At the end of July, the H.C. steamer Phlegethon, Lieut. M'Cleverty,
nearly the exact counterpart of the Nemesis, arrived at Hong-Kong,
bringing the intelligence that Captain Elliot's treaty of Chuenpee
had been disapproved of by the home government, and that Sir Henry
Pottinger had been appointed to succeed him, as sole plenipotentiary.
Shortly before this, also, her Majesty's 55th regiment had arrived from
Calcutta, and everything indicated that a movement upon Amoy would take
place as soon as possible, after the expected arrival of Sir Henry
Pottinger as plenipotentiary, and Sir William Parker as admiral. The
season for active operations was already advanced, and even for the
sake of the health of the troops, it was the anxious wish of all the
officers that a change of some sort or other might speedily take place.
In the afternoon of the 10th of August, the arrival of the H.C. steamer
Sesostris, from Bombay, in the Macao roads, was announced, and great
was the joy of every one when it was made known that both Sir Henry
Pottinger and Sir William Parker were on board. They had come from
London in the wonderfully short period of sixty-seven days, ten of
which had been spent in Bombay.
At daylight next morning, the Nemesis went out to convey these high
functionaries from the Sesostris, in the roads, to the town of Macao,
where they were received with every demonstration of respect, under
a salute from the Portuguese forts. A conference was held in the
course of the morning, between Captain Elliot and Sir Henry Pottinger,
together with the Admiral and Sir Hugh Gough. Energetic measures
appeared to be at once resolved on. Sir William Parker went over to
visit the fleet at Hong-Kong, and as soon as visits of ceremony had
been exchanged between the new plenipotentiary and the Portuguese
authorities, Sir Henry Pottinger lost no time in publishing the
notification of his appointment, as minister extraordinary and sole
plenipotentiary, and also as chief superintendent of trade in China.
In order to communicate officially to the Chinese authorities the fact
of his arrival, and the nature of his powers, Sir Henry now despatched
his secretary, Major Malcolm, to Canton, as the bearer of letters
to the provincial government. The Nemesis was, as usual, employed
to carry the officers up the river. No little sensation was created
among the Chinese officials by the announcement which was now made to
them. They therefore resolved to welcome the plenipotentiary with all
ceremony; and probably, also, in the hope of being able to form some
estimate of his character, they despatched the prefect of the city,
or kwang-chow-foo, on the 18th, to Macao, with a numerous retinue. He
landed at Macao, upon the Praya Grande, near the governor's palace,
attended by a great number of followers, and proceeded in state to
the residence of the plenipotentiary, thinking, no doubt, that he
was conferring a great honour upon his Excellency, and that he would
accordingly be received with every mark of distinction. Alas, how are
the mighty fallen! The ceremonious prefect was not even _received_.
He, who had hitherto been courted as an officer of distinction, and
had been the medium of communication, and in some sort the ambassador,
between the high Chinese authorities and Captain Elliot, was now
absolutely _rejected_. Sir Henry Pottinger, acting with an intimate
knowledge of the Oriental character, and fully impressed with the high
duties he was called upon to perform, and the high station he had to
maintain as her Majesty's representative, declined to receive or hold
any direct intercourse with an officer inferior to himself in rank
and responsibility, and still less with one of comparatively inferior
grade, such as the Prefect of Canton.
Major Malcolm, the secretary of legation, was, however, deputed to
receive the prefect; and, after a short interview, the would-be great
man withdrew, and returned in some dismay to Canton, to report the
circumstances to his superiors. The sensation created by this little
characteristic incident was very remarkable. It became the subject
of conversation in every quarter, and tended to awaken much greater
respect for the dignity of the new plenipotentiary. The same cautious
and dignified bearing was maintained with the greatest advantage
throughout the whole of our subsequent proceedings.
At Hong-Kong, the most active preparations were now being made for
the immediate departure of the expedition. Excellent arrangements
were introduced by Sir William Parker for the proper guidance of the
fleet, and especially for the distribution and management of the
numerous transports and store-ships. The advantage of this systematic
regularity soon became evident; and it is deserving of notice that,
from this period to the close of the war, the transport service was
conducted with the utmost regularity and efficiency, in spite of the
endless difficulties arising out of our imperfect knowledge of the
coast of China, and the inaccuracy of most of the charts. Add to this,
that owing to sickness and other causes, the transports were often
under-manned, and had frequently the most arduous duties to perform.
By a general order of the 19th of August, issued only nine days after
the arrival of the admiral, the fleet was directed to be ready to put
to sea at daylight on the 21st. It was to be formed in three divisions:
the centre commanded by Captain Herbert, in the Blenheim, assisted
by Commander Clarke, of the Columbine; the starboard division, under
Captain Bourchier, in the Blonde, assisted by Commander Gifford, in the
Cruiser; while the second, or port division, was placed under Captain
Smith, of the Druid, assisted by Commander Anson, of the Pylades.
