But just when this poetry seemed—or to us it seems—to have d

The

Oxford Book

Of Portuguese Verse

Oxford University Press

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Humphrey Milford Publisher to the UNIVERSITY

The

Oxford Book

Of Portuguese Verse

XIIth Century-XXth Century

Chosen by

Aubrey F. G. Bell

Oxford

At the Clarendon Press

1925

Printed in England

Á Illma. Exma. Sra.

D. CAROLINA MICHAËLIS DE VASCONCELLOS

A QUEM TANTO DEVEM

A LITERATURA E A LINGUA PORTUGUESA

INTRODUCTION

Portugal only began to exist at the end of the eleventh century (1095),

and the first century of its existence was tentative, since it was

occupied in disengaging itself from Galicia in the north and in extending

itself over the south, held by the Moors. The Cid had fought and died

and the _Poema de mio Cid_ had been written before Portugal became a

separate kingdom. Thus a nation did not properly exist to sing the epic

deeds of Afonso Henriquez (who was making a new nation) and other heroes,

and the legends of the battle of Ourique (1139) were handed down orally,

to be chronicled later in prose. Portuguese literature opens without

epics. The lyric poetry of the troubadours came to Portugal as it went

to Sicily and Spain, about a century after it had begun to flourish in

Provence. The founder of Portugal had been a French prince of the House

of Burgundy. Whole colonies of Frenchmen settled in the new country

and helped to drive the Moors southward, and the Benedictines of Cluny

played no small part in its affairs. Portugal, by its geographical

situation, its extensive seaboard, and the neighbourhood of Galicia

with the world-famous pilgrimages to Santiago, was peculiarly exposed

to foreign influences and also received many crusaders on their way

to the Holy Land, not a few of whom settled in the country. It is,

therefore, not surprising that Portugal had close relations with France

and was not ignorant of the poetry of the _trouvères_ of the north,

from which some of the Portuguese _pastorelas_ may have been directly

imitated. It was, however, the poetry of the troubadours of Provence that

predominated, and this came to Portugal through Spain and the courts of

Aragon, León, and Castille, with which that of Portugal became intimately

connected by dynastic marriages. Unhappily, this poetry lost heavily in

exportation to Portugal as to other lands, and although it was cultivated

by Court poets with uncommon zeal, it grew up white and insipid, like

a plant in a cellar. Despite astonishing technical excellence, the

Portuguese-Provençal _cantigas de amor_ lack variety and character. It

was only the satirical _cantigas de maldizer_ that were as coloured and

personal as any _sirventès_ of Provence. Perhaps it was the very monotony

of the _cantigas de amor_ that caused another kind of lyric to flourish

side by side with the imported Provençal. This indigenous poetry is

confined in Portugal to the region north of the Tagus, and King Dinis,

the last poet to patronize it keenly, was the first king to establish

his court so far south as Lisbon. The first specimen that we have is by

King Sancho I, an earlier Dinis, and dates from 1199, ten years after the

first recorded poem in Portuguese (Galician). During the period between

1220 and 1280 the indigenous poetry was cultivated abundantly, by noble

_trovador_ and humble _jogral_, by priest and soldier, in Portugal and

Galicia, and by foreigners who composed their lyrics in Galician, the

language of the new kingdom of Portugal. Other literatures offer no

parallel to these strange, exquisite _cossantes_, as it is convenient

to call them (always remembering that the Spanish _cossante_ was by no

means confined to the parallel-strophed lyrics); nor were it easy to

find poems of such freshness and grace elsewhere. Portuguese literature

is thus opened with a golden key. That we are privileged so to open

it is due to the researches of recent years, which constitute, in the

words of that great scholar Menéndez Pelayo, ‘one of the most splendid

achievements of modern learning’. These researches were mainly those of

foreigners. It has ever been a characteristic of the Portuguese, in their

love of new things, to neglect their past, as the _minhotos_ whitewash

their ancient shrines; although a brilliant group of modern scholars,

with Dr. Leite de Vasconcellos at its head, is now making up for past

remissness. Writers of the sixteenth century, if they knew of these

ancient lyrics, were half ashamed of their roughness and rusticity, and

it was left for the nineteenth century to re-discover them in the Vatican

Library at Rome. Even so, the full appreciation of the value and beauty

of these poems has been reserved for the twentieth century. Together with

the Portuguese-Provençal poetry they are preserved in the _Cancioneiro da

Vaticana_ (1875), _Cancioneiro Colocci-Brancuti_ (1880), and _Cancioneiro

da Ajuda_ (1904), fascinating song-books which are the most striking

commentary on the statement of the Marqués de Santillana that it had been

customary for poets throughout the Peninsula to compose their lyrics in

Galician; for we have here not only poems by Galicians and Portuguese,

King of Portugal or Canon of Santiago, but those of high-placed

_trovador_, poor _segrel_, and lowly _jogral_ from León and Castille and

other parts of Spain. Although the earliest _cossante_ we have belongs

to the end of the twelfth century, they were in all probability of

immensely older date in Galicia, and whatever influence may be assigned

to the Arabic poetry of the south of Portugal must have been derivative,

having been received originally from Galicia. Of Oriental origin in so

far as they were copied from the psalms and hymns of Church services, the

_cossantes_ are Celtic (a term perhaps more convenient than scientific

in this connexion) in spirit, and in tone and structure belong to the

people. They consist of two, four, or more distichs with a refrain, of

which the second and fourth, while often altering the sound from _i_

to _a_ (_pino_ to _ramo_, _amigo_ to _amado_), repeat the sense of the

first and third, the first line of the third taking up the last of the

first, and so on to the end, where the position of the song (always

accompanied by its music—_son_) is found to be very much the same as it

was after the first two verses, as far as the sense is concerned. They

were dance-songs (_bailadas_), danced by the peasants in the villages

_de terreiro_ or before pilgrimage shrines; _alvoradas_ (songs of

dawn); pilgrimage songs (_cantigas de romaria_); shepherds’ hill-songs

(_serranilhas_), boat-songs (_barcarolas_); songs of _ría_ and sea

(_marinas_). Those that we possess are not anonymous, although many of

their authors are obscure. As a rule these _cantigas de amigo_ are placed

on the lips of a love-lorn girl waiting or mourning for her lover, and

it is scarcely doubtful that in the twelfth century they were copied by

the _jograles_ from the songs composed and sung by the women in Galicia.

