CHAPTER XIII.

Departure for Yorktown: Washington’s tomb: Celebration of the

anniversary of the surrender of Yorktown: Details of its siege in

1781.

The Virginia militia had long since expressed their desire to general

Lafayette, of having him present at the celebration of the anniversary

of the capture of Yorktown, on the very soil where this great event

occurred, which, in terminating the revolutionary war, forever secured

the independence of the United States. To accept this honourable

invitation, general Lafayette left Washington the 16th of October,

crossed the Potomac upon a wooden bridge nearly a mile long, and was

received upon the Virginia side by a corps of troops, under command of

general Jones. His march to Alexandria, and his entry into that city,

were marked by the continual thunder of artillery, placed along the

road, and by the acclamations of the people. We dined and slept at

Alexandria. As we were sitting down to table with all the magistrates,

and a great number of citizens, Mr. Adams, the secretary of state,

informed us of the death of the king of France, Louis the eighteenth.

On the 17th, we embarked in the steam-boat Petersburg, in company with

the secretary of war, Mr. Calhoun, generals Macomb, Jones, and a great

number of other officers and citizens. After a voyage of two hours, the

guns of fort Washington announced that we were approaching the last

abode of the father of his country. At this solemn signal, to which the

military band accompanying us responded by plaintive strains, we went on

deck, and the venerable soil of Mount Vernon was before us; at this view

an involuntary and spontaneous movement made us kneel. We landed in

boats, and trod upon the ground so often worn by the feet of Washington.

A carriage received general Lafayette, and the other visitors silently

ascended the precipitous path which conducted to the solitary habitation

of Mount Vernon. In re-entering beneath this hospitable roof, which had

sheltered him when the reign of terror tore him violently from his

country and family, George Lafayette felt his heart sink within him, at

no more finding him whose paternal care had softened his misfortunes,

whose example and wise counsel inspired his youthful mind with those

generous sentiments which at present render him an example of good

citizenship, a model to parents and husbands, the most devoted of sons,

the most stable of friends. His father again sought with emotion for

every thing which reminded him of the companion of his glorious toils.

Three nephews of general Washington took Lafayette, his son, and myself,

to conduct us to the tomb of their uncle; our numerous companions

remained in the house; in a few minutes after, the cannon of the fort,

thundering anew, announced that Lafayette rendered homage to the ashes

of WASHINGTON. Simple and modest as he was during life, the tomb of the

citizen-hero is scarcely perceived amid the sombre cypresses by which it

is surrounded: a vault slightly elevated and sodded over, a wooden door

without inscriptions, some withered and some green garlands, indicate to

the traveller who visits this spot, the place where rest in peace the

puissant arms which broke the chains of his country. As we approached,

the door was opened; Lafayette descended alone into the vault, and a few

minutes after re-appeared, with his eyes overflowing with tears. He took

his son and me by the hand, and led us into the tomb, where by a sign he

indicated the coffin of his paternal friend, along side of which was

that of his companion in life, united to him forever in the grave. We

knelt reverentially near his coffin, which we respectfully saluted with

our lips; rising, we threw ourselves into the arms of Lafayette, and

mingled our tears with his.

In leaving the vault, we were met by the three nephews of Washington:

one of them, Mr. Custis, presented general Lafayette with a gold ring,

containing some of the hair of the great man, and we returned to the

house where our companions awaited us. An hour was devoted to visiting

the house and grounds, which at present belong to a nephew of

Washington, who bears the same name, and is one of the judges of the

supreme court of the United States. He has made no alteration in the

property left him by his uncle, for whose memory he entertains the most

profound and tender respect. George Lafayette assured us that every

thing in the house was as he saw it twenty-eight years ago. He found in

the place where Washington himself had left it, the principal key of the

bastile, which was sent him by Lafayette, at the time this monument of

despotism was destroyed. The note sent with the key is still carefully

preserved.

The situation of Mount Vernon, upon the right bank of the Potomac, is

very picturesque, and is seen to a great distance from this majestic

river. The house is small, very plain, and surrounded by fine trees. The

tomb is about two hundred paces from the house.

After resting a few moments, we resumed the path leading to the shore:

our march was silent; each of us bore a branch of cypress, cut from over

the tomb of Washington. We resembled a bereaved family, who had entombed

a beloved father, recently dead. We were already on board our vessel—and

the waves had borne us afar, and no one had interrupted our silent

meditation. At last Mount Vernon disappeared behind the high and winding

banks of the river; all then grouped themselves on the quarter deck of

the steam-boat, and listened attentively till evening to Lafayette, who

talked of Washington.