The whole fleet consisted of thirty-six sail, including
transports--namely, two line-of-battle ships, the Wellesley and the
Blenheim; seven other ships of war--namely, the Modeste, Druid,
Columbine, Blonde, Pylades, Cruiser, and Algerine; the Rattlesnake
troop-ship, and the Bentinck surveying vessel; four steamers belonging
to the East India Company--namely, the Queen, Phlegethon, Nemesis, and
Sesostris; and twenty-one hired transports and store-ships, most of
them of large size, several of not less than a thousand tons burden.
The force stationed in the neighbourhood of the Canton river comprised
five or six vessels of war, including the Herald and Alligator, and was
under the command of Captain Nias, senior officer.
Early on the morning of the 21st, the fleet got under weigh. Sir Henry
Pottinger came over from Macao, in The Queen, on that day, just as the
fleet had sailed; and, as he stopped some time at Hong-Hong to inspect
the place, and examine the various arrangements which had already
been made, he did not join the admiral until the following day. The
general rendezvous, in case of separation, was to be Chapel Island, not
far from Amoy. The weather was extremely favourable during the whole
passage up, and, on the 25th, the whole squadron reached the outer
harbour of Amoy, having preserved the order of sailing remarkably well
throughout.
The late plenipotentiaries, Captain Elliot and Sir Gordon Bremer,
sailed from Hong-Kong, and finally took leave of China, three days
after the departure of the expedition, on board the Atalanta steamer,
which had become completely knocked up by her work in the Canton river.
Their intention was to proceed as quickly as possible to England, by
way of Bombay.
The distance of Amoy from Hong-Kong is scarcely three hundred miles,
and there were many good grounds for making it the first point of
attack, as the expedition proceeded northward. It could not be doubted
that the capture of this flourishing commercial city would be seriously
felt by the Chinese government. The authorities had, within the last
twelve months, spent enormous sums of money and incredible labour in
the construction of batteries, which they deemed impregnable, and which
were certainly capable of being stoutly defended.
The harbour of Amoy is situated in the south-western corner of
an island of the same name, which, together with another called
Quemoy, occupies a considerable portion of a large bay, in which,
however, there are also numerous smaller islands. Of these, the
most interesting, in connexion with our present subject, is that of
Kolingsoo, which is separated from Amoy by a narrow passage, leading
directly up to the harbour. In fact, the possession of this island,
which we still retain, gives us the complete command of Amoy itself, or
rather of its town and suburbs.
The scenery within the bay and about the town of Amoy is exceedingly
picturesque, the appearance of the country being very mountainous and
striking. Several considerable rivers pour their waters into the bay,
and facilitate the communications with the interior of the country.
The superiority of the harbour much exceeded the expectations of the
officers.
The town of Amoy, although possessed of great commercial importance,
and very wealthy, is by no means a first-class city--it ranks,
indeed, only as a principal third-class town--but its inhabitants are
exceedingly enterprising and intelligent, and are remarkable for a
certain disposition for emigration and colonization, as well as for
their love of commerce. They were the principal colonizers of the
flourishing island of Formosa, which lies opposite Amoy, extending
itself along the coast for a distance of little less than two hundred
miles; and they are to be found in great numbers in more remote
islands, subject even to foreign dominion, such as Java, Singapore,
Manilla, &c.
The city and suburbs of Amoy can hardly be less than eight or ten
miles in circumference, and they are in a great degree commanded by
a fortified hill or citadel in the rear, which, however, is again
commanded (as is very commonly the case in China) by unfortified
heights beyond it to the eastward. The suburbs, or outer town, are
separated from the principal or inner town by a line of steep, rocky
hills, which run transversely down to the beach; but a paved road or
narrow causeway leads into the city, through a pass which is protected
by a covered gateway at its summit. As there is, therefore, what may
be called a double town, so is there also a sort of double harbour--the
outer one running along the face of the outer town, and the inner one
extending along the front of the principal town, and joining a large
estuary, which runs deep into the island across its centre, and skirts
the northern side of the city. In this manner, nearly two-thirds of the
city of Amoy are washed by the sea. In fact, it stands upon a corner or
tongue of land, having a line of bold mountains in its rear and on its
flank. The walls are castellated at top, and vary in height, according
to the nature of the ground, from twenty to thirty feet. There are
also, as in other places, four principal gates, having each an outwork
or outer wall, with a court or open space between them, and a second
gate leading from this, and placed at right angles to the inner one, so
that the approach to it from the outside is commanded by the principal
wall of the town.
The citadel of Amoy was afterwards found to contain a large supply
of military accoutrements--ginjals, matchlocks, swords, shields, and
spears of all kinds; there was also an immense quantity of gunpowder,
and materials for making it; in short, there was every reason to
believe that Amoy had been made use of as the great military depôt of
the province.