The happy result for us is that this neglected literature yields at the

outset something new and entirely charming, which lovers of poetry can as

ill afford to neglect and ignore as the poems of Chaucer or any other

priceless heritage of song. That they were danced by the peasants or sung

as a glee by shepherds on the hills does not belie the religious origin

of the _cossantes_, since dancing itself was primarily religious and to

sing was the shepherd’s form of prayer. The fact merely indicates their

immeasurable antiquity. A song, perfectly grave and melancholy, such as

King Dinis’s _Ai flores, ai flores_ might be sung by a solitary maiden in

the gloom of the pinewoods or danced by pilgrims in the courtyard of a

shrine.

The world-wide cult of St. James of Galicia certainly had much to do with

the fact that Alfonso X, the Learned, who had nobly laid the foundations

of Castilian prose, wrote his hymns to the Virgin in Galician. He may

have learnt it as a boy, he certainly, himself, wrote the greater part

of the _Cantigas de Santa Maria_, which were first printed in 1889 and

will be far more widely read when they are published in a more accessible

edition. The king spread his net for miracles in many lands, and he

claimed no originality of theme, but he could clothe the more beautiful

legends in verse which preserves their beauty, and if his care for rhyme

sometimes led him astray, he always retained the popular atmosphere

of the miracles and often a word here and there belonging to the land

of their origin. Some of those which interested him less he may have

entrusted to the _jograles_ at his Court, a few may have come to him

already versified; but the majority are his own, and place him very

high among early singers—not as a great original poet or a master of

technique, but as a conscientious and delightfully eager craftsman who

realized the poetry inherent in these simple stories. He has a genuine

sympathy for the humble types described in many of his _cantigas_:

reapers, fishermen, monks, nuns, poor old peasant-women, the little Musa

_garridelinna_. Alfonso X wrote a few profane poems, one of which is

in the stirring metre of the famous Leonoreta song composed by Joan de

Lobeira in the latter part of the thirteenth century. Pai Charinho, Lord

High Admiral of Castille under Alfonso X and a more delicate poet than

his master, wrote no religious verse, but his _cossantes_, with the lyric

of another Galician, Roy Fernandez, are the most beautiful, hauntingly

beautiful, of the early poems relating to the sea.

A Portuguese writer of the seventeenth century, Antonio de Sousa de

Macedo, says point-blank that he saw and read sacred poems by King Dinis

in the Escoriai, and describes the codex. If in his youth the king, at

the exhortation of his grandfather Alfonso X, wrote such verse, it has

now disappeared, and among the 138 poems preserved under his name is

none of a religious character. They comprise Provençal love-poems and

_cantigas de amigo_,[1] and some charming specimens of the _cossante_, in

which he shows that he had inherited King Alfonso’s fondness for popular

themes, whether he himself composed these delicious _cossantes_, or, as

may appear more probable, merely collected them. He also wrote a few

satirical poems. Satire had gone hand in hand with lyrism in Portugal

from the first, and was considered one of the most important functions

of poetry. The _cantigas de escarnio_ and _de maldizer_, although often

exceedingly coarse, form, historically, one of the most interesting

sections of the early song-books. King Dinis was a true poet, even a

great poet, although his inspiration may not have been as genuine as

that of Airas Nunez, priest of Santiago. He strove with success to play

the part in Portuguese literature that Alfonso X had played in Castille,

encouraged the writing of Portuguese prose, and gave a last prosperity

to Portuguese-Provençal song, which he himself wrote with conspicuous

skill. It was characteristic of his national policy that he, the prince

so carefully trained in Provençal song by his father Afonso III, who had

returned from a long sojourn in France to usurp his brother’s throne,

should so actively encourage the indigenous _cossante_, as did also

one of his sons, D. Afonso Sanchez. It was a late harvest, and after

King Dinis’s death a _jogral_ of León tells us that the troubadours of

Portugal and León, Castille and Aragon were silent: ‘nunca pois de sa

morte trobaron’, and the _jograles_ no longer received presents or money.

A long gap follows in Portuguese poetry, although a thin aftermath

of Galician song continued in Spain up to the very threshold of the

Renaissance. Macias, ‘the Lover’, composed verse and inspired poetry

in others, but neither he nor any other of the Galician-Portuguese

contributors to the _Cancionero de Baena_, the celebrated Villasandino,

the less prosperous scapegrace Garci Sanchez, the jovial Gonzalo

Rodriguez, Archdeacon of Toro, were poets of the first order. To

Casquicio and to Vasco Perez de Camões (ancestor of Luis de Camões),

since we possess none of their poems, it may be charitable to give the

favour of a doubt. The Galician Joan Rodriguez del Padron, or de la

Cámara, wrote in Spanish, and, indeed, when the Marqués de Santillana

addressed his famous letter to D. Pedro, Constable of Portugal, son

of Pedro Duke of Coimbra and nephew of Prince Henry the Navigator,

Galician poetry in Spain was practically dead. Nor had the attempt at

a religious-erudite poetry, made by the first princes of the House of

Avis, prospered in Portugal, its most individual product being the short

poem by João I’s granddaughter, D. Philipa de Lencastre. During the

close relations between Spain and Portugal in the fourteenth century,

the idea of uniting the two crowns was often in men’s minds. When the

national spirit of the Portuguese people and the genius and energy of the

Master of Avis and Nun’ Alvarez had prevented that union by the campaign

of Aljubarrota (1385), a reaction followed in favour of Portuguese

literature, but it mainly took the form of prose, and was expressed in

the incomparable chronicles of Fernam Lopez. This lost opportunity of

reviving the national poetry paved the way for the return of Castilian

influence. This was many-sided, and of such force that the tables were

completely turned and Castilian now became the more universal language.

