Here then is the explanation of the fact that language should be thus

instructive for us, that it should yield us so much, when we come to

analyse and probe it; and yield us the more, the more deeply and

accurately we do so. It is full of instruction, because it is the

embodiment, the incarnation, if I may so speak, of the feelings and

thoughts and experiences of a nation, yea, often of many nations, and

of all which through long centuries they have attained to and won. It

stands like the Pillars of Hercules, to mark how far the moral and

intellectual conquests of mankind have advanced, only not like those

pillars, fixed and immovable, but ever itself advancing with the

progress of these. The mighty moral instincts which have been working

in the popular mind have found therein their unconscious voice; and the

single kinglier spirits that have looked deeper into the heart of

things have oftentimes gathered up all they have seen into some one

word, which they have launched upon the world, and with which they have

enriched it for ever--making in that new word a new region of thought to

be henceforward in some sort the common heritage of all. Language is

the amber in which a thousand precious and subtle thoughts have been

safely embedded and preserved. It has arrested ten thousand lightning

flashes of genius, which, unless thus fixed and arrested, might have

been as bright, but would have also been as quickly passing and

perishing, as the lightning. 'Words convey the mental treasures of one

period to the generations that follow; and laden with this, their

precious freight, they sail safely across gulfs of time in which

empires have suffered shipwreck, and the languages of common life have

sunk into oblivion.' And for all these reasons far more and mightier in

every way is a language than any one of the works which may have been

composed in it. For that work, great as it may be, at best embodies

what was in the heart and mind of a single man, but this of a nation.

The _Iliad_ is great, yet not so great in strength or power or beauty

as the Greek language. [Footnote: On the Greek language and its merits,

as compared with the other Indo-European languages, see Curtius,

_History of Greece,_ English translation, vol. i. pp. 18-28.] _Paradise

Lost_ is a noble possession for a people to have inherited, but the

English tongue is a nobler heritage yet. [Footnote: Gerber (_Sprache

als Kunst,_ vol. i. p. 274): Es ist ein bedeutender Fortschritt in der

Erkenntniss des Menschen dass man jetzt Sprachen lernt nicht bloss, um

sich den Gedankeninhalt, den sie offenbaren, anzueignen, sondern

zugleich um sie selbst als herrliche, architektonische Geisteswerke

kennen zu lernen, und sich an ihrer Kunstschönheit zu erfreuen.]

And imperfectly as we may apprehend all this, there is an obscure sense,

or instinct I might call it, in every one of us, of this truth. We all,

whether we have given a distinct account of the matter to ourselves or

not, believe that words which we use are not arbitrary and capricious

signs, affixed at random to the things which they designate, for which

any other might have been substituted as well, but that they stand in a

real relation to these. And this sense of the significance of names,

that they are, or ought to be,--that in a world of absolute truth they

ever would be,--the expression of the innermost character and qualities

of the things or persons that bear them, speaks out in various ways, It

is reported of Boiardo, author of a poem without which we should

probably have never seen the _Orlando Furioso_ of Ariosto, that he was

out hunting, when the name Rodomonte presented itself to him as exactly

fitting a foremost person of the epic he was composing; and that

instantly returning home, he caused all the joy-bells of the village to

be rung, to celebrate the happy invention. This story may remind us of

another which is told of the greatest French novelist of modern times.

A friend of Balzac's, who has written some _Recollections_ of him,

tells us that he would sometimes wander for days through the streets of

Paris, studying the names over the shops, as being sure that there was

a name more appropriate than any other to some character which he had

conceived, and hoping to light on it there.

You must all have remarked the amusement and interest which children

find in any notable agreement between a name and the person who owns

that name, as, for instance, if Mr. Long is tall--or, which naturally

takes a still stronger hold upon them, in any manifest contradiction

between the name and the name-bearer; if Mr. Strongitharm is a weakling,

or Mr. Black an albino: the former striking from a sense of fitness,

the latter from one of incongruity. Nor is this a mere childish

entertainment. It continues with us through life; and that its roots

lie deep is attested by the earnest use which is often made, and that

at the most earnest moments of men's lives, of such agreements or

disagreements as these. Such use is not un-frequent in Scripture,

though it is seldom possible to reproduce it in English, as for

instance in the comment of Abigail on her husband Nabal's name: 'As his

name is, so is he; Nabal is his name, and folly is with him' (i Sam.

xxv. 25). And again, 'Call me not Naomi,' exclaims the desolate widow--

'call me not Naomi [or _pleasantness_]; call me Marah [or _bitterness_],

for the Almighty hath dealt very bitterly with me.' She cannot endure

that the name she bears should so strangely contradict the thing she is.