Soon after leaving Mount Vernon we met the steam-boat Potomac, having on

board a volunteer company from Fredericksburgh, commanded by captain

Crutchfield, and a great number of passengers who came to meet general

Lafayette. The two boats after exchanging salutes, sailed in company

during the night, and arrived next day at noon at the mouth of York

river, where were five other boats, which ascended the river with us to

Yorktown. We delayed a moment in front of a point marked for our

landing, and at a signal given by the artillery on shore, we debarked in

boats commanded by captain Elliot. The general was received on shore by

the Yorktown committee, the governor of Virginia and council, the chief

justice of the United States, John Marshall, and numerous officers of

the army. The upper banks of the river were covered with a crowd of

ladies from great distances, and its waters offered an entirely

picturesque view from the number, variety and disposition of the vessels

with which it was covered. After having replied to the addresses of Mr.

Leigh, president of the committee, and to that of the governor of

Virginia, general Lafayette was conducted amid the acclamations of the

people, to the head quarters prepared for him. It was in the very house

that Cornwallis inhabited during the siege of Yorktown, forty-three

years previous.

Yorktown, which has never recovered from the disasters of the

revolutionary war, because its unhealthy situation prevented the access

of new inhabitants, appeared from its actual condition very properly

adapted to the celebration which was to take place on the following day:

houses in ruins, blackened by fire, or pierced by bullets; the ground

covered with fragments of arms, the broken shells, and overturned

gun-carriages; tents grouped or scattered according to the nature of the

ground; small platoons of soldiers placed at various points, all in a

word, conveyed the idea of a camp hastily formed near a village taken

and occupied after an obstinate battle. The manner in which we were

lodged, tended to keep up the illusion; a single bed was prepared for

general Lafayette; all who accompanied him, officers, generals, and the

governor, placed themselves at random on mattresses or straw, in the

half open and unfurnished apartments. During the night sixty officers

formed a volunteer company, to guard the head quarters, around which

they were bivouacked. We were awaked at day-break on the 19th, by the

cannon thundering from the plain, calling all the surrounding troops to

arms. General Lafayette, accompanied by the committee of arrangement,

went to Washington’s marquee, which had travelled with us, and was

erected at some distance from the head quarters: there he received the

different corps of officers from the surrounding regiments. During this

presentation we were witness to the most affecting scenes: two old

revolutionary soldiers fainted away in shaking hands with the general.

The appearance of colonel Lewis who presented himself in the dress of a

Virginian mountaineer, and asked permission to address Lafayette on

behalf of his county, attracted great attention.

As soon as colonel Lewis had finished this discourse, which was much

applauded by the auditors, the general kindly took his hand into his

own, thanked him affectionately, and begged him to express all his

gratitude to the mountaineers of Virginia, whose excellent and numerous

services rendered during the revolution, he rapidly enumerated.

At eleven o’clock the troops approached the head quarters near which

they formed two columns, and some moments after they marched to conduct

general Lafayette under a triumphal arch erected over the situation of

the English redoubt which he formerly carried, at the head of the

American troops he commanded during the siege of Yorktown. His march now

took place through a double row of ladies whose vivid joy and elegant

costume singularly contrasted with the warlike arrangements around us.

He was received under the triumphal arch by general Taylor who after the

different corps had taken the places assigned them, and silence was

established among the surrounding crowd, commenced an eloquent address,

in which he developed the motives of American enthusiasm and gratitude,

towards Lafayette.

General Lafayette was profoundly moved, and his emotion was still more

augmented by the enthusiasm with which the last words of the orator were

received by the people. However, always governed by that modesty which

so strongly characterizes him, he immediately removed the wreath which

had been placed upon his head, and turning to colonel Fish, one of the

officers who valiantly seconded him in the attack upon the redoubt;

“take it,” said he, “this wreath belongs to you also, preserve it as a

deposit for which we must account to our comrades.” Then addressing

general Taylor, he returned his thanks, thus:

“I am happy to receive such honourable evidences of friendship from my

ancient companions in arms, in the place where the American and French

arms were so gloriously united in a holy alliance in favour of American

independence, and the sacred principle of the sovereignty of the people.

