Your Excellency will permit me to lay before you, a statement of the

late proceedings of the English in the southern parts of the United

States of America, which, in their consequences, may be as injurious

to his Catholic Majesty’s possessions in that quarter as to those

of the States. Should the measure proposed to prevent their success

appear to your Excellency to be advisable, it cannot be executed

too soon; because every day gives the enemy new strength in their

stations, and enables them to do additional mischief by destroying

whatever they can approach.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

MEMORIAL TO COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

Paris, June 27th, 1779.

The English, having taken possession of Savannah in Georgia, are

extending themselves in that State so as to form a connexion with,

and establish an influence over, the Indian nations that border all

that country. They design also to possess themselves of Port Royal in

South Carolina, and if possible, of Charleston.

These acquisitions, if they are suffered, with their contiguous

possessions, will give them such a command upon that coast and in the

Gulf, as well as such means of exciting the savages, and seconding

their enterprises against the neighboring territories of Spain, as

may be difficult to resist if they are not prevented.

What renders it impracticable for the Americans to repel the enemy,

is their superiority at sea, which, at the same time that it supports

their posts on land, enables them to make diversions in various

quarters so as to keep up a general alarm, and prevent our force from

being united in any one point. With this view, they have very lately

invaded the State of Virginia, in the Bay of Chesapeake, to withhold

the aid which that State would send to South Carolina and Georgia.

In this situation it is in his Majesty’s power to give very effectual

assistance to the invaded States, and prevent the enemy from making

such dangerous establishments and such an augmentation of their

power. The naval force of the English in Georgia and South Carolina

will consist of a fifty gun ship, the Experiment, lately sailed, and

three frigates. In the Bay of Chesapeake, there are a sixtyfour and a

fortyfour gun ship, with some armed tenders.

A small squadron, therefore, of three or four large ships and a few

frigates, sent from the Havanna, would destroy the enemy’s ships in

Georgia, South Carolina, and Chesapeake Bay, and deliver their troops

into the hands of the Americans.

The state of the enemy’s fleets in Europe and the West Indies, will

not permit them to augment their force on the coast of America.

The squadron, actually sailed under Admiral Arbuthnot to New York,

consists of four ships of the line and one frigate, viz. the Robust

seventyfour, the Russel seventyfour, the Europe sixtyfour, the

Defiance sixtyfour, and the Guadaloupe twentyeight. As this squadron

must support the operations of their main army, and protect Halifax,

Rhode Island, and New York, it is not probable they will detach any

additional force from thence to the southward, so that their armament

there, if not withdrawn, must necessarily fall a sacrifice to the

Spanish squadron.[47]

ARTHUR LEE.

[47] On the 25th of June, Mr Lee wrote to the Count de Florida Blanca,

as follows.

“I do not press your Excellency about my coming to Madrid. I know

your Excellency’s wisdom, and the maturity of judgment with which his

Majesty’s councils are conducted. I therefore trust, that when such a

step is thought to be proper, you will have the goodness to signify it

to me through his Majesty’s Minister at this Court.”

I have the honor, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.

Philadelphia, July 16th, 1779.

Sir,

Two days ago several of your letters came to hand, the latest

being of April 6th; it is much to be regretted that this one in

particular did not earlier arrive. The copy of its contents was sent

immediately to Governor Trumbull, but alas, too late. Fairfield had

been destroyed by the fire of the enemy. We are mistaken, however, if

that enemy does not shortly find the unprofitableness of this kind

of warfare towards their main purpose. America must be dead indeed

to all proper spirit, if such doings will not render her both as

vigilant and active as in the beginning of the contest. It is matter

of much conjecture, why you have not been able, for some months back,

to give us interesting accounts from Spain. All we know is through M.

Gerard. We have sent so many sets of the journals of Congress, that

you will doubtless get one. They are chiefly directed to Dr Franklin.

You will find the parts in which you are personally interested to be

under the following dates, viz.; April 6, 15, 20, 21, 22, 26, 28, 30;

May 3, 22, 24, 25, 27; June 8.

We shall speedily write again; in the meantime be assured that we are

with much regard,

Your humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL,

_For the Committee of Foreign Affairs_.

_P. S._ _September 16th._ It is probable, that all the papers sent by

you, up to May 21st, have come safe, either in originals, duplicates

or triplicates.

COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA TO ARTHUR LEE.

Translation.

Madrid, August 6th, 1779.

Sir,

I duly received the two letters, which you were so kind as to write

to me, dated the 7th and 25th of June last, in which you detail the

critical circumstances of the affairs of England, and the system

which you think suitable for the powers at war with her, and on this

occasion you likewise mention some points relating to the present

situation of the United Provinces of America.

I can assure you, Sir, that I read with the greatest pleasure your

very wise and prudent reflections, of which I shall make a suitable

use.

