with America should be immediately made almost on any terms, and
on that principle it is that they have forced the present Ministry
into place; but as I am not quite clear that the principles of Lord
Shelburne, or those of his friend, Mr Dunning, are in any manner
friendly to America, and the king’s inveteracy continuing as great as
ever, it is not possible to say how far the negotiations for peace
may be traversed and impeded by secret manœuvres and intrigues;
therefore in my opinion it will be wise in America to be well on
her guard, and take her present measures, as if the war was yet to
continue some years. I have not yet heard of his departure, but the
22d instant was fixed for General Carleton to leave Portsmouth in the
Ceres, of thirtytwo guns, for New York, to take upon him the command
in chief in America. The late British Ministry died as they lived,
for one of their last official acts was to give the traitor Arnold,
by patent, one thousand pounds sterling pension per annum for his and
his wife’s lives.
It has been mentioned to me by a gentleman in the government here,
that the Emperor is disposed to enter into a commercial treaty with
America, and afterwards that a Minister or resident from Congress
should reside at the Court here, this being the principal commercial
country belonging to his Majesty. Though this communication was not
official, yet it appears as if it had been made to me from their
knowing, that I was formerly a Commissioner of Congress at the Court
of Vienna; therefore I think it my duty to inform Congress of the
circumstance through you, that they may take such measures in it as
they think proper.
I will not presume to advise on the propriety or impropriety of
appointing a Minister to treat with his Imperial Majesty, because
Congress must be sufficiently informed, that the capital manufactures
of this country in woollen, linen and cotton, and coarse hats, and
the iron and steel manufactures at Leige, will be of great utility
at all times in America; and the consumption of tobacco, indigo,
rice, furs, skins, and salt fish is not only very considerable in
this country, but in the adjacent inland ones, that always draw
their supplies through the ports here. I will only venture to say,
in my opinion, fifteen thousand livres tournois per annum would be
a sufficient appointment for an American minister to reside at this
Court, for his salary and expenses together. Should such a minister
be appointed, his commission should run thus; “To negotiate, agree
upon, conclude, and sign a treaty of, &c. &c. &c. between his
Imperial and Apostolic Majesty Joseph the Second, Emperor of Germany,
King of the Romans, of Hungary, Bohemia, &c. &c. &c. and the Congress
of the United States of America, and afterwards to reside as Minister
from the said Congress at the Court of Brussels, in the Austrian
Netherlands, to transact such affairs as may be given to him in
charge.” I mention this because there was a capital mistake in the
original commission sent me to treat with the Court of Vienna, which
I took the liberty of pointing out at the time.
You will find enclosed with this a copy of the London Gazette, and
sentence of the Court Martial on Captain Dundass of the Boneta, which
prove pretty explicitly a breach of the articles of capitulation at
Yorktown by Lord Cornwallis and Captain Symonds. I do not know that
the situation of affairs will render it necessary to take notice of
this breach on the part of the enemy, but it appears to me proper
that Congress should be informed of the fact.
With the highest consideration and respect, I have the honor to be,
&c.
WILLIAM LEE.
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF RALPH IZARD,
COMMISSIONER FROM THE UNITED STATES
TO THE GRAND DUKE OF TUSCANY.
Ralph Izard was a native of South Carolina. He was residing in
Paris with his family, when appointed by Congress a Commissioner to
the Court of Tuscany. He had lived much in England and other parts
of Europe. His Commission was dated July 1st, 1777. The state of
European politics became such, that he did not visit the Court to
which he was destined; nor did he leave Paris during the whole period
of his agency. Congress recalled him on the 8th of June, 1779, and he
returned in a few months afterwards to America. By correspondence he
attempted to procure a loan in Italy, but without effect. It does not
appear, that his services were in any way successful.
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF RALPH IZARD.
INSTRUCTIONS TO RALPH IZARD.
Philadelphia, July 1st, 1777.
Sir,
Herewith you will receive a Commission from the Congress of the
United States of North America, authorising and appointing you to
represent the said Congress, as their Commissioner at the Court of
the Grand Duke of Tuscany. You will proceed with all convenient
expedition to the Court of the Grand Duke, and will lose no time in
announcing in form the declaration of Independence made in Congress,
the fourth day of July, 1776. The reasons of this act of independence
are so strongly adduced in the declaration itself, that further
argument is unnecessary.
As it is of the greatest importance to these States, that Great
Britain be effectually obstructed in the plan of sending German and
Russian troops to North America, you will exert all possible address
to prevail with the Grand Duke to use his influence with the Emperor
and the Courts of France and Spain to this end.
