monopolise to myself the places both of honor and profit. Probably,
from the weakness of his memory he forgot, that in the commencement
of his address to the public, he states, that before September,
1776, he “had the honor to be the _Commercial_ and _Political_
Agent of America in Europe.” He also forgets, that the first cause
of any difference between us was his usurping the exercise of the
Commercial Agency, to which Mr Morris and myself were appointed by
the Secret Committee, while he was not only one of the Commissioners
to the Court of Versailles particularly, but generally authorised
to treat with every power in Europe; the influence and patronage of
which very expensive commission, he was perpetually endeavoring to
retain entirely to himself. He also seems to be ignorant of what I
suppose is known to most people in Philadelphia, that his “venerable
friend,” as he calls him, Dr Franklin, is at this moment not only
sole Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Versailles, but also in
fact sole superintending Commercial Agent in all Europe.
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM LEE.
[56] See these letters and paper in Mr Deane’s Correspondence, Vol. I,
pp. 129, 139, 148, 155, of this work.
[57] For a correction of an error here, in regard to the imputed
designs of Dr Franklin respecting his nephew, see the note on p. 164,
of the present volume.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, March 25th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
Be pleased to refer to the foregoing copy of my letter to you of the
25th ult. by Mr Stockton, which may not get to hand as soon as this.
On the 10th instant an armistice was published between the Emperor
and King of Prussia, and the same day the conferences were opened
at Teschin in Austrian Silesia, to consolidate and reduce into form
the treaty of peace between the two contending powers, the important
articles of which have been already agreed upon by both parties. The
operations of war have consequently ceased, but perhaps the final
signature of the peace may not take place for some weeks.
The principal objects of my coming here, were to engage this Court
to aid and assist me in adopting the most speedy and efficacious
measures to prevent our joint enemies from reaping considerable
advantage from the peace in Germany, by engaging a vast number of
the free corps that have been raised for this war, to the number
of fifteen or twenty thousand men, that will all be disbanded as
soon as the peace is signed, and to aid me in endeavoring to get
the German powers to acknowledge the independence of America, which
would certainly have a decided influence on Great Britain, and induce
her King and Ministers to make peace with us on the footing of
independence.
As it is the regular and usual mode in Europe for one nation to
treat with another on public business, through the medium of their
public ministers, I applied to Dr Franklin on my arrival here, as
the American Minister at this Court, to go with me to his Excellency
Count de Vergennes to consult with him on these points. The doctor
declined doing so, saying he was so little acquainted with German
affairs, that he could not meddle with them. I told him that it
was not his knowledge or idea of the German politics, that was to
be communicated to the Minister, but mine, on which the Minister
would form his own judgment with respect to the propriety of my
propositions, but unless they were made to him in the regular mode by
the Minister of Congress at this Court, it could not be expected that
he would pay much attention to what came from me, as an individual
unauthorised by Congress to treat with him on great political
subjects. The doctor still refused either to go with me, or to write
by me on the subject to Count de Vergennes. I shall, however, do
every thing that is in my power to accomplish these desirable ends,
and from the present appearance of things, it appears to me most
probable I shall succeed in one, if not both the objects in view, if
I can obtain the aid and concurrence of the Ministry here.
These are certainly objects of high importance, especially with
respect to the troops, as the British Ministry have now several
officers in pay in Germany waiting to engage them. Our enemies it
seems are determined to prosecute the war against us, at least for
this year; their plan must be begun before this gets to hand, and
therefore opened to you, which renders it unnecessary for me to
mention any thing on that subject.
With this, is a letter to President Jay, covering my reply to the
allegations of Mr Silas Deane against me, in his letter to Congress
of the 12th of October, to be laid before Congress, which I flatter
myself will, in the mind of every impartial person, be not only a
full vindication of my conduct, but also prove how little credit is
due to any assertions of Mr Deane. As to myself personally, I am
perfectly at ease with respect to the weak and wicked attempts of Mr
Deane to injure me, for I am shielded with the invincible armor of
innocence; but the injury his daring publication[58] has done to the
common cause of America in Europe is not easily to be delineated,
and I can assure you with truth, that our enemies are more elated
at it, than they would have been with a capital victory. The reason
for their exultation is too evident to require mentioning. Besides,
it has created a diffidence in the minds of the Europeans, which
will embarrass extremely every attempt at public negotiations, since
few Ministers will treat with a people, who permit every thing that
passes to be wantonly published to the world with impunity. I trust,
however, the wisdom of Congress will not let its attention be drawn
off from the great and principal object of providing effectually for
defeating the open and secret efforts of our enemies against us, and
finally to force them to an honorable peace; which I am convinced
they will not accede to until they are driven off the continent.
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM LEE.
[58] His Address to the American People, published in the Pennsylvania
Gazette, of December 5th, 1778.