I avail myself of this opportunity to assure you of the perfect

respect, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

COUNT DE FLORIDA BLANCA.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, August 10th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

Not being permitted to know whether there is any certain opportunity

of writing, I must send you by every probable way an account of the

present situation of affairs, which is extremely interesting.

After a long delay through unfavorable winds, the Spanish and French

fleets joined off Cape Finisterre the 26th of last month. On the 6th

of this, they were off Ushant, making for the English channel. A

courier that arrived yesterday left them in the same position, with

the wind contrary on the 7th. The combined fleet consists of fifty

ships of the line, with thirty odd frigates, bombs, and fire ships,

under the command of the Count d’Orvilliers. The Spanish and French

ships are mixed together, the former twenty and the latter thirty.

Don Cardova commands a separate fleet of sixteen Spanish ships of

the line, which attends the grand combined fleet as a _corps de

réserve_. Don Ulloa cruises off the Canaries with four of the line,

and six more block up the Bay of Gibraltar, while a Spanish army

invests the town by land.

Between thirty and forty thousand French troops are ready to embark

at Havre de Grace and at St Malo to invade England, the moment the

combined fleet appears to protect them. Besides this, large corps of

troops are assembled at Brest and Dunkirk, and transports preparing

for them, so that they may be ready to support the others, according

to the exigency of events and the place where they land.

The West India fleet, and that from the Baltic, got safe into the

English ports to the amount of three hundred sail, the first of this

month. This may enable them in a few weeks to add ten sail to their

grand fleet, which at present consists of thirtyfive sail under Sir

Charles Hardy, and is retiring up the channel. But it is to be hoped,

they will feel some decisive blow before that augmentation.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Paris, August 14th, 1779.

Sir,

A decent time having now elapsed since the Declaration of his

Catholic Majesty against the King of Great Britain, it seems proper

to apply to the Spanish Court to know whether they are inclined to

enter into the alliance, which Congress have agreed to. At the same

time, it appears to me that to ask Count de Vergennes’ opinion of

such a step, before I take it, would be an agreeable and useful mark

of confidence in this Court. But as I think such an application

cannot with propriety be made to his Excellency, by any one but you

as minister here, I must beg you to take the trouble of consulting

Count de Vergennes, both upon the propriety and manner of my applying

upon this subject to the Court of Spain; and that you will have the

goodness to communicate to me his opinion. I would very willingly

apply myself, were I not persuaded that it would be a trespass

against the deference due to your situation, and that the observance

of this order in our proceedings will contribute to the attainment of

the public object I have in view.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, August 24th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I had the honor of writing you on the 10th, to inform Congress of the

junction of the fleets of France and Spain, the disposition of the

troops and ships of the latter for the blockade of Gibraltar, and the

security of their commerce, with the preparations here for invading

England. Since that, adverse winds have continually kept the combined

fleet from entering the channel, and of course the embarkation for

the invasion waits its approach and protection.

I am informed and believe, that the Empress of Russia has offered her

mediation between the belligerent powers in Europe. Her partiality

for England is certain, and it is to be feared, that from a partial

mediatrix she may become a powerful ally, and draw with her perhaps

Sweden and Denmark, with whom she is upon good terms, and who may

not think it their interest to let the naval power of the House of

Bourbon acquire such an ascendency, by the destruction of that of

Great Britain, as will destroy the balance and rivalship in Europe,

so as to set up an unquestioned sovereign of the seas.

Our enemies are so much pressed and kept in check at present, that I

do not see a possibility of their sending any further force against

you for the next campaign, nor a probability of their being able to

continue that which is already at New York and Rhode Island. But as

the interposition of other powers is an event always to be kept in

view, and that interposition will not only render the issue of the

war uncertain, but place the day of peace far distant, I cannot help

signifying my most earnest hope, that the wisdom of Congress will

employ that respite in so arranging and reforming the administration

of the public finances, and strengthening the country both by sea and

land, as to be able to maintain the sovereignty and independence of

the United States, in spite of any European combination, that may be

formed against it.

The English papers tell us, that the _Count d’Estaing_ of ten guns

and fourteen swivels, with despatches from Congress, was taken the

14th of July off Cape Finisterre, and that the despatches fell into

their hands.

The uncertainty of what will be the final resolution of Congress

regarding me upon the review of foreign affairs, and after all the

licentious means, that I perceive have been employed to injure my

character, has determined me to wait their ultimate commands at

this place. These will either save me from an ineffectual journey

to Madrid, or fortify me with full instructions and a reassurance

of that confidence, which it has been the endeavor of my enemies to

withdraw from me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

_P. S. August 26th._ The combined fleet was as far up the channel as

Plymouth on the 18th, and had taken the Ardent of sixtyfour guns.