It was the brother of D. Philipa de Lencastre, the Constable D. Pedro,

the prince of the strange, romantic career, poet, exile, and finally king

in a foreign land, who brought back new metres from Castille and himself

wrote his prose works as well as his long _Menosprecio del Mundo_ in

Castilian. Another even more significant and more popular importation

from Spain was that of the _romances_, the growth of Spanish influence

in Portugal happening to coincide with the increasing vogue of the

_romance_ in Spain. The Portuguese wrote _romances_ in Spanish, which

they considered the proper language for this form of poetry, and it has

been suggested that some of the loveliest and most wistful of the Spanish

_romances_ were written by Portuguese or Galicians. In Portugal the

epics out of which the Spanish _romances_ sprang did not exist, and a

large number of Portuguese _romances_ show clear traces of their Spanish

origin, but the Portuguese, with their power of rapid assimilation, also

composed a considerable number more Portuguese in theme and treatment,

their vague melancholy contrasting with the dramatic vigour of the

Spanish, so that many _romances_ are found not only in Tras-os-Montes

bordering on Spain but as far west as the Azores.

Spanish influence is prominent also in the collection of poems embracing

some three-quarters of a century (1445-1516) and published by Garcia de

Resende in 1516 as a Portuguese _Cancioneiro Geral_. This vast repertory

of Court verse contains the poems of some two hundred authors written in

Spanish and Portuguese. Their poems have this much in common, that they

are mainly artificial in metre and commonplace in theme. For the rest

they vary greatly: there are _cantigas_, _esparsas_, and _vilancetes_,

which consist of a few neatly turned lines containing a courtier’s

compliment or jest or sigh; there are _trovas de arte maior_ which were

reserved for the _poeta_ as opposed to the mere _trovador_; there are

a few poems of true inspiration, such as that of the obscure Francisco

de Sousa, and others in which the influence of Italian poetry, but once

removed, coming, that is, through Spain and the Marqués de Santillana,

is apparent. It is easy to see that their compiler was a courtier, and

in fact Garcia de Resende was brought up at the palace of King João

II, who appreciated his talents in drawing, music, and poetry, and he

spent his whole life at the Portuguese Court, except when he was sent on

friendly missions to other princes. His _trovas_ on the death of Inés de

Castro show that he could write with a fine simplicity and pathos, but

everything genuinely popular was excluded from his collection, and it

might well seem at the end of the fifteenth century that the indigenous

poetry of Portugal had been definitively relegated to the hills.

But just when this poetry seemed—or to us it seems—to have disappeared,

hustled out by the Court poets of the Spanish school, with no King

Dinis to defend it from oblivion, the great events of 1490-1500, the

discoveries and conquests in Africa, America, and Asia stirred Portugal

to its depths and brought the popular poetry once more to the surface.

Not a peasant, not a shepherd but dreamed of migrating to Lisbon to

serve the King or to the Indies in search of gold. The songs of the

people, the old parallel-strophed _cossantes_ of the early _Cancioneiros_

reappeared at Court, and their spirit was embodied in his plays by Gil

Vicente, a great poet by reason of his devoted attachment to the soil,

his sincerity, his divine lyrical gift. How far he improved on the real

songs sung by the peasants and shepherds we cannot know, but judging from

his very natural presentment of peasant types, his persistent realism,

which disdained neither incorrect and coarse phrases, nor any of the

most ordinary features in the life of the mountain villages which he

knew so well, we may assume that such songs were really to be heard

among the hills of Portugal and may believe that, had the taste of the

time encouraged him, he might have collected a song-book of unparalleled

interest and beauty, and perhaps with a surer instinct than three

centuries later Almeida Garrett, whose impulse was to polish. We must be

content with the lovely fragments and specimens of this lyrical poetry

which his plays contain, and with the even more fragmentary gleanings

in Barbieri’s _Cancionero Musical_. It was a short-lived opportunity;