RALPH IZARD AND ARTHUR LEE TO WILLIAM LEE.
Paris, June 22d, 1779.
Sir,
We had the honor of receiving your favor of the _______, in which
you ask our advice relative to an application to the King of Prussia
to comply with his promise, made through his Minister, Baron de
Schulenburg, “that he would acknowledge the independence of the
United States as soon as France had done so,” and whether it would be
proper to change the channel of application from Baron de Schulenburg
to the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
It is with great pleasure, that we contribute whatever is in our
power to assist your judgment in what so materially concerns the
public good.
We are of opinion, that in the present state of expectancy from
Spain, it will be prudent to wait till her example also has given
encouragement to the Court of Berlin, and contributed to counteract
the motives from Russia, which withhold that Court from pursuing its
interest and inclination in openly espousing our cause. That when it
may be proper to move the question, the promises should be touched
with delicacy, by stating, that the good will towards us, which the
King had formerly declared, having been suspended in its operation
by the war in Germany, you hope that their objection being now
removed, he will not delay to give the world a decided proof of his
sentiments, in the acknowledgment of the independency of the United
States of America, which cannot fail by the weight of such an example
to stop the further wanton effusion of blood.
As the King of Prussia is in fact his own Minister, we should
imagine, that it might have a bad effect to change from Baron de
Schulenburg, whom he seems to have appointed to transact this
particular business. But in this, a knowledge of the actual situation
of that Court must decide, and of that we are not informed.
We wish you every success in this important negotiation, and are,
with the greatest esteem, dear Sir, yours, &c.
RALPH IZARD,
ARTHUR LEE.
JAMES LOVELL TO WILLIAM LEE.
Philadelphia, July 17th, 1779.
Sir,
The Committee of Congress for Foreign Affairs are officially
instructed to inform you, that on the 8th of June last past, it was
resolved to recall you from the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, to which
you had been appointed. But you are also to be informed, that it is
the sense of Congress, that you need not repair to America.
You may see the proceedings at length, respecting this business, in
their Journals, printed authoritatively by David C. Claypole, and
being in the hands of Dr Franklin or Mr Arthur Lee at Paris.
We are, Sir, with sincere regard, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Francfort, September 28th, 1779.
Gentlemen,
I have not had the honor of receiving any answer to the various
letters I have written to you since my coming to this country, nor
any letter from you since May, 1778, except a short one of the 28th
of October last, which, added to my never receiving intelligence,
information, or assistance of any kind from your Minister at
the Court of Versailles, has rendered my situation extremely
embarrassing; and, therefore, if my success has not been so complete
as could have been wished, I shall hope for the indulgence of
Congress, especially when it is considered, that the general system
of affairs in Europe, for eighteen months past, has been so very
critical as to puzzle the deepest and most refined politicians.
Not being able to prevail on your Minister at the Court of Versailles
(as I mentioned to you in March last) to aid me, in getting the
French Ministry to exert themselves in endeavoring to obtain a
declaration of American independence by all the northern powers
of Europe, that were interested in the Congress held at Teschin
in Silesia last spring, I was consequently disappointed in the
full hopes I entertained of obtaining so desirable a point, which
there was the greatest prospect of succeeding in, if the Court of
Versailles had made a point of it; at least I am assured, that the
King of Prussia would not have had any objection, and from the very
great influence he has in the Cabinet of Petersburg, there is little
doubt but that he could easily have prevailed with the Empress of
Russia to have given her consent. Had this point been gained, our
enemies would have been deprived of every ray of hope of obtaining
any assistance to continue the war against us, for the great object
of their European politics has been, and is still, to draw the
Empress of Russia into their quarrel.
We had not in this country got sufficiently quieted, after the
signing of the peace of Teschin, on the 10th of May last, to make it
prudent for me to take any public steps under the commissions I have
from Congress, before the negotiations for peace under the mediation
of Spain were drawn to a conclusion, but as the rescript delivered
in June by the Spanish Ambassador to Lord Weymouth, in London, said
not one word in our favor, but rather seemed to look on the Thirteen
United States of America as being still colonies, or provinces,
belonging to Great Britain, it became absolutely necessary for me
to wait until this enigma could be cleared up, and till I could get
sure information of the real designs of Spain, and the measures she
intended to pursue.
As soon as I had got this information, I made a formal requisition
to the Prussian Minister, hoping that, as the late war in Germany
had prevented his Majesty’s former declarations in our favor from
being carried into effect, and as that obstruction was now removed,
his Majesty would not delay to acknowledge the independence of the
Thirteen United States of America, which might be the means of
putting a stop to the further wanton effusion of human blood. To
this requisition I received the following answer from the Minister.