It is impossible to form even a tolerable estimate of the number of
troops collected for the defence of the place, but the different
accounts which were received varied from six thousand to eight or ten
thousand men. It was also known that the high officers of the province
had come down to Amoy purposely to encourage the defence, and to
witness, as they hoped, the utter discomfiture of the barbarians. It
was, however, upon their newly-constructed works that they placed their
great reliance.
Numerous forts and field-works had been erected upon nearly all the
smaller islands which stretch across the mouth of the great bay;
and upon the island of Amoy itself a succession of batteries and
field-works had been built to command the approach to the town. The
principal of these was a long stone battery, well built of granite,
_faced with earth_, extending along the shore nearly up to the suburbs
of the city, and designed to command the passage to the harbour. It
presented a line of guns a full mile in length, the embrasures being
covered with large slabs of stone protected by earth heaped upon them,
and mounting no less than ninety-six guns. In the rear of this battery
there was a range of steep, rocky heights, up the side of which the
Chinese had carried a strong castellated wall to serve as a flanking
defence to the battery.
Still further to defend the approaches to the city, they had also
strongly fortified the little island of Kolingsoo, between which and
Amoy the passage is not more than six hundred yards across; this island
is, in fact, the key of Amoy, and was retained in our possession when
the city and the island of Amoy were restored to the Chinese. At that
time the Chinese had already mounted upon the works, either completed
or in progress, no less than seventy-six guns. Indeed they had spared
no labour to endeavour to render Amoy capable of easy defence;
although, from want of skill and discipline, the resistance which they
offered was comparatively trifling. If the number of guns alone could
indicate the strength of a place, the Chinese might have had some
grounds for confidence; for, as Sir Hugh Gough remarked, "every island,
every projecting headland whence guns could be made to bear, was
occupied and strongly armed." In fact, there were altogether not less
than five hundred guns captured at Amoy and the adjacent islands.
Early on the morning of the 26th of August, everything was in readiness
for the projected attack. The captains and commanders repaired on board
the flag-ship for orders; the steamers were all smoking and blowing
off their spare steam, and the officers were all anxiously looking
for the expected signal to stand in and engage the batteries. Before
active operations commenced, however, it was thought right to make a
reconnoissance of the defences which were to be attacked. With this
view Sir Hugh Gough, Sir William Parker, and the plenipotentiary, stood
in on board the Phlegethon, and were able to approach sufficiently
close to the works to observe all that was necessary, without having a
single shot fired at them.
In the meantime a messenger, supposed to be a Chinese merchant, came
off from the town, under a flag of truce, requesting to know the
object of the visit of so large and formidable a squadron. The answer
to this question was simple enough, and was sent in the name of the
plenipotentiary, the general, and the admiral, to the effect that
"they required that the demands made last year at Tientsin, (near
Pekin,) by Captain Elliot, should be complied with; and that hostile
measures would, if necessary, be adopted to enforce them. Nevertheless,
that as the plenipotentiary and the commanders-in-chief were moved
by compassionate feelings, and were unwilling to cause the death of
so many officers and soldiers as must perish, they were willing to
allow all the officers and troops in the town to retire with their
personal arms and baggage, in order to save the people from being
hurt, upon condition that the town and fortifications of Amoy should
be at once delivered into the hands of the British forces, to be held
for the present by them." A white flag was to be exhibited from the
fortifications, if these terms were acceded to; otherwise, hostilities
would commence. As might be expected, the white flag was not displayed.
The morning was very hot and sultry; but about one o'clock a steady,
favourable breeze set in, and the squadron got under weigh. The plan
was, to make a simultaneous attack upon all the batteries at once, both
against those upon Amoy and those upon Kolingsoo. The troops were also
to be landed, with the object of taking the batteries in the rear; and
the Nemesis and Phlegethon steamers were to be employed to convey them
to the appointed place of debarkation.
The ships were likely to bear the chief brunt of the engagement;
but Sir Hugh Gough made every disposition for the employment of the
land forces, and his general order, issued just before the attack
was to take place, deserves especial notice. He directed his remarks
very strongly to the question of plundering; and observed, that "as
Amoy was a large commercial port, and there had once been an English
factory there, it was highly important that no act should be committed
which could tend to embarrass our future friendly intercourse. The
government and the military were to be overcome, and public property
taken possession of, under certain instructions, but _private property_
was to be held inviolable; and that which in England," observed the
general, "obtains the name of robbery, deserves no better name in
China." The camp followers were made liable to be _put to death_ for
plundering; and orders were issued to punish on the spot any man
straggling from his corps.
This alone will suffice to point out that the expedition was very
far from possessing that buccaneering character which some persons,
particularly foreigners, attempted to cast upon it. Indeed, it may
safely be asserted, that war was never carried on with so little
infliction of suffering upon the people generally as in China.