Shakespeare, in like manner, reveals his own profound knowledge of the

human heart, when he makes old John of Gaunt, worn with long sickness,

and now ready to depart, play with his name, and dwell upon the consent

between it and his condition; so that when his royal nephew asks him,

'How is it with aged Gaunt?' he answers,

'Oh, how that name befits my composition,

Old _Gaunt_ indeed, and _gaunt_ in being old--

_Gaunt_ am I for the grave, _gaunt_ as the grave--' [Footnote:

Ajax, or [Greek: Aias], in the play of Sophocles, which bears his name,

does the same with the [Greek: aiai] which lies in that name (422,

423); just as in the _Bacchae_ of Euripides, not Pentheus himself, but

others for him, indicate the prophecy of a mighty [Greek: penthos] or

grief, which is shut up in his name (367). A tragic writer, less known

than Euripides, does the same: [Greek: Pentheus, esomenes sumphoras

eponymos]. Eteocles in the _Phoenissae_ of Euripides makes a play of

the same kind on the name of Polynices.] with much more in the same

fashion; while it is into the mouth of the slight and frivolous king

that Shakespeare puts the exclamation of wonder,

'Can sick men play so nicely with their names?' [Footnote: 'Hus' is

Bohemian for 'goose' [the two words being in fact cognate forms]; and

here we have the explanation of the prophetic utterance of Hus, namely,

that in place of one goose, tame and weak of wing, God would send

falcons and eagles before long.]

Mark too how, if one is engaged in a controversy or quarrel, and his

name imports something good, his adversary will lay hold of the name,

will seek to bring out a real contradiction between the name and the

bearer of the name, so that he shall appear as one presenting himself

under false colours, affecting a merit which he does not really possess.

Examples of this abound. There was one Vigilantius in the early

Church;--his name might be interpreted 'The Watchful.' He was at issue

with St. Jerome about certain vigils; these he thought perilous to

Christian morality, while Jerome was a very eager promoter of them; who

instantly gave a turn to his name, and proclaimed that he, the enemy of

these watches, the partisan of slumber and sloth, should have been not

Vigilantius or The Watcher, but 'Dormitantius' or The Sleeper rather.

Felix, Bishop of Urgel, a chief champion in the eighth century of the

Adoptianist heresy, is constantly 'Infelix' in the writings of his

adversary Alcuin. The Spanish peasantry during the Peninsular War would

not hear of Bonaparte, but changed the name to 'Malaparte,' as

designating far better the perfidious kidnapper of their king and enemy

of their independence. It will be seen then that Aeschylus is most true

to nature, when in his _Prometheus Bound_ he makes Strength tauntingly

to remind Prometheus, or The Prudent, how ill his name and the lot

which he has made for himself agreed, bound as he is with adamantine

chains to his rock, and bound, as it might seem, for ever. When

Napoleon said of Count Lobau, whose proper name was Mouton, 'Mon mouton

c'est un lion,' it was the same instinct at work, though working from

an opposite point. It made itself felt no less in the bitter irony

which gave to the second of the Ptolemies, the brother-murdering king,

the title of Philadelphus.

But more frequent still is this hostile use of names, this attempt to

place them and their owners in the most intimate connexion, to make, so

to speak, the man answerable for his name, where the name does not thus

need to be reversed; but may be made as it now is, or with very

slightest change, to contain a confession of the ignorance,

worthlessness, or futility of the bearer. If it implies, or can be made

to imply, anything bad, it is instantly laid hold of as expressing the

very truth about him. You know the story of Helen of Greece, whom in

two of his 'mighty lines' Marlowe's Faust so magnificently

apostrophizes:

'Is this the face that launched a thousand ships,

And burned the topless towers of Ilium?'

It is no frigid conceit of the Greek poet, when one passionately

denouncing the ruin which she wrought, finds that ruin couched and

fore-announced in her name; [Footnote: [Greek: Helenas [=helenaos],

helandros, heleptolis], Aeschylus, _Agamemnon_, 636.] as in English it

might be, and has been, reproduced--

'_Hell_ in her name, and heaven in her looks.'

