, &c., and how many husbands she was
allowed to have; expressing great astonishment when they learned that
in Europe kings and queens, as well as private individuals, had only
one wife or husband; and then they proceeded to enumerate the virtues
of their own emperor, and to plume themselves upon their own cleverness.
On one occasion, they asked whether America had not, some time or
other, been situated _in_ England? whether a man could _now_ walk
from London to America in a week? how large London was, and how many
outside (foreign) nations are subject or tributary to England? Endless
were their curious questions, and on one occasion they exhibited an
officer's jacket, and a corporal's coat with the 55th button on it,
and particularly inquired the use of an epaulette, which they held up,
fancying it was intended to be worn on the head.
During the first half of the month of May, it rained incessantly, and
they were very imperfectly protected from its effects. In fact, the
rain always beat through their roof, and when it was heavy, or long
continued, it flooded their den: the least bit of dry plank, or a
partially sheltered corner, was matter of envy and contention; and, as
may be supposed, they not only suffered from bad food, confinement,
vermin, and ill-health, but were incessantly tormented with the
most venomous mosquitoes, producing inflammation and sores. In this
condition they were kept in the most harassing state of suspense; one
day being assured that they would be sent away in a month; another,
that they had no chance of liberty for six months; and the very next,
perhaps, that their heads would soon be taken off.
Fortunately, the talent for drawing possessed by Mr. Gully and Captain
Denham, served to gain for them friends and pacify enemies.
In this way, month after month continued to drag its slow length
along. At the end of about three months' close confinement, a slight
change for the better took place; they were moved into rather better
quarters, where they were only three together, so that they had more
room to breathe; they were also allowed water to wash themselves, and
a little money was given to them. It was thought that this arose in
consequence of information received by the authorities that there was
some chance of an attack being made upon this island, by our forces at
Amoy, with a view to liberate the prisoners. It was now ascertained,
also, that the fisherman who had promised to carry over the letter
to Amoy, two months before, had succeeded in his attempt, and an
answer had been brought back by him, which held out the prospect of
speedy release. Another letter was also sent off to Amoy; so that now
at length their hopes again revived. But sickness had already begun
its work, and their minds were so depressed that even the boldest,
who tried to bear up bravely to the last, recorded his feelings that
"One miserable day passed after another, with nothing to help them to
break in upon the wretchedness of their existence; no exercise being
permitted, and nothing, in fact, to relieve the dreadful monotony of
such prison life." And what _was_ the little improvement in their lot,
which resulted from their removal into other cells? "We now, (three
of us,") said he, "have five planks with a mat upon them to sleep on,
and glad we are to get into this new place, which is the Executioners
Den, and which, until we had ourselves cleaned it, could never have
been cleaned since it was built." On other occasions it is noted, "we
_scalded_ our clothes this morning, to kill the vermin."
It was thought that the day they were removed into this new berth must
have been the Emperor's birthday, or some day of rejoicing, for they
had at the same time a dinner of roast pork, with sweet cakes, and each
man received one mace, or fivepence in money. But this was too good
to last--a mere freak of fortune! Generally speaking, their food was
so bad, that a great part of it was thrown away, and it was only by
quarrelling with the jailers, and threatening to complain to the high
mandarin, that they could succeed in procuring any eatable food at all.
In the month of June, several shocks of an earthquake were felt,
followed by terrific storms of thunder and lightning. It is due to the
better class of mandarins to remark, that when complaints were made to
them, they procured some temporary improvement for the prisoners.
On the 4th of July, it was made known that honours and rewards had been
largely conferred upon the mandarins, for having contrived to make
so many prisoners. This was in answer to their false accounts of the
business to the Emperor, in which they said that they had attacked and
destroyed two English men-of-war which came prying into the coast, and
had taken all the people prisoners, enumerating the number of black,
and _red_, and white barbarians, and the quantity of barbarian guns.
On the 10th of July, Mr. Gully, who had necessarily been ailing for
some time, became seriously ill with dysentery, brought on in a great
measure by eating large quantities of mangoes. The Chinese recommended
him two cures for it; one was, to eat the skins of the mangoes _alone_;
the other, to eat opium. The former he found to have a good effect,
at least so far that his complaint improved under the treatment; the
latter he was able to purchase at a moderate price from the visitors,
who brought it on purpose for him; it was different from the extract
which is used for smoking, and apparently much less powerful.
The same mandarin who had given them a treat upon the Emperor's
birthday all along shewed more interest in their condition than any
of the others; and one day, in the hope of inducing him to give them
some kind of indulgence, they told him that it was the birthday of
the Queen of England's eldest child, and that they all entertained so
strong a feeling of "filial obedience" and affection towards their
queen, that they wished to celebrate the event. To their great surprise
and delight, the mandarin's heart was moved by this appeal, and he
gave each of them money; to some five mace, to others three, (equal
to about two shillings,) and then sent them a good dinner, and made
himself quite agreeable; and, of course, all the inferior officers,
including the jailers, took their tone for the day from their superior.
On another occasion, the lascars were all brought up before the chief
mandarin, having had new clothes first given to them, and he himself
then presented each of them with a fan!
All these circumstances naturally tended to revive their hopes, and
little did they dream of the horrible catastrophe which was soon to
take place. Towards the end of July they were informed, that in the
course of half a moon more an answer would be received from Pekin,
containing the Emperor's commands as to what was to be done with the
prisoners; and they were warned that, if his majesty ordered that they
should be decapitated, it would immediately be carried into effect.
From this it would seem that the authorities fully anticipated that
the representations which they had made would induce the Emperor to
issue such a cruel command; but the prisoners themselves still retained
sufficient hope to induce them to disbelieve the probability of such a
tragedy. With the exception of Captain Denham (whose life was saved)
and the Chinese carpenter, it does not appear that any of them were
tortured; but the dreadful cries of some of the Chinese prisoners could
be distinctly heard; and two poor fellows were seen passing by with
their hands _blackened_, having been condemned to have them chopped off.
One remark is worth recording--namely, that the mandarins, from the
highest to the lowest, as well as all their servants and attendants,
were in the constant habit of smoking opium. Tobacco was also in
general use, as elsewhere in China, and was extensively cultivated on
the island. There was also noticed (what should have been mentioned
before) a curious vine-like plant, grown upon trellis-work, and
frequently observed to be carefully covered up with mats; what it was
no one knew, but more care and attention seemed to be bestowed upon it
than upon anything else which was seen upon the island.
The final tragedy is believed to have taken place upon the 12th or 13th
of August, and is too horrible to dwell upon. They were beheaded with
the sword.
It is difficult to account for their having reserved nine individuals
from the general massacre. Of these, six were Europeans or Americans,
and three natives of India. It is supposed that they were retained in
order to be sent to Pekin, to be there cut in pieces. Fortunately, the
treaty of peace saved their lives, and they were at length conveyed to
Amoy, and there met with all the attention they so much needed from
their own countrymen.
FOOTNOTES:
[57] The information in the text was extracted from the manuscript,
more than a year ago, in China. But the journals of Mr. Gully and
Captain Denham have been recently published in full, in this country.
[58] Probably the women at Formosa are much less numerous, compared
with the men, than in most other places. The men come over from the
mainland, but do not bring their women. It is believed that infanticide
of _female_ children is very prevalent at Amoy. The men are driven
by poverty to emigrate, and have no means of providing for female
children, who are therefore frequently smothered or drowned.