“With respect to the declaration, which you again desire of the King,
in favor of the independence of the Americans, I have frequently
explained, that his Majesty having, by the position of his dominions
and those of his neighbors, very different interests from those
powers that are properly called maritime ones, he had no right to
expect a direct influence in maritime affairs, and that he could not
in wise policy take any measures in those affairs, because they would
always be unfruitful, as they could not be supported by a warlike
marine. The support of the maritime powers will make the balance
incline in your favor more effectually, than all the declinations in
the world, and Spain, by joining with France to make war on England,
renders you the most essential services, without having acknowledged
your independence. The King, in making the declaration now which you
desire, would only embroil himself with England, without rendering
the smallest service to your country. These are the reasons, which
induce the King to confine himself at present to the facilities,
which his Majesty has offered at different times with respect to
commerce, in assuring you, which I do again, that merchant vessels
of America, that choose to enter into the ports of the King, to sell
their goods and to buy ours, shall be received in a friendly manner,
and treated on an equality with the merchants of any other country.”
It has long been one object of my policy to engage the King of
Prussia to act in our favor as a mediator for peace, whereby, if
his mediation was agreed to, he might render us much more effectual
service than by sending an army of fifty thousand men into Hanover,
which step he could not take without arming the Emperor and the
whole German empire against him. I have good reason to believe,
that the King is much disposed to act in the quality of a mediator,
but he is too wise to offer his services without being previously
assured, that they would be accepted by both sides; however, we may
expect very essential benefits from his influence with the Court
of St Petersburg, who, it is said with confidence, has offered its
mediation, and that it is accepted by the parties. I am informed,
that the first proposition to be made to England by the mediating
powers, as the commencement of the negotiation, is that America
shall be treated as independent.[59] There is a strong inclination
in Prussia to enter into the American commerce, and there is now a
scheme in agitation under the direction of the Minister to make the
trial, which, if the commencement is successful, will be carried on
upon a very large scale, and will more effectually engage the King in
our interests than any thing else. For this purpose, I think it would
be of most essential service if two or three American vessels were to
enter into the port of Emden, which is a good harbor, lying between
Hamburgh and Amsterdam, and as easily got into as any of the ports of
Holland.
I have continued my correspondence at Vienna, but having no powers
to treat with the Empress Queen, who is still sole sovereign over
all the dominions of the House of Austria, and the Emperor being
much disgusted with some proceedings during the late war, and more
so with its conclusion, is become of course much more disposed in
favor of our enemies than he was, and consequently less inclined
to serve us; therefore, little advantage can be expected from that
quarter at present. Our friends in Holland increase every day, and I
am still in regular correspondence with those who regulated with me
the form of the treaty of commerce, copies of which have been sent
you by various conveyances, and even now if the Stadtholder were to
refuse to receive an American deputy, I have no doubt of his meeting
a cordial reception from the city of Amsterdam, whose weight and
decisive influence in their association you must be fully informed of.
Letters of good authority from England say, that the British Ministry
would willingly agree to give up the independence of America to
obtain peace, but it is feared that the obstinacy and folly of
their master will prevent them from executing their plan; however,
I am still firmly of opinion, that the best security and success of
America will depend on her own efforts, her wise, steady, and uniform
conduct. As the obtaining a fresh supply of troops from this country
has been a favorite point with our enemies, I have paid continual
attention to that object, and have the pleasure to inform you, that
at present there is not any prospect of their obtaining fresh troops
from this part of the world, as they have hitherto been defeated
in all their various negotiations for that purpose; but as this
campaign has passed away without any blow being struck in Europe,
all the English fleets from the different parts of the world arrived
safe without the least molestation, and the King’s hands are so much
strengthened by the exertions of all parties in England to repel the
invasion, which they have been threatened with all the year, that
I think it is most probable the war will continue another year at
least, for which, I suppose, proper provision will be made in America.
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM LEE.
[59] This was not true in regard to the “mediating powers,” but it was
the invariable reply of France to all the propositions made by other
powers for a mediation between her and England, that the independence
of the United States must be assumed as a previously established point.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Brussels, February 10th, 1781.
Sir,
Be pleased to inform Congress, that I have received information,
which I think is to be depended on, that the British cabinet has
lately determined not to send any more troops for this campaign to
North America. I therefore submit to the wisdom of Congress the
propriety of making every possible vigorous effort this year to expel
the British troops from the continent, for there may be reason to
apprehend if this is not done, and Great Britain can by any means
extricate herself from the irresistible northern storm she has raised
against her, by the mad and foolish attack she has made on the Dutch,
that her whole force will be employed next year against America,
especially if she does not meet with some signal losses there this
campaign.
