number of their subjects. Ancient and modern history will show, without
an exception, that commerce is the mother of population. There is
no need of citing proofs of this to the most learned king that ever
lived. Such is the fact, and the reason is plain. It is then reasonable
to say, that the king, who is desirous of increasing as much as is
possible the number of his subjects, should establish and encourage
commerce in his dominions.
Your Majesty’s dominions are admirably situated for commerce. Three
large rivers, which run through them, must furnish the greatest
facilities for it. What then is wanting? Merely an object sufficiently
distant to form sailors, and sufficiently extensive to establish and
support trade. Such an object is America; and the unexpected events,
which have made the trade of that country free, afford inducements for
it. The monopoly of this trade, which, in the opinion of that great and
wise man, Mr Pitt, supported the power of England, no longer exists,
and, without a miracle, will never exist again. The nations that shall
endeavor to obtain a part of it for themselves, by furnishing to a
young and grateful people the means of resisting their oppressors, will
be very successful. But those, who wish to await in tranquillity the
event of this war, ought not to expect to turn trade from the course,
in which custom and gratitude, before that time, will have fixed it.
The present, therefore, is the proper time for those to begin, who wish
to enjoy for the future the commerce of America.
But there are obstacles to this trade; for, in the first place, you
have no vessels of war to cause your flag to be respected. But, Sire,
you have the best regiments in the world; and Great Britain, destitute
as she is of wise counsels, is not, however, so foolish as to incur
the risk of compelling your Majesty to join your formidable forces to
those of her rival. Besides, such is the present weakness of England,
so pressed and exhausted is she by the war with America, that she is
obliged to blind herself to still harder things, which are carried on
immediately before her eyes.
Secondly. It is not practicable to have at the same time an army so
numerous as that of your Majesty, and a respectable fleet, since the
latter would require too many men, and destroy the country. This
reasoning would be sound, if population were diminished by commerce.
But the contrary is the fact. In place of diminishing, it increases
it. Thus the most commercial countries are always the most populous.
Population is always proportioned to the means of living. Commerce, by
increasing these means, increases the population. Instead therefore of
increasing the consequences of a numerous army, commerce is their most
certain remedy.
Thirdly. Sailors are wanting for the enterprise. It is the enterprise
itself that must form sailors. A handful of experienced sailors
are enough to encourage others; and the matter once put in a good
train will go on successfully by itself. If your Majesty’s ports
were open for the entrance of our armed vessels, if they could there
deliver their cargo, refit, and sell their prizes secretly, then the
instructions and the encouragement, which they would give to your
sailors, and particularly if some of them were allowed to make a
voyage in our vessels, would in a short time form sailors of your own
subjects, and would draw a number of them from other countries into
your ports, by the desire of going on a cruise to America.
But it may be said, this would be taking an active part in the affair,
and deciding for the independence of America.
Not more than it is already decided by the fact, nor more than is
authorised by the laws of nations, founded on the just interests and
the wants of a State. The fact is, that we have the sword in our hand
and that we are making war openly. Are there more convincing proofs
of actual independence? We are in the possession of the country, the
articles of commerce are the produce of our labors, and belong to us.
They are ours by right and in fact, and it belongs to us alone to
dispose of them. Is it necessary then, that other nations should wait
and suffer the most pressing want, while the English are using their
utmost exertions to ruin us, and to wrest from us our property in order
to sell it to them? Or can they not go there, buy the commodities
of which they are in want, and with which the English can no longer
furnish them, without violating the character of neutral nations?
It is not difficult to say which is most agreeable to reason, and
consequently to the rights of nations. Neutral nations, in carrying on
this trade, decide as to the fact, and not as to the right. This is
the distinction which the laws of England make; since the English are
allowed to obey the actual, or _de facto_ power, although it should not
be so by right, or _de jure_. Besides, the English acknowledged the
Duke of Braganza as king of Portugal, and received his Ambassadors, in
the year 1641, for this reason, that he had been called to the crown
by the unanimous consent of the people. Congress is established on
the same foundation. The assemblies of the States choose the members
of Congress, and empower them annually; and these assemblies are
chosen by the whole people. Can there be a consent more unanimous, or
more maturely given? Will your Majesty allow me here to adduce some
authorities on this subject?