You will propose a treaty of friendship and commerce with the said
Grand Duke, upon the same commercial principles as were the basis of
the first treaties of friendship and commerce proposed to the Courts
of France and Spain, by our Commissioners, and which were approved in
Congress, the seventeenth day of September, 1776, and not interfering
with any treaties, which may have been proposed to or concluded with
the Courts abovementioned. For your better instruction herein, the
Commissioners at the Court of Versailles will be desired to furnish
you, from Paris, with a copy of the treaty originally proposed by
Congress to be entered into with France, together with the subsequent
alterations, that have been proposed on either side.
You are to propose no treaty of commerce to be of longer duration,
than the term of twelve years from the date of its ratification by
the Congress of the United States. And it must never be forgotten in
these commercial treaties, that reciprocal and equal advantages to
the people of both countries be firmly and plainly secured.
There being reason to suppose, that his Royal Highness makes commerce
an object of his attention, you will not fail to place before him, in
the clearest light, the great advantages, that may result from a free
trade between Tuscany and North America.
You will seize the first favorable moment to solicit, with firmness
and respect, an acknowledgment of the independence of these States,
and the public reception of their Commissioner as the representative
of a sovereign State.
The measures you may take in the premises, and the occurrences
of your negotiation, you will communicate to Congress, by every
opportunity.
It may not be improper to observe, that these instructions, and all
others, which you may receive from time to time, should be kept as
secret as circumstances will admit.
JOHN HANCOCK,
_President of Congress_.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, October 6th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of receiving by the Independence, Captain Young, a
commission and instructions from Congress, the objects of which I
shall use my utmost endeavors to accomplish.
The powers of Europe seem to be waiting for the determination of
the Court of Versailles, respecting the acknowledgment of the
independence of America. As soon as she sets the example, it will
I believe be followed by all those whose interest makes them wish
for the diminution of the power of England. In this description
may be comprehended every State, that can be of any service to us.
It is very much the interest of most of the powers of Italy, that
the strength of the British navy should be lessened; some of their
ports, particularly those of Naples, and Civita Vecchia, have been
frequently insulted, and all of them are liable to be so, by a nation
not remarkable for its moderation. I think, therefore, that they must
be disposed to afford assistance to the States of America, privately,
either by subsidy or loan. Congress will be pleased to honor me with
their instructions on this point; and, in the mean time, I shall
endeavor to procure every information on the subject in my power.
Should the proposition be approved of, they will furnish me with
proper powers. If I should be so fortunate as to succeed in procuring
money, I should be glad to know how it should be disposed of, whether
in the purchase of such articles as are wanted, or remitted in specie.
I hope to be frequently favored with the proceedings of Congress, and
with the state of affairs in America, which will be of importance to
me, and cannot fail of giving weight to the appointment they have
honored me with.
I have the honor to be, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
_P. S._ The Committee will be pleased to direct their despatches
to me, to the care of Dr Franklin, or whatever Commissioner may be
resident at the Court of France.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, December 18th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
Since my letter of the 6th of October, I have cultivated an intimacy
with the Tuscan Minister, resident at this Court. He is a man of
honor, of considerable abilities, and extremely friendly to our
country. I proposed to him, that I should immediately set out for
Italy, and desired his opinion and advice. He dissuaded me from
executing my intentions for the present, assured me of the good
disposition of the Grand Duke towards us, and promised me to use
his utmost endeavors to promote our interest with him. He thought,
that my presence at this time might produce some embarrassment at
his Court, which would not long be the case. He is since gone to
Florence, and I am convinced, that no services that he can render the
States will be withheld.
This gentleman is a great favorite, and I am well assured is more in
the confidence of the Grand Duke than any of his Ministers. I flatter
myself, therefore, that I have acted according to the wishes of
Congress, in conforming to his advice. I have repeatedly pressed him
on the subject of the German troops, recommended to me by Congress,
and he has done every thing I could wish him to do. I have the
satisfaction to learn, that the King of Prussia has refused to let a
body of Germans, intended for America, pass through his dominions,
and it is said, that he was induced to take this step at the desire
of the Emperor. I expect letters very soon from Florence, which will
regulate my conduct. Every thing in my power has been done to execute
the trust that has been reposed in me by Congress; and it will make
me extremely happy, whenever an opportunity offers of rendering any
service to my country.
The irresolute and indecisive state of the politics at the Court
of France, has for some time kept all Europe in suspense. The late
success of our arms against General Burgoyne has given a fortunate
turn to our affairs in this kingdom, and the conduct of the French
Ministry has confirmed me in an opinion I have long had, that the
establishment of our liberties must depend upon our own exertions.
One successful battle will gain us more friends, and do our business
more effectually, than all the skill of the ablest negotiators. I
repeat my request, that I may be furnished from time to time with the
proceedings and resolutions of Congress, and likewise with the state
of affairs in America, which will be highly useful to me.