The secret proposals for peace, which Great Britain is now making at
Versailles and Madrid, are altogether insidious, and only intended to
impede the active operations of France and Spain this year, whereby
they hope, by getting the start, that they may obtain some decisive
advantages in the East and West Indies, for which countries their
expeditions are all now on the wing. The King of Prussia has been
our steady friend, though wisely so, and has been of much service to
us; therefore, from motives of gratitude as well as of justice and
sound policy he ought not to be much longer neglected, for it is most
certain that his wisdom directs greatly the present system of Europe.
I have the honor to be, &c.
WILLIAM LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Brussels, April 12th, 1781.
Gentlemen,
Not having received any answers to various letters I have written
to you, covering my account as Commissioner to the Courts of Vienna
and Berlin, I take the liberty of again enclosing in this a copy of
that account, No 4, but having understood that Congress had adopted
another mode in settling Mr Izard’s account, I have stated another
account, No. 2, conformable to that mode as I understand it, which
is also enclosed, leaving it with your justice and discretion to
determine which of them to lay before Congress.[60]
It is impossible to avoid observing, that the prevailing sentiments
in America, and the situation of public affairs, which occasioned
the resolution of Congress of the 20th of September, 1776, were
very different from those, which dictated the resolution of August
6th, 1779.[61] Indeed, one difference is pretty remarkable, for at
the first period, the office of a commissioner was so far from
being esteemed a profitable and honorable appointment, that on the
contrary it was refused, as the journals of Congress will show; but
at the latter period there was such a change in the situation of
the affairs of America, that similar appointments were sought after
with great eagerness and much solicitude. It surely cannot be thought
unreasonable, that this should be considered in rewarding those, who
accepted of the appointments at the different periods, as well as the
situations and stations in life that were quitted, and the personal
losses that were sustained by entering into the public service. As to
myself, I can solemnly aver, that my pecuniary loss from engaging in
the service of my country exceeded the sum of £6000 sterling. This
I do not mention as a peculiar merit, because I have no doubt there
are others who have voluntarily made as great, if not much greater
sacrifices in so good a cause; but as my family now feel not only
that loss, but the want of that portion of my private fortune, which
I was necessarily obliged to expend in the public service, I have
reason to hope that the settlement of my account will be speedily
determined, and I must further hope and request, that the payment of
whatever sum Congress shall please to allow me may be ordered to me
in Europe.
I have only to solicit, Gentlemen, your kind intercession that this
business may be brought to as quick a decision as possible, in which
you will confer a singular obligation on him, who has the honor to
be, with the highest esteem, respect, and consideration, Gentlemen,
your most obedient and obliged humble servant,
WILLIAM LEE.
[60] Both missing.
[61] “_August 6th, 1779_, Resolved, that an allowance of 11,428 livres
tournois per annum be made to the several Commissioners of the United
States in Europe for their services, besides their reasonable expenses
respectively;
“That the salary, as well as the expenses, be computed from the time
of their leaving their places of abode to enter on the duties of their
offices, to be continued three months after notice of their recall, to
enable them to repair to their families respectively.”
JAMES LOVELL TO WILLIAM LEE.
Philadelphia, September 20th, 1781.
Sir,
The decision of Congress respecting your letter of April 12th, which
came to hand only the 4th of this month, is herewith transmitted. The
period of payment will perhaps be more distant than you wish; but I
am at liberty to assure you from the Superintendent of our Finances,
that it is his intention to take the earliest possible opportunity to
close this business.[62]
With much regard, I am, &c.
JAMES LOVELL,
_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.
[62] “_September 12th, 1781._ The committee to whom was referred a
letter of the 12th of April last from Mr William Lee, report,
“That upon principles admitted by Congress in the settlement of an
account similar to that transmitted by Mr Lee, there appears to be due
to him a balance of 42,189 livres tournois; whereupon,
“_Ordered_, That the account be referred to the Superintendent of
Finance, to take order for payment of the balance, with interest, at
the rate of six per cent per annum from this day, as soon as the state
of the public finances will admit.”
TO THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Brussels, March 31st, 1782.
Sir,
Although I have not the honor of a personal acquaintance with you,
yet I trust that this letter being on subjects which concern the
interests of our country in general, I shall not stand in need of any
apology for writing it.
You will be informed, probably, both by the newspapers and private
letters, before this gets to your hands, of the late revolution
in the British Ministry; the old set having given place to a new
Ministry, composed of the Rockingham, Shelburne, and Grafton
parties. This change has been forced on the king, very much against
his inclination, and that of his secret advisers, Lords Bute and
Mansfield, by the general exertion of almost the whole body of the
people of England, both in and out of the House of Commons, who
ardently wish for a peace, especially with America, and it appears
that independence will not now be any great impediment, though they
will endeavor to barter, as a consideration for acknowledging it for
a beneficial treaty of commerce, the Newfoundland fishery and some
other points.