I am happy also to be thus received on the very place where my dear

comrades of the light infantry acquired one of their most honorable

rights to the love and esteem of their fellow-citizens.” He finished by

paying a tribute of gratitude to the officers who directed the attack

upon the redoubt, and among them named Hamilton, Gimat, Lawrence, Fish,

and added that it was in their name, in the name of the light infantry,

and only in common with them, that he accepted the proffered wreath.

After this ceremony all the troops defiled before Lafayette, and we

returned to Yorktown, where we passed the rest of the day in festivity.

A circumstance of considerable piquancy augmented the interest of this

patriotic and military celebration: I have already stated that General

Lafayette on arriving at Yorktown, established his head quarters in the

same house in which Cornwallis had his, forty-three years before. Some

servants, in examining the cellars, in order to put away the

refreshments and provisions conveniently, discovered in an obscure

corner a large chest; its weight and apparent antiquity excited their

curiosity; they opened it, and to their great astonishment found it

filled with candles, blackened by time: by an inscription on the lid it

was found that they formed part of Cornwallis’s stores during the siege.

They immediately made it known in the house, and the intelligence

speedily reached the camp. Shortly after all the candles were removed,

lighted and arranged in a circle, in the centre of the camp, where the

ladies and soldiers danced during the evening. A ball in York-town in

1824 by the light of Cornwallis’s candles, appeared so pleasant an

occurrence to our old revolutionary soldiers, that notwithstanding their

great age, and the fatigues of the day, most of them were unwilling to

retire until the candles were entirely consumed.

Although more than half the night was passed before we could retire to

rest, the desire of attentively considering the place in which American

independence was secured by a decisive victory, did not permit me to

waste much time in sleep. I awoke just at dawn of day, and reached the

ruins of the ancient entrenchments of the town as the first rays of the

sun fell upon the temporary encampment of the militia, which they had

already abandoned; I saw a part of the troops going on board of vessels,

which were preparing to leave the shore, while the decreasing sounds of

the drum behind the forest, which begins at a short distance from the

town, indicated the route of those detachments which sought their homes

by land. Although every thing around me offered an exact and piquant

scene of war, my attention was not long withheld from my principal

object, and I soon began to reconnoitre the situation of the town, the

exterior works and the position of the two armies, whose _holy alliance_

had secured the independence of a young nation, and the rights of man on

the American continent. Notwithstanding some gardens, and the useless

efforts of the plough to fertilize some spots of a soil consisting

almost entirely of sterile sand, I could easily find the trace of the

fortification of the town, which describes an arc whose chord was formed

by York river, which in this place is large and navigable even for

frigates; but I had much difficulty in recognising the exterior works.

However by the aid of a plan of the siege, I pursued my researches, when

I remarked a man seated at the foot of a small pyramid, and who appeared

to be plunged in profound meditation. On this pyramid is inscribed in

large letters, the names of _Viomenil_, _Rochambeau_, _Lauzun_, _St.

Simon_, _Dumas_, in short of all the principal officers of the French

corps who had fought and conquered at York-town. While I read again and

again with satisfaction the glorious names which will remind remotest

posterity of the honourable part France took in the struggle of American

liberty against British tyranny, the old man rose; I saluted him, and we

soon entered into conversation relative to the objects which appeared to

interest us equally. He informed me that he had served with Lafayette

during the campaign of Virginia, and the siege of York-town; that having

lived for forty years since on a farm but a few miles distant, he had

not passed an anniversary since the capture of York-town, without coming

to the spot, and paying the tribute of his regrets to his ancient

comrades, and of gratitude to the French nation. “Since,” said he, “you

appear to take so much interest in the details of this event, in which I

had the good fortune to take an active part, let us ascend together this

point of a bastion, which remains standing among all these ruins, whence

we can take in the plan of operations at a glance, and I can make myself

better understood.” After the old soldier had looked around to collect

his recollections, we sat down together, with our backs toward the town,

and in front of us the plain, which the besieging army occupied. “You

know,” said he, “how Cornwallis, after a campaign of six months, was

driven by the young Lafayette, from post to post through Virginia, to

shut himself up in York-town, whence he could only escape by laying down

his arms. I shall therefore commence my recital from the period when

Lafayette by establishing himself at Williamsburg, rendered it

impossible for Cornwallis to escape.”