This being a proper time of the moon for the embarkation of the

troops, it is probably executing at this moment, and our enemies will

soon taste of those miseries, which they have so wantonly visited

upon us.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, September 10th, 1779.

Sir,

I have seen in the Journals of Congress, transmitted to me by the

Committee of Foreign Affairs, that Mr Paca, Mr W. H. Drayton, and Mr

Carmichael have been permitted to lay before you intelligence and

information concerning me,[48] and that at a moment in which Congress

were to decide without hearing me, on what materially concerned my

honor and reputation, both in America and Europe.

I may venture to say, Sir, without fear of contradiction, that

this is a new mode of judicial proceeding in a country contending

for liberty and justice; a mode of which every man in or out of

Congress would complain if applied to himself; and under which it is

impossible that any man’s character can be safe from the attempts of

malice and falsehood.

Congress will permit me to request, that they will order copies of

that intelligence and information to be transmitted to me, that I may

be able to do myself, though late, the justice of answering them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[48] Journal of Congress, April 30th and May 3d, 1779.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, September 19th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I had the honor of receiving your letter of the 16th of July, with

the Journals of Congress, in which I see with sorrow the proceedings

with regard to those, who in no moment of their lives ever neglected

to do the utmost in their power for the public good.[49]

For myself I trust, that time and maturer consideration will alter

the opinion of those gentlemen, who appeared desirous of fixing upon

me a most public mark of suspicion and censure, with some little

precipitation, they will permit me to say, as it was before I had

been heard. Among those gentlemen there are some, whose education

and profession should, in a peculiar manner, have taught them, that

it is laid down as a fundamental maxim of justice, that he who

gives judgment, the one party being heard and the other not, though

he should happen to be right in his decision, commits an act of

injustice.

I should have expected, that not only Congress but every member of

it, my accusers excepted, would have been my advocates, because your

records are filled with proofs of my early and unremitting endeavors

to serve the public. Congress will bear with me while I express my

surprise, that the delicacy observed in wording Mr Deane’s recall was

reversed in the proceedings against Mr Izard, my brother, and myself;

unless it were intended to hold us up to the world as persons, who

had been proved guilty of offences against their country; which, if

it were, may God in his infinite mercy forgive.

I am fully persuaded, that time and riper information will show you,

that as nothing could have given a deeper wound to the honor and

interests of the United States, than harmony among your Commissioners

in doing ill, there were use and merit in the suspicions and

dissensions, that arose among them. In any event, they who consider,

that suspicions and dissensions may and have existed among the best

of men, will mix some moderation with the judgment they pass upon

them. They who know with what long suffering and frequent forgiveness

I endeavored to prevent them, will not impute the blame to me.

I will trouble Congress no more upon this vexed and unworthy

business. Sensible as I was of the honor of your confidence, I was

equally sensible of the sacrifice I made of my private affairs to the

public service. I received your commission therefore not as a favor;

I do not retain it as a favor; I will do my duty while I keep it, and

resign it when it is your pleasure, without a moment’s regret. When

times less critical will admit of less reserve, it will be my duty

to prove to my country and to the world, as I have done to you, that

your confidence in me was not misplaced. This I trust I shall be able

to do by evidence, that will carry conviction to all, and confusion

to many.

Congress will permit me to hope, that long before this, they have

honored me with full instructions relative to the additional

articles, and the boundary between the territories of Spain and

the United States, on which I asked their commands as long ago as

February and April, 1778. It is fortunate, that I have not yet been

called upon on that subject. But it is impossible to say how long it

will be delayed; and no heavier misfortune could befall me, than to

be left uninstructed in a business of such moment.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

[49] Journal of Congress, June 10th, 1779.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN TO ARTHUR LEE.

Passy, September 30th, 1779.

Sir,

I received but yesterday morning, just as I was going out of town,

the letter you did me the honor of writing to me, dated the 26th

instant, respecting my supplying you with money for your support in

Spain. As I cannot furnish that expense, and there is not, in my

opinion, any likelihood at present of your being received at that

Court, I think your resolution of returning forthwith to America is

both wise and honest.

With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, October 13th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I have certain intelligence, that Admiral Rodney is to sail

immediately from England, with five sail of the line, to take the

command of the fleet in the West Indies. I am well informed, that

the plan he proposed was by dividing his fleet into three divisions,

with some landed forces on board of each, to block up and harass

continually the whole of our coast. It is probable they have adopted

his plan with him. His abilities and activity are great. Count

d’Estaing is expected here in the winter with twelve ships, which

will leave the enemy a decided and dangerous superiority. Our hope

is, that by some mortal blow on New York before his departure he will

in a great measure frustrate their intentions.

The combined fleet is ordered into the British channel, and the

troops to prepare for the invasion of England. Upon the issue of this

will depend the continuance of the war.