the people under the new conditions soon lost their songs, or rather

they lost their simple gaiety and exchanged the native flavour of the

_cossante_ for what was considered a more refined melancholy. During the

last years of his life Vicente was fighting an up-hill battle against

the new influences and the Latinizers of the Renaissance. He had himself

composed many of his plays in Spanish as the Spanish vogue grew and

prospered. In 1490, when he perhaps first came to Court, on the occasion

of the marriage of João II’s son Prince Afonso to a Spanish princess,

all the devices for the great tournament at Evora were written in

Spanish, with the exception of that of the King and one other. Indeed,

only the death of the infant Prince Miguel prevented the consummation

which occurred two generations later, when Philip II of Spain became

Philip I of Portugal. But these two generations were of vital importance

to Portugal and gave time for the fruit sown and so strenuously tended

during the two centuries from Dinis to João II to reach its full

maturity, so that Portugal could thereafter never suffer a loss of

independence other than temporary and superficial. Nevertheless, about

the year 1520 one might have looked forward to a second long blank in

Portuguese poetry such as had occurred two centuries earlier—another

Spanish blank. It was due to the personal triumph of one man, Gil

Vicente’s rival, Francisco de Sá de Miranda, that this disaster was

averted and that, when the national poetry which had momentarily emerged

was melting away, yet another influence had arrived upon the scene. For

however strange it may seem to us that poems such as Dante’s _canzone_

‘Donne che avete intelletto d’amore’ or his sonnet ‘Tanto gentile e tanto

onesta pare’ should have remained without influence on Portuguese poetry

for two centuries, it is certain that the Italian metres and _dolce stil

nuovo_ only came definitively to Portugal with Sá de Miranda on his

return in or about 1526 from a several years’ stay in Italy, although

the Marqués de Santillana had specifically mentioned _el tercio rimo_

and sonnets in his letter to the Portuguese Constable three-quarters of

a century earlier. Indeed, so alien was the new poetry and so jejune

Miranda’s first attempts to acclimatize it that for some years he

strove in vain while the old octosyllabic _redondilhas_ and the Court

_vilancetes_ and _esparsas_ continued to flourish. But a man of Miranda’s

fine character and persistency, helped by the appearance in print in

1543 of the poems of Boscan and Garci Lasso, was not to be ignored, and

presently the mountains began to go to Mahomet in his delightful retreat

in Minho. D. Manuel de Portugal, the charming and mellifluous Diogo

Bernardez, Antonio Ferreira, the severe magistrate who refused to write

a single line of Spanish verse and who thus rendered an inestimable

service to the Portuguese language, but who only occasionally attained

lyrical beauty, perhaps indeed only in a single chorus of his celebrated

play _Inés de Castro_; the even less inspired and less amiable Pedro

de Andrade Caminha: these and others at Miranda’s death in 1557 were

there to assure the success of his school, while the lyrical vein of the

sixteenth century continued to find expression in such felicitous verses

as those addressed to the river Leça by Francisco de Sá de Meneses and a

few of the poems of the anonymous _Sylvia de Lisardo_. Of these writers

Portuguese poetry owes most to Bernardez, and from what we possess of

the poems of his brother, Frei Agostinho da Cruz, we suspect that he

was as richly endowed as his brother Diogo in poetical talent, which he

sacrificed to religious asceticism. It is owing to a group of eclogues

written in the old national octosyllabic metre when the influence of the

new school was beginning, and partly by its founder Miranda, that it is

possible to claim for Portuguese bucolic poetry a character strongly

original and indigenous and a quality of a strange, alluring charm.

The mere fact of their being composed in the short _redondilhas_ at

once removes them from the Theocritus-Virgil tradition. Such poems as

Miranda’s _Basto_, Bernardim Ribeiro’s _Jano e Franco_, and the _Trovas

de Crisfal_ traditionally assigned to Cristovam Falcam are works of a

quaint and exquisite freshness, thickly redolent of the very soil of

Portugal. Bernardim Ribeiro, whose mind became clouded by his ill-starred

and to us mysterious passion, embodies the quintessence of the Portuguese

genius. A foreigner nicely scanning the lines might be inclined to

conclude that his eclogues are not poetry, and say: ‘Here is a poet in

thought without a corresponding power of expression.’ But the Portuguese

know better, and feel that there is much art hidden in these concise,

elliptically halting verses, which are a deliberate and wonderfully

successful expression of an ingenuous simplicity. This fascination,

not of half-inarticulate versification but of an exceptionally gifted

lyrism belongs also to the _Trovas de Crisfal_, which possess all the

extraordinarily individual qualities of those eclogues but were probably

not the work of Ribeiro himself but an inspired imitation by his friend

and fellow-Alentejan Cristovam Falcam. The sorrows of Bernardez in and

after his captivity, for he was taken prisoner in the rout of Alcacer

Kebir (1578), having been chartered by King Sebastian to chronicle his

deeds in verse, were powerless to introduce a discordant note into the

unfailing smoothness of his verse; his sonnets and eclogues, which love

of his native Lima coloured with local charm, rivalled those of his great

contemporary Luis de Camões. Camões, however, was not content with a mere

monotony of beautiful sound. He was one of those rare poets, perhaps

especially rare in Latin countries, who can at once think and sing, and

his outlook, moreover, was in every respect more universal than that of

Bernardez. His wanderings led him not only to North Africa but to India

and the Far East. The education of this child of the Renaissance, clearly

imbued with Platonic and neo-Platonic influences, had been classical,

but he had a deep sympathy for the popular poetry, both in its themes

and metres. Evidently if he reverenced Sá de Miranda he rejoiced in Gil

Vicente, and he succeeded in either school as no Portuguese poet before

or since. His was an imitative genius, he read widely and there are

passages in his poetry which are inspired translations; but he also

brought to his work rich stores of thought and personal experience and

observation, and, whereas Miranda, when he attempted to imitate, remained

hard and wooden, Camões turned whatever he touched into delicate and

flexible gold and ivory—popular _redondilhas_, Petrarcan _canzoni_, or

Ariosto’s _ottava rima_. Six years before King Sebastian sailed away to

his doom, Camões had published his _Os Lusiadas_, the epic which has

ever since remained the national poem of the Portuguese, but, although

his glowing patriotism inspired him to this magnificent effort, his

true genius was lyrical. His ear was not faultless, and while he could

soar to heights attained at most by half a score of the world’s poets,

he did not always stop to finish a passage with the unerring art of

many a lesser Italian craftsman. But occasional defects are forgotten

in the transparent flow of his chryselephantine verse, in which the

details of thought and description appear embedded clearly in their

due order as pebbles in a stream. Vicente is Portugal’s most national

poet, and potentially her greatest, but in actual achievement, and

achievement fulfilled in the teeth of almost every possible obstacle and

disappointment, Camões claims and retains the first place. When he died

in 1580 this noble patriot and inspired singer was content, he said,

to die with his country; but his fate has been happier, since largely

through him his country continued to live and can still seek in him an

impulse to fresh hope and effort.