“In the early part of September, Cornwallis attempted to reconnoitre our

position, but judging that it would be impossible to force it, and

knowing that all retreat by sea was cut off by the French fleet under

Count de Grasse, determined to run the chances of a siege, and

endeavoured to fortify himself as well as he could. We all thought, that

profiting by the enthusiasm which our late successes had excited in the

army, Lafayette would not give his adversary time to prepare himself,

but would lead us at once to a final victory. But the young general on

this occasion manifested a moderation perhaps still more admirable than

his bravery and talents; neither the solicitations of his officers, who

pressed him not to lose this opportunity of winning new laurels, by

striking the last blow at the English army, nor the offers of Admiral De

Grasse, who through M. De St. Simon offered him the support of the

marines, and even a part of the crews of his thirty-eight vessels, could

determine him to attempt any thing before the arrival of the allied army

commanded by Washington and Rochambeau. “When great interests are in

question,” answered he, “I shall never prefer the gratification of

self-love, to the certainty of a assured success,” and he waited to the

end with a patience which would have excited surprise even in an old

captain.

“On the 13th Washington and Rochambeau arrived at our camp, and on the

17th went on board the _Ville de Paris_ to concert with Count de Grasse

the measures necessary to render the French fleet tributary to the

success of the enterprize. On the 26th and 28th all the combined forces

were united, and we marched to invest York-town, which was accomplished

without the loss of a single man. The French corps commanded by

Rochambeau, occupied the space between the river and a marsh which is

nearly in front of us, but which is now masked by some trees and

ravines, under shelter of which, without risk, we could approach within

pistol-shot of the enemy’s works. The Grenadiers and Chasseurs of the

advanced guard of this army was commanded by Viomenil. Next morning the

American army passed the same marsh, established its left there, and

placed its right below upon York river. The investment of the place was

thus as close and complete as possible. The legion of Lauzun, a corps of

cavalry, and a half brigade of American militia, took post at Gloucester

on the other side of the river, where they could only establish

themselves after dislodging Tarleton, who occupied it with 400 horse and

200 infantry.

“During the night of the 29th and 30th, the enemy dreading to be

attacked by a coup-de-main in the very extensive position he had

fortified, resolved to abandon his camp at Pidgeon hill, and to retain

only two redoubts in front of the body of the place. The day of the 30th

was employed by us in occupying the works abandoned by the enemy, which

enabled us to enclose him within a narrower circle, and gave us the

greatest advantages. From this moment we opened our trenches, and a

noble emulation was established between our allies and us. Although we

were very young soldiers and inexperienced in the operations of a siege,

we had the satisfaction of meriting the praise of the French, who agreed

that our zeal and intelligence made us worthy of being associated with

veteran troops.

“Messrs. Duportail and de Querenet superintended the works as chiefs of

Engineers. M. D’Aboville commanded the French artillery, and General

Knox the American. Notwithstanding the enemy’s fire, the trenches were

rapidly advanced. On the 9th, three batteries were ready to play upon

the town. General Washington himself fired the first gun, and at this

signal we commenced a furious cannonade, which the enemy answered with

great vigour. On the 10th a red-hot shot fired from a French battery at

the little English squadron stationed in the river, set fire to a ship

of 44 guns and two other smaller vessels. This conflagration which

commenced in the evening and continued till late at night, presented a

terrible and magic spectacle. The devouring flames which blazed in tall

columns up the masts, threw a lurid light upon all our batteries, and

seemed to lend us their light to facilitate their destruction.—The

battle only ceased when the cessation of the conflagration left us in

darkness.

