Camp of Savin Hill. Visit to John Adams: review of the regulations of
the Massachusetts militia.
On the 28th of August general Lafayette was invited by the governor to
visit the camp at Savin Hill, a few miles from Boston; he accepted the
invitation, and we arrived there at noon. Savin Hill is a very
picturesque situation on the borders of the sea, where during the fine
season the volunteer militia companies of Boston go successively to pass
some days in camp, for the purpose of military exercise. On our arrival
we found them under arms. The young officer in command came to receive
the general, and after a brief address he returned to the head of his
troops, which manœuvred with much precision. After various movements of
infantry, the artillery commenced firing at a mark. Most of the shots
were fired with great skill, at a target floated at a sufficient
distance on the water. The artillerists invited the general to aim one
of their pieces, which he did, and his shot knocked the target in
pieces. This successful shot, which no one expected from a man of his
age, procured him the applauses of all the young soldiers, and of the
ladies who usually visit the camp to see their brothers and husbands,
but on this occasion had flocked in greater numbers to see Lafayette.
The guns of the artillerists attracted our attention from the moment of
our arrival; after the exercises were finished I approached to examine
them more attentively, and was considerably surprised to recognize our
French models, which were perfectly imitated. From the officers who
observed the interest with which we examined these pieces, we learned
that this improvement was owing to general Henry Lallemand, who was
forced by the proscriptions of 1815 to seek a refuge in the United
States, where he died in 1823, universally esteemed and regretted. The
militia of Massachusetts are indebted to him for great improvements in
their artillery; and he has left a treatise on the subject, in three
volumes, in which, it is true, he has only reproduced in part the
regulations already known and practised in France, but which he has
admirably adapted to the use of those for whom he wrote. He married in
Philadelphia the niece of a French gentleman, who during 50 years
residence in that city, had by his success in commerce, amassed one of
the largest fortunes in the United States. The situation of general
Lallemand, however, was not improved by this marriage, as he died poor.
His amiable and interesting widow, with her only daughter, continues to
reside at Philadelphia, under the protection of her uncle.
After visiting the camp at Savin Hill, the governor took us to dine at
his country seat; whence we returned to attend a brilliant ball, which
Mr. Lloyd, senator of the United States, gave to general Lafayette.
John Adams, whose name is so gloriously connected with all the great
epochs of the American revolution, and who had the honour of succeeding
Washington in the first magistracy of the republic, was then detained at
his retreat by the weight of eighty-nine years. Lafayette who had been
acquainted previously, and even maintained a strict friendship with him,
was unwilling to depart without paying him a visit: a feeling of
delicacy, easy to be understood, made him wish that this visit should be
unattended by any of that triumphal pomp, by which his slightest
movements had been accompanied. In consequence, he set out in a
carriage, merely accompanied by two gentlemen of the city, and followed
by his son and myself. We arrived about two o’clock at Quincy. Our
carriages stopped at the door of a very simple small house, built of
wood and brick, and but one story high. I was somewhat astonished to
learn that this was the residence of an Ex-President of the United
States. We found the venerable John Adams in the midst of his family. He
received and welcomed us with touching kindness: the sight of his
ancient friend imparted a pleasure and satisfaction, which appeared to
renew his youth. During the whole of dinner time, he kept up the
conversation with an ease and readiness of memory, which made us forget
his 89 years.
The long life of John Adams has been exclusively devoted to the service
of his country and liberty, which from his youth he passionately loved.
He was born at Quincy, the 19th October, 1735, and studied at Cambridge,
which he left in 1755, to take charge of a grammar school at Worcester,
where, at the same time, he applied himself to the study of the law,
under James Putnam. In 1758, he was admitted to the bar. In 1770 he was
chosen as a representative of the town of Boston, in the Assembly of
Massachusetts. When the quarrels between the English soldiers and the
citizens of Massachusetts became sanguinary, he showed his full strength
of character, by defending captain Preston and his soldiers, for firing
on the people; in this defence he was assisted by Josiah Quincy, jr. and
S. Blowers. He was unwilling that the love of liberty should transcend
the love of justice, and his eloquence secured the safety of those
unfortunates, who were in fact nothing but the blind and ignorant
instruments of English tyranny.
In 1774, he was elected a member of the Council of Massachusetts, but
the political opinions which he had already expressed openly and
energetically on numerous occasions, caused him to be rejected by
governor Gage. A few months afterwards, he was sent to the Continental
Congress, where he proved one of the most ardent and skilful defenders
of liberty.
In 1776, he was appointed, together with Jefferson, each to draw up a
Declaration of Independence. Jefferson’s address was preferred by
Congress, as is known, but Adams’s, on account of his eloquence and
patriotism, was not the less regarded as the soul and fire of that
immortal assembly. Shortly after he was sent with Dr. Franklin and
Edward Rutlege, to treat with Lord Howe for the pacification of the
colonies.