I have not yet received any instructions from Congress relative to

Spain, nor any answer from that Court relative to my reception there.

The public funds, which were in my hands, being nearly exhausted,

and Dr Franklin having positively declined supplying my expenses at

that Court, I must beg Congress to take some immediate order in this

business, so that it may not remain in the power of any individual to

counteract their intentions, and drive gentlemen away from Europe,

who are so unfortunate as not to be in his good graces.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.

Philadelphia, October 13th, 1779.

Sir,

This is officially to convey to you the knowledge of the appointment

of a Minister Plenipotentiary, in lieu of a Commissioner, at the

Court of Spain, and also a Resolve of Congress of this day, upon the

reading of your letter of the 31st of May.[50]

Mr Jay will probably be in a short time in Europe, to execute his

commission.

I am, Sir, your most humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL,

_For the Committee for Foreign Affairs_.

[50] “_In Congress, October 13th, 1779._ A letter of the 31st of May

last, from A. Lee, was read, whereupon,

“_Resolved_, That Mr A. Lee be informed of Mr Jay’s appointment to the

Court of Spain, and that, agreeably to his request, he is at liberty to

return to America.”

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, October 21st, 1779.

Gentlemen,

It may be material for Congress to know, that all disposition in the

Court of England towards peace seems at present to be removed. The

appointment of Lord Bute’s son upon an extraordinary embassy some

time since, to the Court of Turin, announced a desire in the English

cabinet to engage mediators; and the late Ambassador from Spain to

the Court of London had taken up his residence here, apparently to

embrace the more readily the opportunity of negotiating, which that

mediator might offer. But the embassy of Lord Mountstewart is talked

of no more, and Count d’Almadovar has within these few days quitted

this place entirely, and returned to Madrid.

It is no new alliance, as far as is known, that has inspired this

confidence and hardiness into the British Ministry. Probably they

flatter themselves, that as this campaign has passed away without

their suffering much from the great superiority of the combined

fleet, and the land armaments prepared against them, they will

continue to be equally fortunate. I compute, that with the supplies

for the next campaign their debt must amount fully to 200,000,000.

The siege of Gibraltar goes on in form, both by sea and land, nor

does there seem any probability of their saving that important place.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ARTHUR LEE.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Paris, November 6th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

The campaign in Europe seems to be concluded, and the resolution of

the enemy unabated. The siege of Gibraltar continues.

I am yet without any instructions for Spain, or overtures from that

Court relative to the conclusion of a treaty. I am satisfied that the

same means have been employed, and by the same persons, to injure

me there as here. With what success, my inquiries have not yet been

able to discover. By the advice of those, in whose knowledge and

integrity I can most confide, among whom is the late Ambassador from

this Court, now a Minister, I have not entered into any vindication

of myself to the Spanish Minister.

Disagreeable as it is to me to remain here, after what has passed,

it is, in my best judgment, more proper than going thither without

definite instructions, and without new credentials to show that the

calumnies of my enemies have not withdrawn from me the confidence

of Congress, which by no means appears from my _only being not

recalled_. I must therefore entreat Congress to decide distinctly

upon the accusations, that have been brought against me, and either

declare them unjust, or commit the public business to a fitter

person, and give me leave and leisure to vindicate my character to my

country and to the world.

Unless a demand on the part of the Spanish Court should make it

necessary, I will not hazard the public interest and my own honor,

in undertaking the negotiation, uninstructed, unvindicated, and

unsupported. Is it possible that any one gentleman in Congress can

help feeling the unexampled cruelty of leaving me in such a situation?

Uncertain as the decisions of all public bodies are, yet conscious

that there was not any colorable pretence for impeaching my conduct,

I could not but flatter myself, that the last despatches would

have brought an explicit censure of Congress against the indecent

attempts, that have been made to injure it. Insomuch that I thought

it my duty to consult this Court through your Minister here, upon the

propriety of my moving the Court of Spain on the negotiation with

which I was intrusted, so that I might avoid giving offence to that

Court by my silence and inactivity, and yet receive in time your

final instructions, and a renewed assurance of your confidence.

Though I have constantly transmitted to Congress triplicate copies of

the invoices and bills of lading, which account for the expenditure

of the small sum of public money that was in my hands, yet as the

order of the 6th of August is general, I have had triplicate copies

made out of the whole, which, when there is a proper person to

authenticate them, will show how the money has been expended. With

regard to the funds, with which I was jointly intrusted with Dr

Franklin and Mr Deane, my absence in Spain and Germany, with the

orders for the application of a great part, which my colleagues

thought proper to give without consulting me, disenables me from

furnishing any further vouchers than the accounts of the banker and

of Mr Williams, which I have also transmitted to Congress.

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