I am, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
ARTHUR LEE TO RALPH IZARD.
January 28th, 1778.
Sir,
You may if you please mention to the other Commissioners, that I have
asked your opinion of the proposition of setting all our exports to
the French Islands, against the molasses imported from them, in a
perpetual exemption from duties. If your arguments should convince
them, I am still ready to co-operate in preventing the article from
taking effect, and think there is yet time. But a day may render it
irrecoverable.
I am, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Paris, January 28th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
Mr Lee has asked my opinion on an article, which he informs me has
been under the consideration of the Commissioners, viz, whether
an exemption from duty on molasses is an equivalent for a total
exemption from duty of all the exports of North America to the French
West India Islands?
In answer to this question I am clearly of opinion, that it is
not, and if that article should be agreed to by the Commissioners,
without an absolute necessity, I cannot help thinking it will be a
sacrifice of the general interests of America to those provinces
which import molasses. I shall not be suspected of partiality, or of
being actuated by any motives but those of the public good, when it
is known that South Carolina, the province in which all my property
lies, imports a considerable quantity of molasses for distillation.
Should the article in question be agreed to, the French might lay
what duty they pleased upon their European exports, and even upon
their sugar, coffee, and other productions of their Islands, without
our having any check upon them whatever. For if, in consequence of
any such duty imposed by them, a duty were to be laid by America on
any of her exports to France, the French vessels would have nothing
to do, but to clear out for the West Indies, and sail directly for
Europe, or touch first at one of their Islands. This will certainly
at least open a door for smuggling, and may occasion a discontinuance
of that friendship and harmony, which ought to subsist between the
countries. This article seems the more extraordinary to me, as I do
not think there is the least probability of any duty being ever laid
by the French upon molasses, as the distilling it into rum would
materially interfere with their brandy, and therefore a duty would
endanger a diminution of the consumption of it.
I am very sensible, that the decision of this business is committed
entirely to the Commissioners at this Court. At the same time
I cannot help thinking it my duty, not only as a gentleman of
considerable property in America, but likewise as one whom Congress
has thought proper to honor with a commission similar to your own,
though at another Court, to endeavor to prevent the execution of an
article, that I think injurious to the interests of my country. I
prefer this application to you singly as a friend, to one addressed
to all the Commissioners, and I hope the latter will be unnecessary.
It is very painful for me to write to you in the language of
complaint, but I feel myself hurt, and it is proper that I should
tell you of it. It does not appear to me to be possible, that any
inconvenience could have arisen, if you had mentioned to me the
proposition of an exemption of all duties on our exports, as a
compensation for the exemption of the duty on molasses alone. When
I had the pleasure of seeing you last at my house, I spoke to you
in general about the treaty, and particularly about the article of
molasses, and expressed my fears, that the French Ministry would
not consent to have such a restraint put upon their power, as was
contained in the article of the original treaty. I asked you whether
you were under any injunctions of secrecy, which prevented you from
satisfying me. You replied, that certainly secrecy was necessary to
be observed, but that as I was myself a Commissioner, you thought
that you might without any impropriety talk with me on the subject,
and informed me that the objection, which I apprehended, had been
made, and that the article was to be given up. Not a word was
mentioned about an equivalent. As you thought at that time, that my
being a Commissioner entitled you to speak to me on the subject, I
cannot conceive what impropriety there could possibly have been in
your doing it, when so material an alteration was under consideration.
The instructions sent to me by Congress came through your hands,
and it will be hardly necessary to remind you, that though the
conclusion of the treaty with this Court is intrusted to you,
and the other gentlemen joined with you in the Commission, I am
directed by the same authority under which you act to apply to
you for a copy, not only of the original treaty, but likewise of
“every subsequent alteration, that has been _proposed_ on either
side.” It appears therefore to me, that as soon as the alteration
was _proposed_ it ought to have been communicated to me. Had you
made such communication, I should have thought it my duty to have
called your attention to the principles of the treaty, and should
have requested you to consider whether you were not going to act in
direct violation of them. My reason for thinking so is, that I am
instructed to “propose to the Court of Tuscany a treaty on the same
commercial principles as are the basis of the treaty, which you are
directed to propose to the Court of France.” What this basis, and
these principles are, is clearly explained to me in the following
instructions. “It must never be forgotten in these commercial
treaties, that reciprocal and equal advantages to the people of
both countries be firmly and plainly secured.” This matter gives me
a great deal of uneasiness, and I am extremely anxious to know, if
there be yet a possibility of stopping the execution of the article.
You will therefore excuse my requesting, that you will favor me with
an answer to this letter as soon as possible.[63]
I have the honor to be, with great regard, dear Sir, your most
obedient humble servant,
RALPH IZARD.