In 1777, he was appointed commissioner to the court of France, in place
of Silas Deane. In April 1779, Congress having censured all the other
European commissioners, made an honourable exception of John Adams. On
his return from Europe, the same year, he was elected a member of the
Convention assembled to revise the Constitution of Massachusetts. In the
month of August of the same year, he was sent to Europe with power to
treat for a general peace.
In December, 1780, Congress voted him public thanks for the services he
had rendered in Europe. In 1781, he concluded with the provinces of
Holland a treaty very advantageous to his country.
In 1785, he was sent as minister plenipotentiary to England. It was
during this honourable mission, that he published, in 1787, at London,
his learned summary of all the ancient and modern constitutions, under
the title of _Defence of the American Constitutions_. This profoundly
erudite work, in which the author in several passages appeared to
indicate his predilections for English constitutions, drew forth
vigorous attacks from a large number of patriotic writers, and
particularly from Philip Livingston, then governor of New Jersey, who
opposed him in an excellent work, which he published under the title of
_Examination of the English Constitution_.
Recalled from England at his own request, he was received with the
thanks of his fellow-citizens and of Congress. In 1789, after the
adoption of the new constitution, John Adams was elected Vice-President
of the United States, and remained in this honourable situation during
the eight years of the presidency of Washington, whose confidence in his
talents and patriotism was unbounded.
In 1797, he was himself elected to the Chief Magistracy of the republic,
to succeed Washington, who refused a third election. Circumstances were
then very difficult. The French revolution, which at first received the
general approbation of the United States, had at that time become,
through the intrigues of royalists and foreigners, an object of horror,
even to its warmest partizans. The French question agitated all minds,
and had become the subject of vivid discussion, and sometimes of violent
attacks, between the two parties called Federal and Democrat. The
ill-managed attempts of our diplomatic agents in the United States, to
profit by these divisions, alarmed President Adams, and induced him to
propose to Congress, as a measure of security, the suppression of the
act of _habeas corpus_. This proposition was too directly opposed to the
sentiments of liberty, entertained by the American people, not to be
rejected with force, and I may say even with indignation. The House of
Representatives would not even discuss the bill, and the popularity of
John Adams received at that time such a shock, that at the expiration of
the fourth year of his administration, he was not re-elected.
In 1801, he retired to his dwelling at Quincy; his fellow-citizens soon
forgot the cause of his retreat, and only remembered the great and
numerous services he rendered to his country during his long career. The
governorship of Massachusetts was offered him, and some time afterwards
he was invited to preside over the committee appointed to revise the
constitution of the state. But he began to feel the necessity of repose;
he thanked them, and concluded by praying the theologians, philosophers,
and politicians, to let him die in peace. Notwithstanding this refusal,
he had not become insensible to the great interests of the country, and
when she was menaced in 1811 by the odious vexations of England, his
patriotic voice was heard from the bosom of his retreat, declaring that
the national honour could only be maintained by war. His eloquence was
re-animated in a letter which he wrote to rally to this sentiment, those
whom party spirit had most widely separated. In short, he so generously
sacrificed his private opinions to the dangers of the moment, that his
most ardent adversaries could not withhold the expression of their
admiration and gratitude.
At the moment of our visit, although he could not go out of his chamber,
could scarcely raise himself from his chair, and his hands were unable
to convey the food to his mouth without the pious assistance of his
children or grand-children, his heart and head felt not less ardour for
every thing good. The affairs of his country afforded him the most
pleasant occupation. He frequently repeated the greatness of the joy
which he derived from the gratitude of his fellow-citizens towards
Lafayette. We left him, filled with admiration at the courage with which
he supported the pains and infirmities which the lapse of nearly a
century had necessarily accumulated upon him.
