oblige me to repeat the request I long ago and repeatedly made, that
we should settle the public accounts relating to the expenditure
of the money intrusted to us for the public. And this is the more
absolutely necessary, as what vouchers there are to enable the
Commissioners to make out this account are in Mr Deane’s possession.
I therefore wish that the earliest day may be appointed for the
settlement of these accounts; which appears to me an indispensable
part of our duty to the public and to one another.
ARTHUR LEE.
JAMES GARDOQUI & CO. TO ARTHUR LEE.
Bilboa, April 1st, 1778.
You will see by this invoice, that agreeable to what you are pleased
to communicate to us in your very esteemed favor of the 6th instant,
we have reduced our commission to 3 per cent. But, dear Sir, besides
our being allowed 5 per cent by all the American friends we have
worked for in the present troublesome times, several of whom have
been, and actually are, eye witnesses of our troubles, as those
blankets must be collected in the country round about Palencia, and
the money must be remitted in specie there long beforehand for the
purpose, we are not only obliged to pay the freight thereof and run
the risks of it, but also to make good to the persons employed in
their collection, their expense and trouble; the whole out of our
commission, so that at present we reckon that half of it will be our
profit.
We are, &c.
JAMES GARDOQUI & CO.
_Invoice of seventyfive Bales of Merchandise shipped
on board the George, Captain Job Knight, for Cape
Ann, consigned to Elbridge Gerry, on Account of
Arthur Lee._
No. 1 to 75.----75 bales containing 1926 fine
large Palencia blankets, at 27 riales, 52,002,00
_Charges._
To 413 vares of wrappers, at 2 riales, 826
To packing, lighterage, &c. 750 1,576,00
--- ---------
53,578,00
Commission, 3 per cent, 1,607,11
---------
Riales of V. 55,185,11
Placed to the debit of Arthur Lee.
Bilboa, the 28th of March, 1778.
_Errors excepted._
J. GARDOQUI & CO.
April 1, 1778.%--Number of blankets sent from Bilboa
for Congress, since January, 1778.
1586
615
550
1695
2296
1926
------
Total, 8668
M. GERARD TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, April 1st, 1778.
Sir,
I called at your house, to have the honor of your commands to the
country where you know I am sent. Not having the honor of finding you
at home, and my time pressing me, allow me the honor of taking my
leave by writing, and requesting the favor of your commissions for
America. You will truly oblige me, Sir, if you will charge me with
letters for some of your connexions or friends, especially those who
are members of Congress.
My acknowledgments shall equal the considerations of regard with
which I have the honor of being, &c.
GERARD.
TO M. GERARD.
April 1st, half past one o’clock, 1778.
Sir,
I had the honor of receiving your favor this moment, which is the
first intimation I have received of what you mention. By six o’clock
I will send you the letters you desire. I did intend to have spoken
to you more upon what passed between the Spanish Ambassador and
myself, which gave you uneasiness. But I must repeat, that I only
related to him what I heard from Mr Deane, as coming from you, and
what we in consequence of that information have written to Congress.
Be so good as to accept of my best wishes for the happiness and
success of your voyage.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
M. GERARD TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, April 1st, 1778.
Sir,
I have received the letter you did me the honor to write to me, as
also the packets you send by me. I shall carry them with a great
deal of pleasure, and am much flattered with your confidence. I
must inform you, Sir, that notwithstanding the public nature of my
mission, I do not avow it, and the confidence I place in you in this
respect will, I hope, be considered by you as a proof of the regard,
with which I have the honor to be, &c.
GERARD.
TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.
Chaillot, April 2d, 1778.
Sir,
It was with the utmost surprise, I learnt yesterday, that M. Gerard
was to set out in the evening for America, in a public character; and
that Mr Deane was to accompany him, without either you or Mr Deane
having condescended to answer my letter of the preceding day.
That a measure of such moment as M. Gerard’s mission should have been
taken without any communication with the Commissioners, is hardly
credible. That if it was communicated, you should do such violence to
the authority which constituted us, together with so great an injury
and injustice to me as to conceal it from me, and act or advise
without me, is equally astonishing. If success to the mission and
unanimity on the subject were your wish, with what propriety could
you make it a party business, and not unite all the Commissioners in
advising and approving a measure, in which you wished their friends
and constituents might be unanimous?
I do not live ten minutes distance from you. Within these few days,
as usual, I have seen you frequently; particularly on Monday I was
with you at your house for some time. I asked you about the sailing
of the ships at Nantes, expressing my desire to know when we should
have an opportunity of writing. You said you did not know when they
sailed. I asked if there were no letters, none but one from M. Dumas
having been shown to me for some time. You answered no. I had at a
former meeting asked you whether it was not proper for us to send an
express to give intelligence of such consequential events, as our
being acknowledged here, and the treaty avowed. You told me it would
be sufficient to write by the ship at Nantes, (for it was afterwards
you mentioned there were two,) as the news being public would find
its way fast enough.