Charles, Duke of Sudermania, having been crowned king of Sweden at the
commencement of the 17th century, sent James Vandyck into France, and
offered to Henry the Great the renewal of the treaties and alliances,
which had before been made between these two powers. Vandyck showed,
that the advantages which France would derive from the commerce
of Sweden would be so considerable, that the king listened to the
proposals of this Minister, and was desirous to conclude a treaty
with him. There was nothing to prevent him from doing it, except that
the action of Charles, who had usurped the crown from Sigismond, his
nephew, after the latter had been chosen king of Poland, was the more
odious, as the pretext of religion was the cause of the revolution. It
was also taken into consideration in France, that the king of Denmark,
who was no friend to Charles, might form an alliance against him with
his brother in law the king of England. But notwithstanding all this,
M. de Villeroy, in writing to Jeannin, April 8th, 1608, speaks plainly,
and says; “All these reasons and considerations would not prevent the
king from making a treaty with Charles, if he should find it for his
interest, and that of his kingdom to do so.”--_Wickfort_, p. 26. The
example of Henry the Great is worthy of a prince, who has no less claim
to this title.
Vatel, in examining the same question, says; “Foreign powers conform
in this case to the possession, if the advantage of their own affairs
incites them to do so. There is no rule more certain, more conformable
to the right of the people, and to the independence of nations. Since
foreigners have no right to concern themselves with the domestic
affairs of a people, they are not obliged to examine and to search into
their conduct in these same affairs, in order to determine the justice
or injustice; of it; they can, if they think proper, suppose that the
right is annexed to the possession.”
The advantages, which your Majesty’s dominions would derive from the
commerce of America, cannot but be very great. It would be a new
market, and one always increasing with the rapid increase of population
in America, for woollen and linen cloths, porcelain, and all sorts of
manufactures in iron. The returns would be in tobacco, indigo, linseed,
cotton, and peltry.
It is true, that these advantages will be very much diminished by the
ravages of the English and their mercenaries, if we are to contend
alone against their whole force, with the immense difficulty of
obtaining from Europe arms and ammunition, after a thousand evasions,
great risk, and loss of time. It is for your Majesty, in conjunction
with some other European powers, to put a stop to these ravages by a
commercial alliance with the United States.
There is no name so highly respected among us as that of your Majesty.
Hence there is no king, the declaration of whose friendship would
inspire our people with so much courage, and add so much force to our
cause.
I rely on your Majesty’s goodness to pardon me for entering into this
long detail, and for suggesting thoughts so unworthy of your attention,
and so badly expressed in a language which I have but cursorily
learnt.[18] But I prefer writing incorrectly, to communicating to any
one what I have the honor of offering to the consideration of your
Majesty.
I have the honor to be, Sire, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
[18] This letter was drawn up and communicated in the French language.
TO THE KING OF PRUSSIA.
Berlin, July 1st, 1777.
Sire,
Having been robbed in your city of Berlin, in a most extraordinary
manner, I have thus far relied on the common police. But as it seemed
very probable, that the individual who committed this robbery cannot
be prosecuted by the common police, I am obliged to disturb your
Majesty’s quiet, and to request that an audience may be granted to me,
in order to make my complaint, and to say some things thereupon, which
it is impossible to commit to paper, or to confide to any one but your
Majesty.
I am, Sire, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
THE KING OF PRUSSIA TO ARTHUR LEE.
Translation.
Potsdam, July 2d, 1777.
The King having received Mr Lee’s letter, dated Berlin, 1st July, and
his complaint of the robbery that has been committed, is pleased to
return him for answer, that his Majesty has just ordered his Minister
of State, Baron de Schulenburg, to hear what he has further to offer
on the subject; that for this purpose Mr Lee may communicate to the
said Minister without reserve every thing he may wish to inform his
Majesty of, who assures him through the present letter, that an
inviolable secrecy and profound silence shall be observed, respecting
the overtures he may think proper to make through this channel.
FREDERIC.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS IN PARIS.