“On the 14th, the English possessed no other external works but two

large redoubts, on the situation of one of which Lafayette yesterday

received the civic wreath; the other much more to the right, precisely

where the pyramid is raised, at whose base we first met. Washington

resolved to take them, and all the 14th and part of the 15th was

employed in cannonading them to destroy the abattis which defended the

approaches, and facilitate the storm. During this cannonade Washington

and Rochambeau, on foot, surrounded by the officers of the staff,

remained as near as possible to the enemy’s works, to judge better of

the effects of our batteries, and caused the whole army to admire their

calm intrepidity. Rochambeau, to calm the impatient ardor of Viomenil,

who thought they were burning powder uselessly, and that the moment was

arrived for the assault, descended alone into the ravine which separated

him from the enemy, tranquilly mounted the opposite side, entered the

abattis within pistol-shot of the English batteries, and returned to

assure Viomenil coolly that the abattis was not sufficiently destroyed,

and he must wait until the parapet was more levelled, in order that his

grenadiers should be exposed as little time as possible. At length the

enemy’s fire began to slacken, and Washington judged the moment

favorable for the assault. Lafayette at the head of the American light

infantry was charged with the attack of the redoubt on the left of the

beseiged, and Viomenil, at the head of the French grenadiers with the

left. Lafayette thought correctly that to carry entrenchments defended

by experienced soldiers with young troops, he could only count on the

audacity and rapidity of the attack; in consequence he had all the arms

of his division discharged, formed it in column, and led it himself,

sword in hand, at full speed across the abattis, and in spite of the

enemy’s fire entered the redoubt, of which he was soon master with the

loss of but few men. He immediately sent his aid, Barbour, to Viomenil

to inform him he was in his redoubt, and inquire where _he_ was. The

aid-de-camp found the French general at the head of his column of

grenadiers, waiting patiently under arms, under the terrible fire of the

enemy until his sappers had methodically prepared a path across the

abattis. “Tell Lafayette,” said Viomenil, “that I am not yet in mine,

but will be there in five minutes,” and in fact within five minutes, his

troops entered the redoubt by beat of drum, and in as good order as if

on parade. This action displayed in the strongest manner the discipline,

bravery and coolness of the French grenadiers, but cost them a

considerable number of killed and wounded. As soon as we were masters of

the two redoubts, we established there good lodgments which were

connected with the second parallel, and new batteries were constructed,

which completed the enclosure of Cornwallis’s army, and battered

effectually the interior of the place in a very destructive manner.

“During the night of the 15–16th, the enemy made a sortie of 600 picked

troops, commanded by Abercrombie, who met with resistance from all our

redoubts, but succeeded in deceiving the French post of the second

parallel, by presenting themselves as Americans, and by the aid of this

manœuvre gained and spiked a battery of four pieces. Chevalier

Chastellux arriving immediately with his reserve, forced the British to

retreat precipitately. Thanks to the care of General Aboville,

commanding the French artillery, the four badly spiked pieces were ready

to be used in six hours afterwards.