[63] See the history of the 11th and 12th articles of the treaty, in Mr
Deane’s letter of the 12th of October, 1778, Vol. I. p. 166; also in
Arthur Lee’s, letters, Vol. II, p. 127.
BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO RALPH IZARD.
Passy, January 29th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I received yours late last evening. Present circumstances, which I
will explain to you when I have the honor of seeing you, prevent
my giving it a full answer now. The reasons you offer had before
been all under consideration. But I must submit to remain some days
under the opinion you appear to have formed, not only of my poor
understanding in the general interests of America, but of my defects
in sincerity, politeness, and attention to your instructions. These
offences, I flatter myself, admit of fair excuses, or rather will
be found not to have existed. You mention, that you _feel yourself
hurt_. Permit me to offer you a maxim, which has through life been of
use to me, and may be so to you, in preventing such imaginary hurts.
It is, “always to _suppose_ one’s friends _may be right_, till one
_finds_ them wrong, rather than _to suppose them wrong_, till one
_finds_ them right.” You have heard and imagined all that can be said
or supposed on one side of the question, but not on the other.
I am, nevertheless, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient
and humble servant,
B. FRANKLIN.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Paris, January 30th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I was yesterday favored with your letter, containing a maxim, which
though a very old one, I am bound to thank you for, and can assure
you, that so far from disapproving it, it has been one of the
constant rules of my life. If you will be pleased to recollect the
most extraordinary inattention, to say the least of it, with which
I have been treated during the six months I have been in Paris, you
will I hope think I have profited by it. You will be pleased likewise
to recollect, that after having borne this for a considerable time,
I complained to you of it. Forced as I was into this complaint, it
was, however, not made without studying how it should be done in a
manner least likely to give you offence. I should have been extremely
glad, if you had attended to the maxim yourself yesterday. Had you
done so, I should not have been supposed to have formed an opinion,
that you had a poor understanding in the general interests of
America, or that you were insincere. My letter had no such meaning,
neither can any such construction be fairly put upon it.
I shall give you another proof of my attention to your maxim, by not
being offended at your assertion, “that I have heard and imagined all
that can be said or supposed on one side of the question, but not on
the other.” You may depend upon it, you have adopted an erroneous
opinion, and what that is I will inform you when you favor me with
the explanation promised in your letter. You will do me the justice
to remember, that it has been my constant endeavor to accommodate the
differences, that I found prevailing to a very great degree upon my
arrival here. I shall be extremely sorry, and think it a misfortune,
if I should be drawn into any with a gentleman of whom I have so
high an opinion as I have of you, and for whom I feel so strong a
disposition to continue an esteem and friendship. This I hope will
not be expected to be done at too great an expense; by my being
silent when I think it my duty to speak.
I cannot conclude without again requesting, that you would reconsider
the article, which was the subject of my last letter. If it is
determined, that it shall stand in its present form, can there be
any inconvenience in its not being finally concluded, till it has
undergone the consideration of Congress? If this proposition is
inadmissible, I sincerely wish, that the treaty may be for a term of
years only, which is very customary in treaties of commerce, that if
the mischiefs, which I apprehend, should not prove imaginary, they
may have some limitation, and not be entailed on us for ever.
I have the honor to be, with great regard, &c.
RALPH IZARD.
THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO RALPH IZARD.
York, February 5th, 1778.
Sir,
Your letter from Paris, of October 6th, last year, being read in
Congress, afforded much satisfaction, as it signified your acceptance
of the commission, which had been sent by Captain Young, and also
held up a prospect of your obtaining a loan of money in Italy. Our
apprehensions of danger to our liberties are reduced to the one
circumstance of the depreciation of our currency, from the quantity
which we have been obliged to issue. The different States are sinking
their own emissions, and going largely into taxation for continental
purposes; but it will require more time than we wish, before the good
policy of taxation can have full effect upon the currency; therefore
Congress have given, in regard to you, the same instructions as to
the gentlemen at the Courts of France and Spain, and we doubt not of
your best exertions.
We wish you success in the business of the enclosed resolves, as well
as in every other undertaking for the good of the public, for your
own personal felicity. We must leave you very much from time to time
to receive intelligence of our affairs from the other Commissioners,
to whom we shall have a more ready channel of conveyance, than to you.
We are, with much regard, &c.
J. WITHERSPOON,
J. LOVELL.
TO HENRY LAURENS, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Paris, February 16th, 1778.
Dear Sir,
I mentioned in my last letter what good effects the successes of the
American arms had produced here. Nothing could have happened more
seasonably. Our affairs were in a very unpromising state, and had our
military operations failed, our Commissioners would not have found
themselves more acceptable here than at St James’s. This, however,
affords a very satisfactory reflection to every American who loves
his country; which is, that she owes her liberty and happiness to her
own virtuous exertions.