A grand review had been ordered and prepared for the 30th, in the
morning the troops from the environs of Boston arrived under command of
general Appleton, those of the city had pitched their tents upon the
common, in front of the capitol on the preceding evening, and on rising
we were struck with the appearance of this extemporaneous camp. At noon,
about 8,000 men were drawn up in line of battle, on this vast parade: a
great concourse of ladies adorned all the windows which overlooked the
ground, or filled the surrounding walks. A few moments after general
Lafayette presented himself, accompanied by the governor and his staff,
before the line, where he was received by the acclamations of the
troops, to which martial music and the shouts of the spectators
responded. After passing in front of the ranks of these young
soldier-citizens, whose equipments and appearance might charm even eyes
accustomed to the regularity of hired European troops, the general was
conducted to the most elevated point of the parade, to behold the
military movements which were to follow. We did not discover in the
handling of their arms, that minute precision to which European officers
attach so ridiculous an importance, and which is only acquired by
reducing a soldier to the sad condition of a puppet, for, at least, four
hours a day; but we were forced to admire the promptitude of the
charges, and the union and vivacity of the firing. Beyond doubt, the
movements of the line were somewhat defective as to calmness and
precision; but it was impossible, I believe, to execute with greater
rapidity and intelligence all the movements of light troops. This sort
of service appears to be very consonant to the American character; it is
also well suited to troops more particularly called to the defence of
situations where all the resources are known to them, and which are
particularly favourable to a war of detail. This sort of sham battle,
which was performed before our eyes, lasted nearly three hours, and
interested us exceedingly; when it was ended we went under an immense
tent, where the principal citizens to the number of 1200, were collected
at table to receive the adieus of Lafayette, who was to quit the city on
the next morning. In the centre of the table, and in front of the places
we were to occupy, stood a large silver basin, filled with fragments of
arms or projectiles, military buttons, &c. collected on Bunker’s Hill a
long time after the battle of the 17th June. The governor had the
goodness to offer us some of these fragments; for my part, I gratefully
accepted a button, upon which, notwithstanding the rust that covered it,
could readily be distinguished the number, 42; it is known that this
number is one of those which suffered most severely in attacking the
American entrenchments. The care with which the Americans preserve and
revere all the monuments of the revolution is very remarkable; every
thing which recalls this glorious epoch, is to them a precious relic,
which they regard almost with religious reverence. This sort of devotion
is praiseworthy, since it contributes to feed the sacred fire of love of
liberty, by which they are animated. It is worth quite as much, I
believe, as that _profound veneration_ which we have in Europe for the
ribbands conferred by power.
During the review I remarked with surprise the variety of uniforms; in
the numerous companies that defiled before us, scarcely could I find two
companies somewhat similar in this respect. Some were clothed with a
luxury that was very little adapted to war; while those from the
country, were on the contrary so simply clad, that they had nothing
military about them but the cartridge box and musket. This difference
was explained to me by the formation of _volunteer_ companies. These are
composed of young men, who, from being friends or neighbours, organize
under the authority of the governor, a peculiar company; the colour and
fashion of their uniform is decided by common consent; they elect their
own officers, and choose the name of their corps. Thus organized and
constituted, they remain always subject to the general regulations by
which all the militia are governed, but they meet much more frequently
for the purpose of military exercise; as most of these young men are
sufficiently well off, they can afford to expend something upon a
brilliant dress, and hence the variety of their uniforms. If from this
slight rivalry in elegance, between the volunteer companies, great
emulation in service ensues, as the officers suppose who had the
kindness to give me some information on these points, it is
unquestionably an advantage; but is it not to be feared that this
advantage may be attended by serious inconveniences? May not the
embroidery and plumes which at present serve to distinguish one company
from another, hereafter be used to distinguish the son of a rich
merchant from a mere mechanic? and will not this distinction between the
rich and poor militiaman open the door to the aristocracy of wealth,
which is not less an enemy to equality than the aristocracy of
parchments? I am aware that American manners and institutions diminish
this danger; but ought a danger to be disregarded because it is still
distant?
The existence, organization, duties, and basis of the discipline of the
militia throughout the Union, are determined by general laws emanating
from congress. However, as differences of situation or manners which
distinguish the aspect of the various states composing the great
federation require modifications in the application of these laws, each
state regulates for itself the formation of militia corps, their
especial discipline, the appointment of officers, &c. &c. taking care,
however, not to depart from the general principles established by
congress.
As all the particular regulations of the States differ somewhat from
each other, and it would, moreover, be too tedious to describe them all
in detail, it may suffice to satisfy the reader’s curiosity that we
present in this place a sketch of the regulations of the Massachusetts
militia.
The law of the Congress of the United States, calls into the ranks, all
citizens capable of bearing arms from the age of eighteen to forty-five,
inclusively; the law of Massachusetts makes an exception in favour of
the individuals hereafter designated: the lieutenant governor of the
state; members of the executive council; judges of the supreme court,
the inferior courts and their clerks; members of the legislature;
justices of the peace; all officers employed in the registry of deeds,
&c.; the attorney general, the solicitor general; secretary and
treasurer of state and their clerks; sheriffs; teachers of public
schools; the ministers of all religious sects, without distinction; all
civil officers appointed by the United States, and finally the Quakers,
when they present a certificate signed by one or two of their elders,
stating that the bearer is actually one of their society, and is
conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. Nevertheless, all the
individuals above excepted from militia duty, are obliged from the age
of 18 to 45, to keep in the house, and to present at each annual review,
the arms and equipments of war prescribed by the laws of the United
States: they must, moreover, pay two dollars a year, which are placed in
the treasury of the town or district, to be employed in arming and
equipping poor citizens unable to furnish their own accoutrements.