The sixteenth century in Portugal was all flower and fruit: no one

seemed to take thought for sowing and planting, so busily were all

engaged in the work of gathering in the harvest. Thus spiritually and

intellectually as well as physically Portugal lay at Spain’s mercy when

the direct line in the succession to the Portuguese throne failed. Nor

was the gongorical school which now invaded Portuguese literature in any

way uncongenial to the Portuguese temperament since the Latinization of

the Renaissance and the conquest of the East, which led its conquerors

captive. Fernam Alvarez do Oriente carried on Portuguese bucolic poetry

in its more harmonious, imitative shape: shorn of almost every vestige of

the indigenous poetry but preserving the purity of the language used by

Bernardez and Camões; and the same purity of style a little later in the

Spanish domination marked the long pastoral works of Francisco Rodriguez

Lobo, in which prose and verse are combined as in Alvarez do Oriente’s

_Lusitania Transformada_ and in the _Arcadia_ of Sannazaro which he had

taken for his model. Rodriguez Lobo, though not an original poet, was

fortunately very Portuguese, a poet of a charming and authentic vein,

whose only fault seems to be that he poured forth excellent prose and

verse in too great abundance, and he could write such _vilancetes_ as

are the best, if not the only true poetry of the seventeenth century in

Portugal. Most of the lyric poets whose verse is preserved for us in the

_Fenix Renascida_, a collection which is more often a heap of weeds than

a selection of flowers, cannot for long forgo their points and conceits,

and this misuse of talent, often genuine enough, marred even the mystic

verse in which the long-lived nuns Sor Violante do Ceo and Sor Maria

do Ceo, and also courtiers such as D. Francisco de Portugal excelled.

No doubt a slim volume of simple and attractive verse might be gleaned

from the seventeenth century, but the general effect is gongorical and

affected, and the rank growth of verse with no adequate criticism to

check it is distressing. Some satirical verse of merit was produced, and

the satirist occasionally turned his weapon against the affectations of

style in vogue. No merciful criticism was at hand to prevent the lengthy

epics with which one writer after another, for we will not call them

poets, sought to eclipse _Os Lusiadas_ and render themselves immortal

in song. The length and number of these epics must have frightened

away many readers from Portuguese literature, and partly justified an

eighteenth-century Italian in describing that literature as a fungus

growth. The greatest Portuguese prose-writer of the seventeenth century,

D. Francisco Manuel de Mello, was at least never dull. If we except

Rodriguez Lobo, as belonging indeed rather to the sixteenth than to the

seventeenth century, Manuel de Mello’s claim to be regarded as the latter

century’s chief poet in Portugal is not negligible. But it is truer,

perhaps, to say that in his verse he remains a minnow among minnows.

His trenchant energy is best fitted for prose; he could skilfully turn

a _quintilha_ or a sonnet, and his verse is always lively and spirited,

but for poetry to retain its charm and at the same time be as forcible

and incisive as Manuel de Mello’s temperament demanded would require the

technique and imagination of a Camões, and Manuel de Mello’s verse too

often resembles a plant from which the blossoms have been slashed away,

leaving but a vigorous and pungent growth of stalk. On the whole, the

poetry of this period was marked rather by a perversion of taste than by

a lack of vigour, and certainly contained within it elements of better

things. Yet no national poetry followed the Restoration of 1640, and over

literature as over politics hung what Antonio Vieira in 1673 describes as

‘o nosso indifferentismo’.

The _Fenix Renascida_ was not published until 1716, and the

eccentricities of the _seiscentistas_ lingered on into the eighteenth

century, which in Portugal was as barren of lyrical poetry as elsewhere.

Even when a new school, that of the _Arcadias_, arose and many poets

came to the front, lyrical poetry remained far to seek. Spanish

influence and the long-lived Portuguese _gongorismo_ were replaced by

the pseudo-classicism of a group of writers who believed that to imitate

Horace successfully was sufficient and possible. In their hatred of the

Spanish school they went to France and Italy, but they also turned to

the classical poets of Portugal, especially to Miranda and Ferreira; if

this could not give them the lyrical inspiration which they lacked, it

did help them to write idiomatic Portuguese, and this remains for us

the chief merit of their voluminous poetry. Corrêa Garção is perhaps,

with Filinto, the best, at least the best known poet of the time, and

his apparently harsh treatment by the Marqués de Pombal and death in

prison have won for him among the critics a sympathy which his verse

only occasionally justifies. Garrett, in one of those outbursts with

which Portuguese critics vary their habitual neglect of their native

literature, declared that Corrêa Garção’s _Cantata de Dido_ is ‘one of

the most sublime conceptions of human genius, one of the most perfect

works executed by the hand of man’; but, without denying that this

poem, as well as many of his sonnets, has merit, we are more inclined

to agree with Macedo’s verdict of ‘meagre’. Antonio Diniz da Cruz e

Silva won great fame among his contemporaries by his _Odes Pindaricas_;

to posterity he is known not as a lyric poet but as the author of a

burlesque poem entitled _O Hyssope_. Nicolau Tolentino de Almeida also

stands out from among the eighteenth-century poets by virtue of his

satire, which was of a more gentle vein than that of Diniz. Turning to Sá

de Miranda for his model, he succeeded in composing skilful _quintilhas_

and a few excellent sonnets. The Lisbon hairdresser, Domingos dos Reis

Quita is at his best when he is somewhat closely imitating Camões or

other Portuguese classics of bucolic poetry, from whom his idylls and

eclogues caught an unreal but graceful beauty. The Marquesa de Alorna,

who was born before the Lisbon earthquake and lived far into the reign

of Maria da Gloria, was a lady of wide culture who wrote accomplished

verse almost as voluminously as the more famous and equally long-lived

poet Francisco Manuel do Nascimento, better known by his Arcadian name

of Filinto Elysio. Of one of Filinto’s renowned odes Garrett exclaimed:

‘What is there in Pindar to compare with it?’ and we hasten to agree

that there is nothing, for one does not compare a sparrow with an eagle

or a star.[2] All that can be said of Filinto’s immense output of verse

is that it is written in excellent Portuguese and is of interest in its

references to popular customs and traditions, but is only occasionally

to be called poetry. The second half of the century witnessed a fierce

poetical rivalry between the crabbed ex-monk José Agostinho de Macedo,

who had the more virulent pen, and the runagate Manuel de Barbosa

du Bocage, who had the more genuine poetical talent. The latter was

encouraged by his admiring contemporaries to improvise continually, and

the whole of his poetry, even the sonnets which are considered among the

best in the Portuguese language, bear the mark of that straining after

effect or after perfection which characterized the whole of his short

life. The truest Portuguese poet of the eighteenth century, Bocage was

crushed by the weakness of his own character, by the circumstances of

his times, and by the prevalent lack of criticism. When he died at the

beginning of the nineteenth century, he left only a few elderly Arcadian

gods, Filinto, Tolentino, Macedo, the Marquesa de Alorna, solemnly

nodding across a barren waste, in which a genuine lyric would have been

as startling as a scarlet anemone springing up among the cobbles of a

crowded street. In the absence of true poetry, such graceful lyrics as

those of the _Marilia de Dirceu_ by the unfortunate Brazilian poet Thomaz

Antonio Gonzaga achieved a wide popularity.

A new poetry sprang out of the unpromising political welter in Portugal

in the first decades of the nineteenth century. While the energetic

Macedo in fierce pamphlets was calling down fire from Heaven, not to

inspire his own verse, for he considered that already sufficiently

inspired, but to blast his political opponents, Garrett was learning in

exile that there were more things in heaven and earth than a stilted

Filintian ode, the object of his youthful emulation. He returned to

Portugal with romanticism, so to speak, in his pocket, his Arcadian

manner shelved and forgotten. What was more, prompted by _The Minstrelsy

of the Scottish Border_, he came with the determination to collect the

popular ballads of Portugal, and set to work in his early home, the

island of Terceira, in the interval which elapsed before the landing of

the small Liberal army at Mindello in 1832. Thus the century was already

well advanced when Garrett, seeking a double inspiration in the romantic

school and in popular poetry, founded a new national literature in

Portugal. The vague sentiment and subjective melancholy of romanticism

had, of course, characterized the work of many Portuguese poets before

Garrett; that of Bernardim Ribeiro no less than that of Bocage; but

Garrett made himself the standard-bearer of the new tendencies which

had spread themselves over the rest of Europe. Neither of his two

great contemporaries possessed his lyrical genius. Alexandre Herculano

impressed the poems written in his youth, before he had undertaken

his historical labours, with the biblical fervour and strength of his

character, in such a way as to give them a deep and permanent value.

Antonio Feliciano de Castilho was a year younger than Garrett, and

Garrett was but twenty-two when Castilho’s _Primavera_ was published,

harbinger of numerous poems of a dreamy charm prolificly expressed

in verse of classical perfection. The Arcadian school still reigned

unchallenged, and Castilho to the end of his long life belonged quite

as much to the pseudo-classicism of the eighteenth century as to the

romanticism of the second third of the nineteenth. Blind from childhood,

he was not endowed with imaginative genius of the first order, which

alone might have compensated for the irremediable lack of observation;

but in the purity of his style he rendered a real service to Portuguese

literature and became a model to younger writers. The singular,

many-sided Garrett himself was not slow to react against an excessive

romanticism, and his later lyrics in their concentrated intensity and

clear outline can scarcely be assigned to the romantic school. But it

was natural that younger writers, who could not inherit the glow and

charm of Garrett’s poetry, should tend to exaggerate the characteristics

of the new dispensation, and it soon became a mannerism with a crowd of

minor poets to sing vaguely and sentimentally of moonlight, death, and

autumn leaves. From these poets João de Lemos stands out by reason of a

more definite lyrical gift, and Soares de Passos in his _O Firmamento_

composed a fine poem which was something more than a metaphysical

_tour de force_. The patriotic voice of Thomaz Ribeiro and the faintly

satirical murmur of Bulhão Pato continued to sing sentimentally into the

twentieth century; nor did Castilho ever bow the knee to the younger

school which in 1865, ten years before his death, had ventured to dispute

his supremacy. The group of students who inaugurated this ‘Coimbra

School’ contained some distinguished poets. The delightful verse of João

de Deus Nogueira does not belong to them, or indeed to any school but

that of the Portuguese poetry of the soil and the popular _cantigas_,

those charming quatrains of which many thousands are now in print. The

agitated thinker Anthero de Quental, the greatest poet of the Coimbra

group, although an inspired sonnetteer, was not a lyrical poet. In other

writers of the realist reaction poetry succumbed to various influences;

in the work of Theophilo Braga (1843-1924), for instance, whose first

volume of verse appeared when he was sixteen and whose _Visão dos

Tempos_ received its definitive shape a generation later, true poetry is

slain on the dull altar of Positivism, with scarcely a candle to cast

a ray of light over the lugubrious sacrifice. In others it yields to

politics, as in the poems of Guilherme Braga, whose _Heras e Violetas_

are still remembered, and in much of the work of Guerra Junqueiro; or

to a superficial satire, as in the verses of João Penha and many of

the poems of Gomes Leal. The influence of Victor Hugo and the French

Parnassians, Baudelaire and Leconte de Lisle, predominated, but it

was not a mere imitation, and if we consider the splendid sonnets of

Quental, the spontaneous lyrics of João de Deus, the wistful and even

morbid but genuine art of Antonio Nobre, the exquisite Parnassian verse

of Gonçalves Crespo, Antonio Feijó, and of a very large number of less

celebrated poets, the less ambitious among the poems of Gomes Leal, the

jewelled symbolism of Snr. Eugenio de Castro, the dreaming music of

Snr. Teixeira de Pascoaes, the natural and artistic inspiration of Snr.