Generally speaking, the people soon learned to appreciate our motives;
and unless prevented by their _own officers_, they commonly shewed a
friendly, or at all events a neutral feeling towards us. Besides the
English, the privilege of trading at Amoy was formerly held by the
Spanish also; and, at no very remote period, a regular intercourse was
kept up between Amoy and the Spanish colony of Manilla.
It was probable that the nature of the country round Amoy would render
brigade movements inadmissible; but the troops were to be prepared to
form in three brigades, if necessary. The men were to land in jackets,
caps, and coats folded; and were to carry, each man, one day's cooked
provisions. The artillery were to be in readiness to land their light,
mountain guns.
About half-past one, the attack commenced on our side; but the Chinese
had already begun the engagement, by firing occasional shots at our
ships, as they proceeded with a steady and favourable breeze to their
respective stations. The Sesostris and Queen steamers led in; the
former commencing the action, but receiving a heavy fire before she
returned it. The line-of-battle ships, Wellesley and Blenheim, under
Captains Maitland and Herbert, proceeded to the extremity of the long
stone battery, nearest the suburbs, where they anchored by the stern,
about half-past two P.M., within four hundred yards of the works, and
at once opened a heavy fire upon the principal battery.
The next in order along the front of these works, from the suburbs
towards the outer extremity, were the Pylades, Columbine, Cruiser, and
Algerine. Simultaneously with this attack upon Amoy, the Blonde, Druid,
and Modeste, reached their allotted stations, against the works of
Kolingsoo; but, owing to the shallowness of the water, they were boldly
carried on, in little more than their own draught.
The roar of the artillery on every side, echoed by the mountains
around, was now terrific; and in one hour and twenty minutes the three
principal batteries on Kolingsoo were silenced, and the marines under
Captain Ellis, about one hundred and seventy in number, were landed on
that island, and took possession of the heights in the rear, without
any loss. Three companies of the 26th regiment had also been appointed
to this service, but the distance of the transports only permitted a
small detachment of them, under Major Johnstone, to land in time to
assist in clearing the batteries. The small detachment of the Royal
Artillery, under Lieut. the Hon. R. E. Spencer, were actively employed
on board the Blonde, during the attack.
While these operations were being carried on against the batteries on
Kolingsoo, and against the long battery on Amoy, the Phlegethon and
Nemesis were speedily brought up with the troops ready to land. The
Nemesis had taken on board the general and his staff, together with the
18th Royal Irish, under Colonel Adams; and had also to tow up a number
of boats, with the sappers and miners, followers, &c. Considerable
delay was therefore occasioned by having to run up to the different
transports to embark detachments, and also to pick up the boats;
and it was not until half-past three that the Nemesis could get into
action. She then opened fire at the long battery with her heavy guns
and rockets, as she approached the lower angle of the fort for the
purpose of landing the troops.
It was just about this time, that as the Phlegethon was also running
up towards the battery, a boat was despatched by Lieut. M'Cleverty,
in which Lieut. Crawford volunteered his services to capture a small
outwork upon a hill, very near the beach; and it was here that the
British flag was first displayed upon the enemy's works, on that day,
with three cheers from the steamers.
About a quarter before four, the general landed upon the beach, near
the flank of the great battery, with the 18th and 49th regiments,
which were carried in by the Nemesis and Phlegethon steamers. The
disembarkation was conducted by Commander Giffard, of the Cruiser.
The 18th was directed to escalade the castellated wall which flanked
the battery; and, as already described, ran up the hill-side from the
beach, nearly at right angles to it. At the same time, the 49th were to
move along the beach towards the lower angle of the battery, and either
get over it at its sea-face, or force their way through the embrasures.
A smart fire was kept up from the Nemesis, to cover the landing and
advance of the troops; and Capt. Hall himself, anxious to take an
active part in every operation, pushed off from the steamer, in the
pinnace manned and armed, accompanied by the unfortunate Mr. Gully,
who, as an old and brave friend, volunteered to go with him. This was
the same gentleman who afterwards fell a victim to the rapacity and
cruelty of the Chinese authorities on the island of Formosa, upon
which he had the misfortune to be wrecked, and, after seven months'
imprisonment and cruel treatment, was at length executed, together with
nearly all his companions.
As soon as Capt. Hall and his friend had landed with the pinnace's
crew, they joined the advanced guard of the 18th, under Major Tomlinson
and Lieut. Murray, who were advancing towards the lower end of the
castellated wall. The Chinese opened a smart fire of ginjals and
matchlocks as they approached, which was returned by the advancing
party, who took advantage of the numerous little hillocks and tombs
which lay in their way, to shelter themselves while they reloaded.