Upon Mr Amiel, who came to my house from yours, having mentioned on
Tuesday, that Mr Deane was to go away in a few days, I wrote to you
and him to repeat what I have so often requested, that the public
accounts might be settled, for which Mr Deane had taken possession of
all the vouchers, and that the public papers might be delivered to
us before his departure. You made me no answer. I sent my secretary
again yesterday to desire an answer; you sent me a verbal one, that
you would settle accounts with me any day after tomorrow. Your reason
for not doing it before was, that it was not your business. _Now_ it
seemed your business only, and Mr Deane has no concern with it. The
delivery of the public papers, which are the property of all, not of
any one of the Commissioners, though you and Mr Deane have constantly
taken them to yourselves, was too immaterial for you to answer.
During all this time, and with these circumstances, you have been
totally silent to me about the present opportunity of writing to
Congress concerning the important public measure in agitation, and
about Mr Deane’s departure. Nay more, what you have said, and the
manner in which you have acted, tended to mislead me from imagining
that you knew of any such thing. Had you studied to deceive the most
distrusted and dangerous enemy of the public, you could not have done
it more effectually.
I trust, Sir, you will think with me, that I have a right to know
your reasons for treating me thus. If you have any thing to accuse me
of, avow it, and I will answer you. If you have not, why do you act
so inconsistent with your duty to the public, and injurious to me? Is
the present state of Europe of so little moment to our constituents,
as not to require our joint consideration and information to them?
Is the character of the Court here, and the person sent to negotiate
with our constituents of no consequence for them to be apprized of?
Is this the example you in your superior wisdom think proper to set
of order, decorum, confidence, and justice?
I trust, Sir, you will not treat this letter, as you have done many
others, with the indignity of not answering it. Though I have been
silent I have not felt the less the many affronts of this kind, which
you have thought proper to offer me.[30]
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 2d, 1778.
Gentlemen,
The conclusion of the treaties here has ended the powers of our
commission. Whatever character it may please Congress to give to
their representatives in future must be specified by new powers, and
letters of credence to the Sovereign, with whom they are to act.
The first example of this kind will be material, in determining the
future rank of the United States of America among other sovereign
nations. Since the treaty of Munster, Venice and the United Provinces
have had their rank as crowned sovereigns. I presume the United
States of America will not think a lower rank competent to their
dignity, and to the importance they must command in the balance of
European power. For I am satisfied, that in a few years that balance
must be in their hands. Whatever orders Congress are pleased to give
on this subject, their Ministers must support with firmness and
inflexibility, _at first_, to prevent any disagreeable disputes for
the future.
By the enclosed copies of letters, I hope to give you a distinct view
of what passed in Spain and Prussia. I have never been able to learn,
to what was owing the sudden change in the favorable disposition of
the Spanish Court during my absence in Germany. Whether it arose from
the proceedings at Dunkirk, &c. which produced such rigor on the part
of France, they will not inform me. But it is clear from Baron de
Schulenburg’s letter, that the conduct of France, in consequence of
the Dunkirk business, prevented Prussia from adopting what I proposed.
I have written to Messrs Gardoquis about their charging five per cent
commission, which appears to be exorbitant, because I remit them the
money before they lay it out.
My brother William Lee is gone to Germany in pursuance of the
commands of Congress. The war, that is kindling between the two
Powers to whom he is destined, makes it hardly possible to hope that
he can succeed with both. If one is disposed to form an alliance with
us, the other will probably, for that reason, refuse it. I observe
it was the desire of Congress that we should keep an account of our
expenses. I have done so as minutely as the nature of things would
admit; and they have not exceeded, including my two journies, the
sum allotted by Congress. I shall endeavor to continue within those
bounds, though the being acknowledged will necessarily augment the
expense.
The Messrs Gardoquis have transmitted to me regularly the accounts of
what they shipped on the public account; copies of which I have in
the same manner sent to you. This I conceived to be the usual course
of business, and necessary for the due information of all concerned.
For this reason it was my wish, that the same might be done with
regard to the public money expended here. My colleagues have not
thought proper to concur with me. The Committee and Congress will
order, if they think it proper, what I have not only requested in
vain, but to my utter astonishment, have given very great offence in
requesting.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
[30] The reason why the sailing of the French fleet, and the Mission of
M. Gerard, were not made known to Mr Lee by Dr Franklin and Mr Deane,
seems to have been, that they had not the permission of the French
Court to communicate the intelligence to him. It does not appear, that
Dr Franklin answered the above letter.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 5th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
Having pressed the matter of supplies from Spain, I received an
answer yesterday, that endeavors would be used to send you succors
through the Havanna. The present critical situation of that Court
renders them averse to being more particular, or to have applications
made to them, but I think they will not long remain under this
embarrassment.