Corrêa d’Oliveira and Snr. Affonso Lopes Vieira, above all the original

and arresting work of Guerra Junqueiro, one of the greatest modern Latin

poets, we will readily admit that Portuguese poetry during the last fifty

years can boast not only great variety but great success. If it has

failed to produce a Pascoli or a Carducci, that is due perhaps rather to

the absence of a basis of exact scholarship, of classical education, than

to any dearth of talent.

A goodly foison of Portuguese poets confronts us in the twentieth

century. Portugal has always been a land of numerous poets, and the blank

spaces in her literature are usually those in which no collector was

forthcoming to garner the harvest of song. One may not yet definitively

judge the younger poets. It is for the Portuguese critics to warn them

that if they are content to babble pleasantly in song they should do so

not publicly but in private; while as to the cubists and dadaists it

must always seem unjust that they should be granted the full light of

publicity whereas schoolgirls practising over their scales are relegated

to the schoolroom. Many of the recent poets, Parnassian, cloud-treader,

decadent, symbolist, have realized the high seriousness of their art, and

the poems poured forth in such abundance are so natural and occasionally

charming that the critic is disarmed. The material is sound, and when it

descends from vagueness and magniloquence to reality, to the life of the

peasants, the scenery of Portugal and its rich indigenous vocabulary, it

can, as in part of the poetry of Guerra Junqueiro, produce surprising

results. Perhaps, too, one may say that it profits by deeper acquaintance

with the literature of non-Latin countries and with the classics of

Portugal, Greece, and Rome. On some such lines it may be hoped that the

Portuguese poets of the twentieth century will be able to fill their

cunningly shapen bottles with the sweet savour of their soil and the

clear wine of light and life.

AUBREY F. G. BELL.

S. JOÃO DO ESTORIL, PORTUGAL.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Although all _cossantes_ are _cantigas de amigo_, the reverse is not

true.

[2] ‘Comparais uma estrela a um pardal’ (Gil Vicente, _Obras_ ii. 193).

NOTE

The Compiler’s thanks are especially due to Senhores Eugenio de Castro,

Teixeira de Pascoaes, Affonso Lopes de Vieira, and Corrêa d’Oliveira for

kind permission to print some of their poems. For the most part, living

poets have been omitted.

KING SANCHO I

[Sidenote: 1154-1211]

_1. Cantiga de amigo_

Ai eu coitada como vivo

en gran cuidado por meu amigo

que ei alongado: muito me tarda

o meu amigo na Guarda.

Ai eu coitada como vivo

en gran desejo por meu amigo

que tarda e non vejo: muito me tarda

o meu amigo na Guarda.

JOAN ZORRO

[Sidenote: fl. 1250]

_2. Barcarola_

Per ribeira do rio

vi remar o navio,

e sabor ei da ribeira!

Per ribeira do alto

vi remar o barco,

e sabor ei da ribeira!

Vi remar o navio

u vai o meu amigo,

e sabor ei da ribeira!

Vi remar o barco

u vai o meu amado,

e sabor ei da ribeira!

U vai o meu amigo:

quer-me levar consigo,

e sabor ei da ribeira!

U vai o meu amado:

quer-me levar de grado,

e sabor ei da ribeira!

_3. Barcarola_

En Lixboa sobre lo mar

barcas novas mandei lavrar

ai mia senhor velida!

En Lixboa sobre lo les

barcas novas mandei fazer,

ai mia senhor velida!

Barcas novas mandei lavrar

e no mar as mandei deitar,

ai mia senhor velida!

Barcas novas mandei fazer

e no mar as mandei meter,

ai mia senhor velida!

_4. Barcarola_

El rei de Portugal

barcas mandou lavrar,

e levará nas barcas sigo,

mia filha, o voss’ amigo.

El rei portugues

barcas mandou fazer,

e levará nas barcas sigo,

mia filha, o voss’ amigo.

Barcas mandou lavrar

e no mar as deitar,

e levará nas barcas sigo,

mia filha, o voss’ amigo.

Barcas mandou fazer

e no mar as meter,

e levará nas barcas sigo,

mia filha, o voss’ amigo.

_5. Barcarola_

Pela ribeira do rio

cantando ia la dona virgo

d’ amor:

venhan as barcas pelo rio

a sabor.

Pela ribeira do alto

cantando ia la dona d’ algo

d’ amor:

venhan as barcas pelo rio

a sabor.

_6. Bailada_

Bailemos agora, por Deus, ai velidas,

so aquestas avelaneiras frolidas

e quen for velida como nos velidas,

se amigo amar,

so aquestas avelaneiras frolidas

verrá bailar!

Bailemos agora, por Deus, ai loadas,

so aquestas avelaneiras granadas,

e quen for loada como nos loadas,

se amigo amar,

so aquestas avelaneiras granadas

verrá bailar!

_7. Pastorela_

Quen visse andar a fremosinha

com’ eu vi, d’ amor coitada,

e tan muito namorada

que chorando assi dizia:

Ai amor, leixedes m’ oje

de so-lo ramo folgar,

e depois treides migo

meu amigo demandar!

Quen visse andar a fremosa,

com’ eu vi, d’ amor chorando,

e dizendo e rogando

por amor da Gloriosa:

Ai amor, leixedes m’ oje

de so-lo ramo folgar,

e depois treides migo

meu amigo demandar!