The Chinese, finding their enemy pressing up towards the wall, and
being already bewildered by the admirable firing of the ships, now
began to slacken their fire. The 18th rushed for the lower end of the
wall, while the party from the Nemesis made a dash at its flank, some
way higher up, near a gateway, where the wall appeared less elevated
and more accessible. They had, however, brought no scaling-ladders,
and, in order to get over the wall, the men were obliged to be lifted
up on each other's backs. In this way Captain Hall managed to get first
upon the top of the wall, and instantly waved the British flag (which
on such occasions he always carried with him in his pocket) in token
of triumph. Others soon followed; and the Chinese, the moment they saw
their enemies upon the walls, fired two or three random shots, and
fled. At this time also the 18th got over the wall lower down, while
the 49th forced their way through the embrasures, just at the angle of
the sea-face of the great battery. The fire of the ships had not yet
ceased, when the party from the Nemesis got down into the body of the
fort, and several of our large shot fell close around them.
A very short distance in advance they now observed that two Chinese
officers of high rank, mounted on horseback, were endeavouring to make
their escape, surrounded by a numerous body-guard, or retinue. The
opportunity for trying to take an important prisoner was a tempting
one; and Captain Hall, little thinking how few of his own men were near
him, and carried away by the impulse of the moment, rushed headlong
upon the Chinese soldiers in front of him, firing off his pistols at
the two principal officers. Only two of his own men were near him at
the moment; so that one of the inferior Chinese officers, seeing the
disparity, rallied a few of his men, and suddenly faced about, with
a view to cut them off. A personal encounter now took place with the
Chinese officer, who was a remarkably fine young man, bearing the
white button. The long sword, however, soon had the advantage over
the Chinese short one, even putting aside personal prowess, and the
mandarin fell severely wounded in the arm. He was immediately disarmed,
and his cap and button, together with his sword, were taken from him as
trophies. Several other soldiers now came up, to endeavour to rescue
their officer, who got up and tried to escape, but another wound in the
leg soon brought him down again, and made the other Chinamen halt.
By this time, Captain Hall and his two men were nearly surrounded, and
were compelled to fight their way back again towards their comrades,
who were coming up to their aid. One of the two seamen received a
severe wound in the groin from the thrust of a spear, but the others
got off without any injury. The young wounded mandarin was at last
safely carried off by his comrades.
The Chinese were now in full flight in every direction, followed by
the 18th, 49th, and a party of small-arm men, who were landed from the
Wellesley and Blenheim, some way up the sea-face of the fort, under
Commander Fletcher and other officers of those ships. The fort was
soon completely in our possession. During all the operations of this
day, Sir Henry Pottinger and suite were with the admiral on board the
Wellesley.
On examining the sea-face of the battery, it was impossible not to
be struck with the amazing solidity of the wall. It was composed of
hewn granite, faced outside with earth, and of such strength, that the
heavy firing of two line-of-battle ships against it, at the distance
of only four hundred yards, had made very little impression; indeed,
it might be said to be shot-proof. The embrasures were something like
low port-holes, covered with stone and earth, and in the space between
them were sheds, or a sort of temporary watch-boxes, in which was found
a quantity of arms of every kind, clothes, half-cooked food, and also
_opium_, with the common pipes used for smoking it. A horse also was
found. The guns were many of them very ill-mounted, and in general the
carriages were badly contrived, and often defective. In some places you
saw bags of sand placed upon the top of the guns, to prevent them from
jumping out of the carriages altogether. The fort had evidently been
armed hastily.
Several high Chinese officers fell during this day; some probably
by their own hands. One of them very quietly rushed into the water
and drowned himself, although, in the report of the affair to the
emperor, it was afterwards stated that he "rushed on to drive back the
assailants as they landed, and _fell into the water_ and died." This
officer was the Chinese commodore, who commanded in the absence of the
_admiral_. This officer had left the port just before our arrival,
(boasting that he was going to _meet_ the barbarians,) and, having
sailed northward, could not get back again, owing to the contrary wind.
Before five o'clock, the whole of the outer defences of Amoy were in
our possession. The Blonde and Modeste, as soon as they had silenced
the batteries on Kolingsoo, with the assistance of the Druid, had
pushed on into the inner harbour, and captured twenty-six war-junks,
mounting not less than one hundred and twenty-eight guns; they were
nearly ready for sea, but were deserted by their crews. A large
building-yard was discovered, with an immense quantity of timber
collected in it; and there was a good-sized frigate-junk, of about
three hundred tons, in course of building, in a regular dry dock,
something after the European model; they had evidently made a great
step in advance in the art of ship-building; indeed, the longer the war
lasted, the more the Chinese found themselves led on, by the "impulse
of necessity," to attempt great changes, and, in many respects,
improvements, not only in their vessels, but in their warlike weapons,
and other matters relating to the art of defence.