“It appeared that this sortie was intended to cover the retreat of

Cornwallis and his army. In fact we learned soon after, that general

Cornwallis had resolved to leave his sick and baggage, cross the river

during the night, attack the troops which occupied Gloucester

unexpectedly, and after routing them, to force his way by land even to

New York. The plan was a bold one, and worthy of such a man as

Cornwallis. His boats were all in readiness, and part of his troops had

already landed on the opposite side of the river, when a violent tempest

suddenly coming on, rendered it impossible for him to continue his

operations. He esteemed himself very fortunate in getting his troops

back to York-town, before the daylight betrayed his secret. He then

perceived there was no longer a hope of escape for him, and on the 7th

he demanded a parley. The negociations continued until the 19th: they

were conducted by the American colonel Laurens, whose father was a

prisoner in England, and the Viscount de Noailles. The capitulation

specified that Cornwallis and his army should be prisoners of war; that

the troops should defile with shouldered arms, with flags rolled up, and

drums beating an English or German march, and that they should ground

their arms on the glacis, in face of the allied armies. This

capitulation was ratified by the general in chief, and at noon

detachments of the allied troops occupied the principal posts. When the

British came out of the city to defile before us, we were ranged in two

lines, the Americans on the right, and the French on the left; at the

extremity of both lines were all our general officers. In the midst of

them, the beloved WASHINGTON was conspicuous, from his great height and

beautiful charger, which he managed with inimitable grace. At the moment

when the head of the column appeared, all eyes sought Cornwallis, who

being detained by indisposition, was represented by General O’Hara. The

latter either through mistake or determination, offered his sword to

General Rochambeau, who by a sign pointed out General Washington, and

said, that the French army being only auxiliary, it was from the

American general that he should receive orders. O’Hara appeared piqued,

and advanced towards Washington, who received him with a noble

generosity. It was evident to us that the English in their misfortune

were especially mortified to be obliged to lay down their arms before

Americans, for the officers and soldiers affected to turn their heads

towards the French line. Lafayette perceived this, and revenged himself

in a very pleasant manner. He ordered the music of the light infantry to

strike up _yankee doodle_, an air which the British applied to a song

composed to ridicule the Americans at the beginning of the war, and

which they uniformly sung to all their prisoners. This pleasantry of

Lafayette was so bitter to them, that many of them broke their arms in a

rage in grounding them on the glacis. Cornwallis himself participated in

their weakness of self-love, which made them blush to be conquered by

those they chose to consider as rebels, rather than as citizens armed in

defence of their rights. The day after the capitulation, being amid the

allied generals who came to visit him, he affected in speaking of

Lafayette always to separate his glory from that of the _Americans_. “I

determined more willingly to surrender,” said he, addressing our young

general, “as I knew that the French were associated with the Americans,

and their character assured me of an humane and honourable treatment for

my army.” “What,” replied Fayette, “has your lordship so soon forgotten

that we _Americans_ are also humane to captive armies?” This answer

which alluded to the taking of Burgoyne’s army by the Americans, some

time previous, prevented Cornwallis from returning to the subject. You

see,” said the old soldier, whom I had not once ventured to interrupt,

during his recital, so strongly was I interested, “that Lafayette was on

all occasions a strong and ardent friend; he was not contented to serve

our cause by his counsels and sword in her battles, but he defended our

character and reputation, when they were unjustly attacked, and

identifying himself with us, rendered himself as it were bondsman for

all our actions. Moreover the English who affected so much contempt for

us, ought at least to have talked less of _humanity_, as they every day

outraged this virtue by the most horrible actions. We should never

forget that during this campaign of Virginia, so glorious for our arms

and fortunate for our independence, fire, pillage and murder accompanied

them through our towns and villages; frequently they massacred their

prisoners in cold blood after battle, and, in short, during the seige of

York-town, despairing to conquer us by force of arms, they attempted to

poison us, by sending among us more than an hundred unfortunate negroes,

affected with the small-pox, and which our pity succoured at the foot of

their ramparts.

“But why dwell so long upon the crimes of a tyranny we have destroyed,

and which half a century of happiness and liberty, should efface from

our memory!—Have I not moreover a much more pleasant task to accomplish

in speaking of the rights which the French army and its virtuous leaders

have acquired to American gratitude by their courage and generosity.” He

then related to me with emotion a number of incidents, which proved that

there never was a better disciplined army, nor understood their duties

as allies better, than this little French army, and I ought to add that

this evidence of an old American soldier, speaking as it were in

presence of the facts he cited, is not the only one I collected during

our journey. Every where, even to the smallest villages, which were

formerly occupied by the French army, I heard its severe discipline, its

profound respect to propriety, patience under fatigues, courage in

battle and moderation in victory, highly praised; and I avow that this

eulogium on the noble conduct of my countrymen always made my heart beat

with a delightful emotion. Why then, does the French restoration of

1815, (which, to attach to its colours, glorious recollections, or to

cause to be forgotten the warlike prodigies of the tri-colored cockade,

incessantly invokes the standard of Henry IV, which was only

distinguished in civil wars, or of Louis XIV, whose banners were merely

witness to useless victories or devastating retreats,) not claim as a

legitimate heritage a part of the glory of the War of American

Independence? Was it not under this _White flag_ that Rochambeau’s

grenadiers marched to the capture of Yorktown? Was it not under the

banners of _legitimacy_ that our navy immortalized itself in securing

the freedom of a young nation by the dispersion of the English fleets?

Or does the restoration spurn the glory because it was acquired to the

advantage of Liberty? I know not; but what is certain, is, that while we

were celebrating the anniversary of the capture of Yorktown, the French

squadron commanded by Admiral —— which was then lying in Hampton roads,

where they might hear the acclamations of American gratitude for French

benefits, remained coldly strangers to a festival which ought to have

been regarded as a family celebration by both nations. However, we are

satisfied that this inexplicable indifference or repugnance, was not

participated in by a majority of the officers or crews. Of the officers

some privately came on shore and in citizen’s dress, were witness to

this patriotic scene, in which the Americans would have speedily

assigned them a distinguished place, if they had been permitted to

present themselves in their proper uniform.

When I returned to the headquarters, I found our travelling companions

very much occupied with this question, and many of them affirmed that

the French admiral would not have acted thus unless he had received

instructions on the subject from a superior authority.

Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825, Vol. 1 (of 2) Or, Journal of a Voyage to the United States · 第 13 / 15 章