Quen lh’ i visse andar fazendo

queixumes d’ amor d’ amigo

que ama, sempre sigo

chorando, assi dizendo:

Ai amor, leixedes m’ oje

de so-lo ramo folgar,

e depois treides migo

meu amigo demandar!

_8. Barcarola_

Mete el rei barcas no rio forte:

quen amigo ha que Deus lh’ o amostre,

alá vai, madre,

e oj’ ei soidade.

Mete el rei barcas na Estremadura:

quen amigo ha que Deus lh’ o aduga,

alá vai, madre,

e oj’ ei soidade.

_9. Barcarola_

Jus’ a lo mar e o rio

eu namorada irei,

u el rei arma navio,

amores, convosco m’ irei.

Jus’ a lo mar e o alto

eu namorada irei,

u el rei arma o barco,

amores, convosco m’ irei.

U el rei arma navio

eu namorada irei,

para levar a virgo,

amores, convosco m’ irei.

U el rei arma o barco,

eu namorada irei,

para levar a d’ algo,

amores, convosco m’ irei.

MEENDINHO

[Sidenote: 13th c.]

_10. Cantiga de romaria_

Sedia-m’ eu na ermida de San Simon

e cercaron-m’ as ondas que grandes son,

eu atendend’ o meu amigo!

Estava na ermida, ant’ o altar,

e cercaron-m’ as ondas grandes do mar,

eu atendend’ o meu amigo!

E cercaron-m’ as ondas que grandes son:

nen ei barqueiro nen remador,

eu atendend’ o meu amigo!

E cercaron-m’ as ondas grandes do mar:

nen ei barqueiro nen sei remar,

eu atendend’ o meu amigo!

Nen ei barqueiro nen remador,

e morrerei, fremosa, no mar maior,

eu atendend’ o meu amigo!

Nen ei barqueiro nen sei remar,

e morrerei, fremosa, no alto mar,

eu atendend’ o meu amigo!

NUNO FERNANDEZ TORNEOL

[Sidenote: 13th c.]

_11. Alvorada_

Levad’, amigo que dormides as manhanas frias:

toda-las aves do mundo d’ amor dizian,

leda m’ and’ eu.

Levad’, amigo que dormides as frias manhanas:

toda-las aves do mundo d’ amor cantavan,

leda m’ and’ eu.

Toda-las aves do mundo d’ amor dizian,

do meu amor e do voss’ enmentarian,

leda m’ and’ eu.

Toda-las aves do mundo d’ amor cantavan,

do meu amor e do voss’ i enmentavan,

leda m’ and’ eu.

Do meu amor e do voss’ enmentarian,

vos lhi tolhestes os ramos en que siian,

leda m’ and’ eu.

Do meu amor e do voss’ i enmentavan,

vos lhi tolhestes os ramos en que pousavan,

leda m’ and’ eu.

Vos lhi tolhestes os ramos en que siian,

e lhi secastes as fontes en que bevian,

leda m’ and’ eu.

Vos lhi tolhestes os ramos en que pousavan,

e lhi secastes as fontes u se banhavan,

leda m’ and’ eu.

_12. Cantiga de amigo_

Que coita tamanha ei a sofrer

por amar amig’ e non o veer,

e pousarei so-lo avelanal.

Que coita tamanha ei a endurar

por amar amig’ e non lhi falar,

e pousarei so-lo avelanal.

Por amar amig’ e non o veer,

non lh’ ousar a coita que ei dizer,

e pousarei so-lo avelanal.

Por amar amig’ e non lhi falar,

non lh’ ousar a coita que ei mostrar

e pousarei so-lo avelanal.

Non lh’ ousar a coita que ei dizer,

e non mi dan seus amores lezer,

e pousarei so-lo avelanal.

Non lh’ ousar a coita que ei mostrar,

e non mi dan seus amores vagar,

e pousarei so-lo avelanal.

_13. Barcarola_

Vi eu, mia madr’, andar

as barcas en o mar,

e moiro-me d’ amor.

Foi eu, madre, veer

as barcas en o les,

e moiro-me d’ amor.

As barcas en o mar,

e foi-las aguardar,

e moiro-me d’ amor.

As barcas en o les,

e foi-las atender,

e moiro-me d’ amor.

E foi-las aguardar

e non o pud’ achar,

e moiro-me d’ amor.

E foi-las atender

e non o pud’ i veer,

e moiro-me d’ amor.

E non o achei i

o que por men mal vi,

e moiro-me d’ amor.

[E non o pud’ achar,

o que vi por meu mal,

e moiro-me d’ amor.]

MARTIN DE GINZO

[Sidenote: 13th c.]

_14. Cantiga de amigo_

A do mui bon parecer

mandou lo adufe tanger,

louçana, d’ amores moir’ eu.

A do mui bon semelhar

mandou lo adufe sonar,

louçana, d’ amores moir’ eu.

Mandou lo adufe tanger

e non lhi davan lezer,

louçana, d’ amores moir’ eu.

Mandou lo adufe sonar

e non lhi davan vagar,

louçana, d’ amores moir’ eu.

PERO VIVIANEZ

[Sidenote: 13th c.]

_15. Bailada_

Pois nossas madres van a San Simon

de Vai de Prados candeas queimar,

nos as meninhas punhamos d’ andar

con nossas madres, e elas enton

queimen candeas por nos e por si,

e nos meninhas bailaremos i.

Nossos amigos todos lá iran

por nos veer, e andaremos nos

bailand’ ant’ eles fremosas sos,

e nossas madres, pois que alá van,

queimen candeas por nos e por si,

e nos meninhas bailaremos i.

The Oxford book of Portuguese verse · 第 1 / 13 段