The Nemesis, in running along the shore to avoid the swell which was
setting in, unexpectedly found herself within a circular patch of
coral rock, which was not visible above the surface. Several fruitless
attempts were made to extricate her from this curious position, but the
entrance by which she had got into it could not again be found; but her
draught of water being very small, it was thought likely she would be
able to force her way over the reef without suffering much damage to
her iron hull, and she dashed at it at half speed. The blow, however,
was more severe than was expected; the vessel bounded completely over
the reef; but the sharp coral rock cut completely through her bottom,
making a considerable leak in the engine-room. This was fortunately
stopped from the _inside_ without much difficulty, and no further
notice was taken of it until some time afterwards, when she arrived at
Chusan, where the damage was substantially repaired.
In the meantime, Sir Hugh Gough pushed on without delay, to occupy a
chain of steep, rocky hills, which, running transversely down to the
beach, lay between the great fort and the town, so as to intercept
the view of the latter. A strong body of the Chinese seemed disposed
to defend this position, which was naturally of great strength, and
completely commanded the approach to the city. Immediate advantage was
to be taken of the prevailing panic; and the 18th and 49th regiments
being directed to advance partly up a steep gorge, and partly by a more
circuitous road leading round the hills, soon made themselves masters
of the heights overlooking the city. The Chinese retreated before them
as soon as they had fired off their guns and matchlocks. Our troops
bivouacked for the night upon the positions they occupied; but they
might have been a good deal harassed by the Chinese, if the latter
had taken advantage of the rocky, broken character of the ground, to
dispute their further advance. The night was bitterly cold upon the
heights.
At daylight a reconnoissance was made, and it was soon discovered that
little resistance was to be expected. Great confusion and bustle were
apparent in all directions; hundreds of the inhabitants were hurrying
out of the northern gate, carrying with them their most valuable
property; in fact, there was evidently a general panic. Without loss
of time, therefore, the 18th, supported by the 49th, were ordered to
march down towards the city in the direction of the eastern gate, which
was the nearest, while Captain Cotton, the commanding engineer, was
directed to examine carefully the approaches to the gate itself.
The advanced party of the 18th, on arriving at the gate, found that
there was no preparation for resistance, and soon scaled the walls by
means of some ladders which were very opportunely found not far from
the gate. Heaps of rubbish, and sacks full of earth and sand, were
found piled up inside against the gate, so that some time was required
to get it open. It was now discovered that the authorities and all
the soldiers had abandoned the town, leaving everything in the utmost
disorder, so that the only protection which the more respectable and
peaceably-inclined inhabitants had to look for, from the violence and
plundering of _their own rabble_, was from the presence of our own
troops, and the military government of the city by the victorious
captors. Already the mob had begun to ransack some of the public
establishments before we found out where they were situated; and it
was afterwards discovered that a good deal of treasure must have been
carried away by the thieves and vagabonds of the town. A number of men
were found carrying out of the gates something having the appearance
of common logs of wood; and it was not suspected, until too late, that
these logs were hollowed out, and filled with Sycee silver, a very
ingenious contrivance to escape detection. A small quantity of treasure
was found in one of the large buildings, supposed to be the office of
the commandant, which was occupied by the sappers and miners.
Most of the public offices were large and roomy buildings, affording
good accommodation for a whole regiment of soldiers. The pile of
buildings belonging to the admiral's department was assigned to the
18th and the staff, being within the walled town; while the 49th were
quartered in the outer town, in a large building belonging to the
office of the Intendant of Circuit. The 55th occupied an extensive
range of buildings belonging to the Prefect of Amoy; the artillery
retaining possession of a commanding position overlooking both the city
and the outer town.
Late in the day, and also on the following morning, Sir Henry Pottinger
and Sir William Parker landed, to take a view of the town; but, after
visiting the principal buildings, they returned on board ship.
Numerous patrols were found necessary, by day and night, in order to
preserve quiet in the public streets, and to check the boldness and
rapacity of the swarms of Chinese thieves and rogues, who hovered about
like a raging pestilence in every part of the city, and crowded in
from the country the moment the respectable inhabitants left the town.
The inhabitants themselves were, in many instances, afraid even to
defend their own property, or to aid our troops in restoring order and
regularity; they dreaded the probable imputation of having traitorously
aided the foreigners, and the fear of extortion and punishment from
their own authorities, at some future period, served to disorganize
the whole community. In vain did Sir Hugh Gough appeal to the more
respectable merchants and householders to aid him in protecting
property; all that he could get from them was empty promises, of which
they were very liberal, but from which no good result followed. Even
within the citadel, or walled town, it was with the utmost difficulty
that the daring thieves and vagabonds could be kept in check; and
hardly could even a single Chinaman be induced to point out to the
guards at the gate the real _bonâ fide_ owners of houses or property,
in order that they might be allowed free egress and ingress.