Dr Franklin and I are now settling the accounts as well as we can,
from the papers Mr Deane thought proper to leave in Dr Franklin’s
hands. How orderly and adequate they are, you will judge yourselves
from the list, which I shall take care to transmit to you. I am
obliged to say, that this gentleman took to himself the entire
management of the business, in which I could obtain no share without
a quarrel; that my advice and assistance were always rejected, and
he never would settle accounts. Whether he has conducted it well,
you will have the means of determining by what you have received,
compared with the sums expended, which I shall make it my duty to
transmit to you.
I cannot venture to detail to you the plans of this Court relative
to the conduct of the war in your quarter. You will probably see
the commencement of them before this reaches you. I enclose some
additional, and as I conceive necessary articles, which I shall
endeavor to obtain if Congress approve of them. I also send an
accurate list of the actual and intended force of Great Britain.
With my utmost duty and respect to Congress, I have the honor to be,
&c.
ARTHUR LEE.
_P. S._ Being obliged to send this by post, the articles must be
deferred as being too voluminous.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, April 8th, 1778.
Gentlemen,
Whether there were any public despatches for you by the opportunity
that carries Mr Deane, the late Commissioner, I do not know, because
my colleagues concealed his departure from me. I trust you will think
it proper to desire the reason of such conduct, the tendency of
which is too plain and too pernicious not to require censure, if it
cannot, as I conceive it cannot, be justified by stronger reasons of
utility.[31]
Great Britain has not yet thought proper to declare war in form
against France, but the vessels and sailors of each nation are
reciprocally seized in their ports, and a French frigate has lately
made prize of an English privateer. Both are preparing with all
possible despatch, and both waiting for your decisive declaration
with an anxiety proportioned to their conviction of that declaration
deciding the fate of the war.
As far as I can venture to judge of Courts and Ministers, those
of this country seem cordially disposed to co-operate with you in
driving the English entirely out of America. But from what I could
observe during the conference on the treaty, they seem to have
some wishes relative to the islands of the fishery, which are not
altogether compatible with the system laid down by Congress.
The war between the Emperor and the King of Prussia seems inevitable.
It will be a war of giants and must engage all Germany. Three
hundred thousand men, the best disciplined and the best led that
ever made war, are ready to dispute the question on each side.
Russia is sufficiently occupied by her own situation in regard to
the Porte. The North is therefore no longer a subject for your
apprehension. The whole house of Bourbon will certainly join in the
war against England. Holland, therefore, seems the principal object
of negotiation now; because, if the enemy should be deprived of her
amity, they soon must be reduced to a _carte blanche_.
This is the present situation of Europe. I enclose you a Memorial,[32]
which I wrote last year, and have now sent to Holland to promote the
disposition we are informed they entertain at present in our favor.
In the additional articles I sent for your consideration, there are
some not very materially different, but as they are expressed in a
different manner, I thought it might be of use to submit the choice
to you.
The enclosed report[33] is what I received from the Court of Spain, in
answer to an application in behalf of the people, who have involved
themselves in this unfortunate situation.
It is proper to inform you, that the department of Spain, to which
it has pleased Congress to destine me, is the most expensive of any,
because the Court pass different parts of the year at four different
places, at which every public Minister is obliged to reside, and
consequently to have a house, which augments very much his expense.
As I wish to avoid all occasion of blame, I mention this circumstance
that I may not appear to be extravagant, should my expense increase
on going thither.
You will greatly oblige me by presenting my duty to Congress, and
believing me to be, with the greatest respect, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
[31] The reason was, as previously stated, that Franklin and Deane were
not authorised by the French Court to make known to any person the
sailing of the fleet.
[32] This Memorial was printed and circulated in Holland by the friends
of the American cause.
[33] Missing.
MEMORIAL FOR HOLLAND.
When the ancestors of the present inhabitants of the United States of
America first settled in that country, they did it entirely at their
own expense. The public of England never granted one shilling to aid
in their establishment. Had any such grants existed, they must have
been upon record. The state of England, therefore, could not justly
claim the benefit of an acquisition which it never made.
Upon this principle the first settlers conceived they had _a right to
exchange and sell the produce of their labor to all nations without
control_. This right they actually enjoyed unquestioned till the year
1652; then it was that the English, in violation of every principle
of justice, usurped and established a monopoly of the American
commerce, which they maintained till the rigor of their domination
compelled the Americans to reclaim their ancient unalienable rights,
by declaring themselves free and independent States. In consequence
of this, all nations are restored to the participation of that
commerce, from which the monopolising spirit of the English had
unjustly excluded them.