Or take other illustrations. Pope Hildebrand in one of our _Homilies_

is styled 'Brand of Hell,' as setting the world in a blaze; as

'Höllenbrand' he appears constantly in German. Tott and Teuffel were

two officers of high rank in the army which Gustavus Adolphus brought

with him into Germany. You may imagine how soon those of the other side

declared that he had brought 'death' and 'hell' in his train. There

were two not inconsiderable persons in the time of our Civil Wars, Vane

(not the 'young Vane' of Milton's and Wordsworth's sonnets), and

Sterry; and one of these, Sterry, was chaplain to the other. Baxter,

having occasion to mention them in his profoundly instructive

_Narrative of his Life and Times_, and liking neither, cannot forbear

to observe, that '_vanity_ and _sterility_ were never more fitly joined

together;' and speaks elsewhere of 'the vanity of Vane, and the

sterility of Sterry.' This last, let me observe, is an eminently unjust

charge, as Baxter himself in a later volume [Footnote: Catholic

Theology, pt, 3, p. 107.] has very handsomely acknowledged. [Footnote:

A few more examples, in a note, of this contumely of names. Antiochus

Epiphanes, or 'the Illustrious,' is for the Jews, whom he so madly

attempted to hellenize, Antiochus Epimanes, or 'the Insane.' Cicero,

denouncing Verres, the infamous praetor of Sicily, is too skilful a

master of the passions to allow the name of the arch-criminal to escape

unused. He was indeed Verres, for he _swept_ the province; he was a

_sweep-net_ for it (everriculum in provincia); and then presently,

giving altogether another turn to his name, Others, he says, might be

partial to 'jus verrinum' (which might mean either Verrine law or boar-

sauce), but not he. Tiberius Claudius Nero, charged with being a

drunkard, becomes in the popular language 'Biberius Caldius Mero.' The

controversies of the Church with heretics yield only too abundant a

supply, and that upon both sides, of examples of this kind. The 'royal-

hearted' Athanasius is 'Satanasius' for the Arians; and some of St.

Cyprian's adversaries did not shrink from so foul a perversion of his

name as to call him Koprianos, or 'the Dungy.' But then how often is

Pelagius declared by the Church Fathers to be a pelagus, a very _ocean_

of wickedness. It was in vain that the Manichaeans changed their

master's name from Manes to Manichaeus, that so it might not so nearly

resemble the word signifying madness in the Greek (devitantes nomen

insaniae, Augustine, _De Haer_. 46); it did not thereby escape. The

Waldenses, or Wallenses, were declared by Roman controversialists to be

justly so called, as dwelling 'in valle densa,' in the thick valley of

darkness and ignorance. Cardinal Clesel was active in setting forward

the Roman Catholic reaction in Bohemia with which the dismal tragedy of

the Thirty Years' War began. It was a far-fetched and not very happy

piece of revenge, when they of the other side took pleasure in spelling

his name 'CLesel,' as much as to say, He of the 150 ass-power. Berengar

of Tours calls a Pope who had taken sides against him not pontifex, but

'pompifex.' Metrophanes, Patriarch of Constantinople, being counted to

have betrayed the interests of the Greek Church, his spiritual mother,

at the Council of Florence, saw his name changed by popular hate into

'Metrophonos,' or the 'Matricide.' In the same way of more than one

Pope Urbanus it was declared that he would have been better named

'Turbanus' (quasi _turbans_ Ecclesiam). Mahomet appears as 'Bafomet,'

influenced perhaps by 'bafa,' a lie, in Provençal. Shechem, a chief

city of the heretical Samaritans, becomes 'Sychar,' or city of lies

(see John iv. 5), so at least some will have it, on the lips of the

hostile Jews; while Toulouse, a very seedplot of heresies, Albigensian

and other, in the Middle Ages, is declared by writers of those times to

have prophesied no less by its name (Tolosa = tota dolosa). In the same

way adversaries of Wiclif traced in his name an abridgement of 'wicked-

belief.' Metternich was 'Mitternacht,' or Midnight, for the political

reformers of Germany in the last generation. It would be curious to

know how often the Sorbonne has been likened to a 'Serbonian' bog; some

'privilegium' declared to be not such indeed, but a 'pravilegium'

rather. Baxter complains that the Independents called presbyters

'priestbiters,' Presbyterian ministers not 'divines' but 'dry vines,'

and their Assembly men 'Dissembly men.']