The injury which the inhabitants of many Chinese towns suffered during
our operations must not be estimated by the actual damage (generally
trifling) done by our fire, or by the presence of our troops. In most
instances, even before hostilities commenced, the presence of the
_Chinese troops_, who were marched in probably from several distant
provinces, became almost a scourge to the inhabitants; and afterwards,
when a town was taken, and the local government disorganized, much
greater damage was done to the property of the people by the low mob of
plunderers, than would, under any circumstances, have been allowed by
our own victorious soldiers; indeed, some instances occurred in which
the former were shot by our guards, rather than desist from their evil
doings.
Our men often resisted temptations of no ordinary kind; houses were
found abandoned, property left unprotected, shops open, and goods
strewed about; and even the abominable spirit, samshu, (distilled
from rice,) was sometimes almost purposely placed in their way.
The instances of misconduct were few, even under these peculiar
circumstances.
Among other discoveries was one calculated to corroborate at first
sight the notion of the prevalence of infanticide among the Chinese. In
a large tank near a public building, by some supposed to have been an
hospital, were found the dead bodies of several young infants which
had been drowned, having been thrown in, sewn up in pieces of mat. But
there was nothing to determine whether the horrid deed was done out
of fear that violence might be offered to the women and children, or
whether it was really an instance of the practice of infanticide, which
has been said to prevail in China to a much greater extent than it
really does. The former explanation may possibly in this instance, as
in some later ones, be the true one.
The interior of the island of Amoy was not occupied, or even examined,
for it was feared by the general that the presence of our troops would
so much alarm the respectable and influential inhabitants, that the
whole place would be given up to the rapacity and lawlessness of the
innumerable miscreants who watched for every opportunity of letting
loose all their bad propensities; but the Nemesis, accompanied by the
Algerine, and having in tow the launch and pinnace of the Blonde, was
ordered to steam round the island, and search for war-junks. None,
however, were found.
The island of Kolingsoo appeared so completely to command the harbour
and approach to Amoy, that the occupation of that position only was
calculated to answer every good purpose, without the necessity for the
retention of Amoy.
It was the opinion of Sir Henry Pottinger, in which the general and the
admiral perfectly coincided, that no measures should be taken for the
permanent occupation of the city, and that a small garrison only should
be left at Kolingsoo, while the remainder of the expedition should move
further northward with the least possible delay. It was necessary,
however, to wait a day or two for favourable winds, and measures
were taken for the destruction of the numerous works which had been
constructed upon the outer islands.
The Nemesis was employed on this important service on the 30th and
31st. Having been joined by two launches and other boats, with a party
of seamen and marines from the Wellesley, Blenheim, and Druid, under
Commander Fletcher, she proceeded to destroy some forts and guns,
principally on the south-west side of the bay, all of which had been
abandoned by the Chinese. On this occasion, five forts or field-works
and forty-two guns were taken possession of and destroyed, and on
the following day several others of the same description were also
disabled. A body of Chinese soldiers, who shewed themselves near a
small fort on the island of Quemoy, at the eastern entrance of the bay,
were dispersed, and several guns, matchlocks, ginjals, &c., together
with a quantity of gunpowder, were destroyed. Altogether seventy-seven
guns and four forts were destroyed in this day's work, and the admiral
publicly spoke of the "very commendable zeal" which had been displayed.
At Amoy, for the first time, the so-called tiger soldiers shewed
themselves--that is, men dressed up in yellow-coloured clothes, with
black spots or stripes upon them, and a covering for the head, intended
to be a rude representation of a tiger's head, supposed to look very
fierce, and to strike terror into the minds of the enemy.
The island of Kolingsoo, which had been retained in our possession
ever since its capture, deserves a few remarks. It is about a mile and
a half in length, and about three quarters of a mile broad, but is
very irregular in its shape. It principally consists of rocky broken
ground, the greater part of which is barren, but interspersed with
unwholesome rice-grounds, which have contributed to render the place
extremely unhealthy; indeed at one period the mortality among the
troops stationed there was dreadful, scarcely even a single officer
having escaped sickness, which proved fatal to many. The Chinese,
however, seemed to have suffered little from it, for there were several
neat and even elegant country-houses upon the island, ornamented with
handsome carved wood-work, &c. It seemed to have been used as a place
of retirement for some of the wealthier citizens of Amoy, and our
retention of a place so conveniently situated for giving us the command
of the harbour and trade of the city was a source of great annoyance,
both to the authorities and to the inhabitants.
For a considerable time, very little communication was kept up with the
town, and it was scarcely safe to venture into it; but since the peace,
every disposition has been shewn to receive us in a friendly manner,
and the knowledge which many of the Chinese merchants have acquired
of our character and habits, by trading with Singapore, will tend
materially to facilitate our future commercial intercourse.