No nation is more interested in this event than the Dutch, because it
was against them that the establishment of the monopoly was chiefly
intended. The great object of commercial policy with the States of
Holland was and is the _carrying trade_. In consequence of this, when
the commerce of America was free, the Dutch vessels in the American
ports outnumbered those of England. But in the year 1651, a quarrel
arose between the States of Holland and the then republic of England.
The English, jealous of their naval power, resolved to destroy their
American commerce, which contributed so much to its support. To
effect this, the Council of State projected and passed on the 1st of
December, 1651, the navigation ordinance, by which the carriage of
American produce was prohibited except in English bottoms. The Dutch
foresaw the intention, and felt the effects of this measure. Their
resentment of it added fuel to the war, that raged from that time to
the year 1654 with so much fury.
Their success, however, was not sufficient to re-establish what had
been thus violently wrested from them. In negotiating the peace that
concluded that war, De Witt labored with his usual abilities to
obtain an abolition of the act, but all his efforts were ineffectual.
Cromwell, who was not his inferior in acuteness, maintained the
usurpation, and under Charles the Second it received the form and
sanction of an act of Parliament. Thus in despite of all their
efforts, this valuable branch of commerce was wrested from the Dutch,
and monopolised by the English.
But what neither the uncommon talents of De Witt, nor the struggles
of an obstinate and bloody war could effect, the course of human
events has produced. The wealth and power arising from this very
monopoly so intoxicated Great Britain, as to make her think there
were no bounds to the exercise of the control she had usurped. Not
content, therefore, with thus restraining the Americans for her own
emolument in the mode of acquiring money, she arrogated to herself
the right of taking that which was obtained under those restraints.
The natural consequence of thus urging her domination, and adding a
new usurpation to the former, was the abolition of the whole. America
has, in form, renounced her connexion with Great Britain, and is
maintaining her rights by arms.
The consequence of her success will be the re-establishment of
commerce upon its ancient, free and general footing; all nations are
interested in this success, but none so much as the Dutch. From them,
therefore, America _in a most special manner looks for support_.
_Resentment of an ancient injury, the policy of their ancestors,
their present interest_, unite in calling upon them for a spirited
avowal and support of the independence of America. They will not
forget the blood, that was spilt in endeavoring to vindicate their
right when it was first invaded. They will not forget the insolence
and injustice with which Great Britain harassed their trade during
the late war, by means of that very naval strength which she derived
from her usurped monopoly. They cannot but feel at this moment the
insult and indignity from the British Court, in presuming to forbid
them that free participation of commerce which America offers.
The extraordinary remittances, which the people of America have
made to the merchants of Great Britain, since the commencement of
this dispute, is a proof of their honor and good faith; so much
more safe and advantageous is it to trust money with a young,
industrious, thriving people, than with an old nation overwhelmed
with debt, abandoned to extravagance and immersed in luxury. By
maintaining the independence of America, a new avenue will be opened
for the employment of money where landed property, as yet untouched
by mortgage or other incumbrances, will answer for the principal,
and the industry of a young and uninvolved people would insure the
regular payment of interest. The money holder would in that case be
relieved from the continual fears and apprehensions, which every
agitation of the English stocks perpetually excites. He might count
his profits without anxiety, and plan his monied transactions with
certainty.
_These_ are the _substantial objects_ of advantage, which America
holds up to the people of Holland; and _this_ the moment of embracing
them.
TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Chaillot, April 24th, 1778.
Sir,
Since I had the honor of seeing your Excellency, I have learnt that
Mr Hartley in conversing with French people, whose opinions he thinks
may have weight, insinuates to them, that engaging in a war in our
favor is very impolitic, since you can expect nothing from us but
ingratitude and ill faith, with which we have repaid Great Britain.
To us he says, the French have done nothing for you, they can never
be trusted, no cordial connexion can be formed with them, therefore
you had better return back to your former connexions, which may be
upon your own terms if you will renounce France. This gentleman
and the wise men who sent him, have so high an opinion of our
understandings, that they flatter themselves these insinuations will
succeed.
I have also been informed, that besides their commissioners, the
ministry have despatched two persons to America to work privately
as Mr Hartley is doing. One of them is an American. I know them,
and both the size of their understandings and the degree of their
influence. There is nothing to apprehend from either. These are
the little projects of little spirits, and will be attended with
proportional success. They show the imbecility and distress of our
enemies, and will only change the detestation of America into utter
contempt.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Versailles, April 24th, 1778.
Sir,
I am obliged to you for your attention in communicating Mr Hartley’s
insinuations, as well to yourself as to such other persons as he
may suppose he can influence in this country. I doubt that he finds
easier access to you, than he will surely find with us; and I can
assure you, that he will not find us accessible to the prejudices he
may wish to inspire us with.
I conclude, being obliged to attend the Council, requesting you to
accept of the assurances of the perfect respect, with which I have
the honor, &c.
DE VERGENNES.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, May 9th, 1778.
Gentlemen,