Where, on the other hand, it is desired to do a man honour, how gladly,

in like manner, is his name seized on, if it in any way bears an

honourable significance, or is capable of an honourable interpretation

--men finding in that name a presage and prophecy of that which was

actually in its bearer. A multitude of examples, many of them very

beautiful, might be brought together in this kind. How often, for

instance, and with what effect, the name of Stephen, the proto-martyr,

that name signifying in Greek 'the Crown,' was taken as a prophetic

intimation of the martyr-crown, which it should be given to him, the

first in that noble army, to wear. [Footnote: Thus in a sublime Latin

hymn by Adam of St. Victor:

Nomen habes _Coronati_;

Te tormenta decet pati

Pro _corona_ gloriae.

Elsewhere the same illustrious hymnologist plays in like manner on the

name of St. Vincentius:

Qui _vincentis_ habet nomen

Ex re probat dignum omen

Sui fore nominis;

_Vincens_ terra, _vincens_ mari

Quidquid potest irrogari

Poenae vel formidinis.

In the Bull for the canonization of Sta. Clara, the canonizing Pope

does not disdain a similar play upon her name: Clara Claris praeclara

meritis, magnae in caelo claritate gloriae, ac in terrâ miraculorum

sublimium, clare claret. On these 'prophetic' names in the heathen

world see Pott, _Wurzel-Wörterbuch_, vol. ii. part 2, p. 522.]

Irenaeus means in Greek 'the Peaceable'; and early Church writers love

to remark how fitly the illustrious Bishop of Lyons bore this name,

setting forward as he so earnestly did the peace of the Church,

resolved as he was, so far as in him lay, to preserve the unity of the

Spirit in the bond of peace. [Footnote: We cannot adduce St. Columba as

another example in the same kind, seeing that this name was not his

birthright, but one given to him by his scholars for the dove-like

gentleness of his character. So indeed we are told; though it must be

owned that some of the traits recorded of him in _The Monks of the

West_ are not _columbine_ at all.] The Dominicans were well pleased

when their name was resolved into 'Domini canes'--the Lord's watchdogs;

who, as such, allowed no heresy to appear without at once giving the

alarm, and seeking to chase it away. When Ben Jonson praises

Shakespeare's 'well-filed lines'--

'In each of which he seems to _shake a lance_

As brandished in the eyes of ignorance'

--he is manifestly playing with his name. Fuller, too, our own Church

historian, who played so often upon the names of others, has a play

made upon his own in some commendatory verses prefixed to one of his

books:

'Thy style is clear and white; thy very name

Speaks pureness, and adds lustre to the frame.'

He plays himself upon it in an epigram which takes the form of a

prayer:

'My soul is stainèd with a dusky colour:

Let thy Son be the soap; I'll be the fuller.'

John Careless, whose letters are among the most beautiful in Foxe's

_Book of Martyrs_, writing to Philpot, exclaims, 'Oh good master

Philpot, which art a principal pot indeed, filled with much precious

liquor,--oh pot most happy! of the High Potter ordained to honour.'