Several American missionaries have resided at Kolingsoo, and without
doubt will, at no distant period, succeed in winning the attention and
good-will of many of the inhabitants of Amoy. A boundless field has at
length been opened for missionary enterprise in the benighted empire
of China; for, although it cannot be said that the country has been
made completely accessible to the foreigner, still the hostility of the
government has been materially modified.
It rests with the Christian nations to profit _as Christians_, by the
opportunities which cannot fail to offer. Among a people so fond
of reading and _thinking_, and so given to study and inquiry as the
Chinese generally are, the best possible results are to be expected
from the judicious teaching of Christianity, and, above all, of
Christian _practices_. If China is really to be opened, it is to be
effected by missionary enterprise cautiously and judiciously, and,
above all, not too hastily applied.
The most valuable of all aids to these undertakings, is that of
medical knowledge, which may be considered as almost indispensable to
the proper character of a missionary in China. The relief of bodily
suffering (above all, in a country where the medical art is so low as
it is in China) softens the feelings of our nature, and paves the way
for kinder influences over the mind itself. It will open the family
mansion of the most secluded and prejudiced Chinese, when words or
doctrines _first_ propounded would meet an unwilling or perhaps a
hostile listener. Religious teaching and the practice of the healing
art, the comfort of the suffering mind, and the solace of the tortured
body, must go hand in hand in effecting the good work of "opening"
China.
Why is it that the Americans have taken precedence of the English in
this great and glorious work, since the commencement of the war in
particular? For many years, a talented medical missionary, Dr. Parker,
has dispensed his double blessing upon the Chinese at Canton, and can
testify the gratitude of the people, from the highest to the lowest,
and the readiness with which they have accepted his counsel and his
teaching in both capacities. At Macao, Hong-Kong, Kolingsoo, and
Chusan, the Americans have alike preceded us.
There is, however, one great and fatal error to be avoided; and that
is, the rivalry of religious sects among each other, and the attempt
to gain followers at the expense of each other's tenets. It was this
want of unanimity which in some measure produced the decline of the
influence of Roman-catholic missionaries in China.
The garrison which was left by Sir Hugh Gough upon the island of
Kolingsoo consisted of three companies of the 26th regiment, with a
wing of the 18th, and a small detachment of artillery, comprising
altogether about five hundred and fifty men; the whole under the
command of Major Johnstone, of the 26th; and the Druid, with the
Pylades and Algerine, were also to remain there, under the command
of Captain Smith, C.B., as a further support, to ensure the complete
command of the harbour of Amoy.
The number of troops employed during the operations against Amoy was as
follows:--
Officers. Men.
Artillery, European and Native, Captain Knowles 9 240
18th Regiment Royal Irish, Lieutenant Colonel Adams 30 648
26th Regiment (Cameronians), Major Johnstone 8 153
49th Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Morris 24 460
55th Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Craigie 26 731
Madras Sappers and Miners 6 184
---------
Total 103 2416
Four native officers, and serjeants and drummers, are included in the
second column.[56]
In the afternoon of the 4th of September, the weather having become
calm and fine, the preconcerted signal for the embarkation of the
troops from the town and island of Amoy was made on board the
flag-ship. Upon this sudden order, the troops were paraded in perfect
regularity, without a single instance of drunkenness or misconduct,
after eight days of harassing duty on shore, amid temptations of
every kind. Under the direction of Commander Giffard, of the Cruiser,
the whole force was embarked without any accident, by half-past six
o'clock, on board the Nemesis and other steamers, which conveyed
them out to their respective transports, in readiness to sail on the
following day. Not even a camp-follower was left behind (and they are
generally a very troublesome class); but, in order to make sure that
there was no straggler, the Nemesis was afterwards sent in again to
the town to bring off any one that might accidentally have been left.
But the only straggler which was found, happened to be a fine _fat
bullock_, which was soon put on board the Nemesis and carried off.
Every preparation was now completed for the departure of our forces on
the following morning, the 5th of September.
FOOTNOTE:
[56] List of H.M. ships and vessels, and of the Honourable Company's
steam-vessels, in action at Amoy, 26th of August, 1841.
Wellesley (flag) 72 Captain T. Maitland.
Blenheim 72 Captain T. Herbert.
Blonde 44 Captain T. Bourchier.
Druid 44 Captain H. Smith.
Modeste 18 Captain H. Eyres.
Cruiser 16 Commander Giffard.
Pylades 18 Commander Anson.
Columbine 16 Commander Clarke.
Bentinck 10 Lieutenant R. Collinson.
Algerine 10 Lieutenant T. Mason.
Sesostris steamer 4 Commander Ormsby, I.N.
Phlegethon steamer 4 Lieutenant M'Cleverty, R.N.
Nemesis steamer 4 Mr. W. H. Hall, R.N.
Queen steamer 4 Mr. W. Warden, R.N.