Berlin, July 6th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I informed you in my last of the 28th, of my having been robbed of my
papers and having retrieved them in a few hours. Whether they were read
I cannot ascertain, but I think they would never have returned them
had they known their contents. My journal book, which was among them,
contains all our transactions in France and Spain. You will therefore
judge whether it be proper to guard those Courts against any complaints
from England. As they have returned the evidence of what they will
allege, it may well be treated as a forgery.
I have just learnt, that the Envoy has despatched his Secretary to
London, but whether to guard against the storm, which he expects his
indiscretion will excite from hence, or to give the intelligence he
obtained, or both, I know not. I have thought it prudent to wait here
some days, to see whether the ill humor he has excited will furnish a
favorable opportunity of obtaining something, but I shall leave this
place next week, unless something from you should stop me; hitherto I
have not been favored with a single line. I see in the English papers,
that cruisers are sent to the Baltic, which I am afraid are against
Wickes. Perhaps you will think it proper to change the name of Boux’s
ship, to embarrass their complaints to the States, should they make
any. I enclose you the price of several articles we want, and which
seem to be cheaper here than in France. Adieu.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.
Paris, July 29th, 1777.
Gentlemen,
I had the honor of informing the Committee of my proceedings at Berlin,
in a letter from thence dated 11th of the last month. On my first
interview with his Excellency, the Baron de Schulenburg, he informed me
that upon receiving information of my intending to come to Berlin, he
had written to signify the king’s resolution not to receive me as a
public Minister, but that he should be glad to receive any information
relative to the proposal of carrying on trade with us. I urged the
example of civil wars both in England and Holland, during which public
Ministers were received from them by neutral powers, without its being
deemed as an infringement of their neutrality, with many other similar
instances of great authority. He answered, that his Majesty had pledged
his honor to the king of Great Britain, not to interfere in this
dispute; he therefore wished I would confine myself entirely to the
subject of trade, as he could not hear any further propositions.
As I had not been expressly commissioned by Congress to the Court of
Berlin, I thought it not prudent to insist upon this point; I therefore
gave him what lights I could touching the proper articles of commerce,
the best ports in America, and the safest means of conducting the
trade. I trusted, that I should find an opening for going further
upon better acquaintance and opportunity; accordingly I ventured in
a little time to propose the opening of their ports to our cruisers,
and allowing the sale of prizes. I was assured in answer to this
proposition, that they would inquire upon what footing this was done in
France and Spain, and inform me whether the same would be admitted in
their ports.
Whilst I was at dinner one day, some person contrived to get into my
chamber, which was locked, and break open my desk, from whence he took
all my papers. I soon discovered the robbery, and alarmed the police.
The English Envoy, who happened to be on a visit in the hotel when the
alarm was given, immediately went home, and in a few minutes the papers
were all returned, apparently unopened. The Envoy went to the king
next day to excuse himself, but was not admitted. It appeared upon
examination, that his servant had frequently offered a large sum to the
servants of the house if they would steal my papers; but as I never
went out of my room, upon the most trifling occasion, without locking
them up, they were obliged to have recourse to violence. The resentment
of every one at so outrageous an act was soon lost in contempt of
the Envoy’s folly, for returning what he had incurred so much odium
in acquiring. The Minister of State told me, they could do nothing
more than to insist upon his recall, which he imagined the Envoy,
considering the unfavorable light in which this action had placed him,
would do himself.
I thought this a favorable opportunity of pressing for aid from the
King, in artillery, arms, and money, of which I was well informed he
had a considerable sum in his treasury; but I could obtain nothing but
assurances of his desire to serve us if it were in his power. Upon
taking leave, the Baron de Schulenburg delivered me a message from
his Majesty, desiring me to assure my constituents that nothing would
give him more pleasure, than to hear of their success, and that he
wished whatever good news I received might be communicated to him. I
did not omit to press his interposition relative to German and Russian
auxiliaries. In answer to this, the Minister assured me, that we had no
reason to apprehend any thing either from one or the other in future.
What I have collected from various sources upon the subject is this.
The German princes who have hired their troops, besides having rendered
themselves exceedingly odious, have suffered greatly, and are still
suffering, by the emigrations of their subjects, for fear of being
forced into this service, which is excessively unpopular and odious
through all Germany; under these circumstances, those princes are
neither much inclined nor at all able to furnish new supplies; the
troops already sent were their utmost exertions, and in all probability
will be their last.