Herein, in this faith that men's names were true and would come true,

in this, and not in any altogether unreasoning superstition, lay the

root of the carefulness of the Romans that in the enlisting of soldiers

names of good omen, such as Valerius, Salvius, Secundus, should be the

first called. Scipio Africanus, reproaching his soldiers after a mutiny,

finds an aggravation of their crime in the fact that one with so ill-

omened a name as Atrius Umber should have seduced them, and persuaded

them to take him for their leader. So strong is the conviction of men

that names are powers. Nay, it must have been sometimes thought that

the good name might so react on the evil nature that it should not

remain evil altogether, but might be induced, in part at least, to

conform itself to the designation which it bore. Here we have an

explanation of the title Eumenides, or the Well-minded, given to the

Furies; of Euxine, or the kind to strangers, to the inhospitable Black

Sea, 'stepmother of ships,' as the Greek poet called it; the

explanation too of other similar transformations, of the Greek Egesta

transformed by the Romans into 'Segesta,' that it might not suggest

'egestas' or penury; [Footnote: [But the form _Segesta_ is probably

older than _Egesta_, the Romans here, as in other cases, retaining the

original initial _s_, which in Greek is represented generally by the

rough, sometimes by the smooth breathing.]] of Epidamnus, which, in

like manner seeming too suggestive of 'damnum,' or loss, was changed

into 'Dyrrachium'; of Maleventum, which became 'Beneventum'; of Cape

Tormentoso, or Stormy Cape, changed into 'Cape of Good Hope'; of the

fairies being always respectfully spoken of as 'the good people' in

Ireland, even while they are accredited with any amount of mischief; of

the dead spoken of alike in Greek and in Latin simply as 'the

majority'; of the dying, in Greek liturgies remembered as 'those about

to set forward upon a journey'[Footnote: [Greek: oi exodeuontes]]; of

the slain in battle designated in German as 'those who remain,' that is,

on the field of battle; of [Greek: eulogia], or 'the blessing,' as a

name given in modern Greek to the smallpox! We may compare as an

example of this same euphemism the famous 'Vixerunt' with which Cicero

announced that the conspirators against the Roman State had paid the

full penalty of their treason.

Let me observe, before leaving this subject, that not in one passage

only, but in passages innumerable, Scripture sets its seal to this

significance of names, to the fact that the seeking and the finding of

this significance is not a mere play upon the surface of things: it

everywhere recognizes the inner band, which ought to connect, and in a

world of truth would connect, together the name and the person or thing

bearing the name. Scripture sets its seal to this by the weight and

solemnity which it everywhere attaches to the imposing of names; this

in many instances not being left to hazard, but assumed by God as his

own peculiar care. 'Thou shalt call his name Jesus' (Matt. i. 21; Luke

i. 31) is of course the most illustrious instance of all; but there is

a multitude of other cases in point; names given by God, as that of

John to the Baptist; or changed by Him, as Abram's to Abraham (Gen.

xvii. 3), Sarai's to Sarah, Hoshea's to Joshua; or new names added by

Him to the old, when by some mighty act of faith the man had been

lifted out of his old life into a new; as Israel added to Jacob, and

Peter to Simon, and Boanerges or Sons of thunder to the two sons of

Zebedee (Mark iii. 17). The same feeling is at work elsewhere. A Pope

on his election always takes a new name. Or when it is intended to make,

for good or for ill, an entire breach with the past, this is one of the

means by which it is sought to effect as much (2 Chr. xxxvi. 4; Dan. i.

7). How far this custom reaches, how deep the roots which it casts, is

exemplified well in the fact that the West Indian buccaneer makes a

like change of name on entering that society of blood. It is in both

cases a sort of token that old things have passed away, that all have

become new to him.

But we must draw to a close. Enough has been said to attest and to

justify the wide-spread faith of men that names are significant, and

that things and persons correspond, or ought to correspond, to them.

You will not, then, find it a laborious task to persuade your pupils to

admit as much. They are prepared to accept, they will be prompt to

believe it. And great indeed will be our gains, their gains and ours,--

for teacher and taught will for the most part enrich themselves

together,--if, having these treasures of wisdom and knowledge lying

round about us, so far more precious than mines of Californian gold, we

determine that we will make what portion of them we can our own, that

we will ask the words which we use to give an account of themselves, to

say whence they are, and whither they tend. Then shall we often rub off

the dust and rust from what seemed to us but a common token, which as

such we had taken and given a thousand times; but which now we shall

perceive to be a precious coin, bearing the 'image and superscription'

of the great King: then shall we often stand in surprise and in

something of shame, while we behold the great spiritual realities which

underlie our common speech, the marvellous truths which we have been

witnessing _for_ in our words, but, it may be, witnessing _against_ in

our lives. And as you will not find, for so I venture to promise, that

this study of words will be a dull one when you undertake it yourselves,

as little need you fear that it will prove dull and unattractive, when

you seek to make your own gains herein the gains also of those who may

be hereafter committed to your charge. Only try your pupils, and mark

the kindling of the eye, the lighting up of the countenance, the revival

of the flagging attention, with which the humblest lecture upon words,

and on the words especially which they are daily using, which are

familiar to them in their play or at their church, will be welcomed by

them. There is a sense of reality about children which makes them rejoice

to discover that there is also a reality about words, that they are not

merely arbitrary signs, but living powers; that, to reverse the saying

of one of England's 'false prophets,' they may be the fool's counters,

but are the wise man's money; not, like the sands of the sea,

innumerable disconnected atoms, but growing out of roots, clustering in

families, connecting and intertwining themselves with all that men have

been doing and thinking and feeling from the beginning of the world

till now.

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