The situation of the Empress of Russia is not more favorable; she is
under a constant alarm for the internal quiet of her kingdom, in which
there are every where the seeds of great and dangerous discontent.
A considerable force is required to preserve the acquisitions she
has made in Poland. The peace with the Porte is an armed truce,
which threatens to break out into action every moment. The first and
most sacred principle of the Mahometan religion is the union of all
Mussulmans; the dividing the Crimea from them is for this reason a
mortal wound to their religious principles, and renders the late peace
universally odious. Perpetual obstacles are therefore raised to the
execution of it; and the Turks are openly preparing to avenge their
late defeats. So circumstanced, it is certain the Empress is herself in
great need of assistance, instead of being in a condition to give it;
which, were she able, it is conceived she would never stoop to do as a
_subsidiary_ of Great Britain in such a contest, and in such company
as the little German princes. What is further security against their
future efforts, is the deficiency of funds on the part of our enemies.
I found their credit in Germany had been at no time lower than it is
now. We have good intelligence from Holland of its falling there apace.
In England men ruminate every day more deeply on the dark and ruinous
prospect before them, and most assuredly their credit there is already
stretched to its utmost. All this may be well conceived, from the light
in which the contest has been always viewed. In England it was regarded
as _unwise_; in every part of Europe as _unwise and unjust_. Nothing
but the most brilliant and immediate success could have prevented the
consequence of these opinions. That has not happened, and therefore
they now begin to experience the bitter effects of their folly and
injustice. Every day confirms me more and more in the opinion, that our
enemies cannot continue the war another campaign with any effect, and
that the acknowledgment of your independency will be a serious subject
of deliberation among the powers of Europe the ensuing winter.
Yours, &c. ARTHUR LEE.
TO M. GERARD, SECRETARY TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.
Paris, August 1st, 1777.
Sir,
Understanding that his Excellency Count de Vergennes was in Paris, I
took that opportunity of endeavoring to pay my respects to him, without
the parade of coming to Versailles, which, in the present state of
things, may be troublesome. But if his Excellency has any desire to
know what I transacted at Berlin, I shall receive his commands to
attend him at Versailles with pleasure. My instructions having been
to do nothing there, that might be disagreeable to this Court, I have
endeavored to follow them precisely.
I beg, Sir, you will accept personally my respects, and I have the
honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO ARTHUR LEE.
Philadelphia, August 8th, 1777.
Sir,
We have to acknowledge yours of March 18th from Vitoria in Spain, and
another of May 13th from Paris. The first falls particularly under the
notice of the Committee of Commerce to whom it has been referred.
You could not, at the time of writing it, have been certified of the
arrival of some interesting despatches from Congress to your colleagues
in France on the 10th of that month, which might have occasioned a very
considerable alteration in the politics of the Court of Versailles,
which would consequently influence those of the Court of Madrid.
The intelligence contained in your last is a most pleasing confirmation
of the hopes, which you had given us of pecuniary aid from Spain.
Whatever tends to establish the value of our paper currency is
most highly important to us. Congress will immediately go into a
consideration of the several hints for this purpose given by you and
Messrs Franklin and Deane. The unpleasing events in the northern
department have so far engaged the attention of all public bodies,
that it has been impossible for Congress to decide upon the subjects
mentioned to them by you, early enough for us to forward their
determinations by the present opportunity.
By our several letters despatched in the armed sloop Independence
from hence, or by duplicates and gazettes sent by Mr M’Creary from
Baltimore, you will know by way of Paris the history of our military
affairs in a regular detail. We are at this time altogether uncertain
as to Mr Howe’s destination, his fleet not having been seen since the
1st of this month. Indeed, we shall leave you for the most part to get
information of our operations from the gentlemen at Paris, to whom we
shall have the most direct opportunities of conveyance.
We wish you success on the embassy you are now engaged in; and we
are pleased that you are so agreeably connected with Mr Sayre, whose
attachment to the cause of liberty and this country has been manifested.
We are, with much regard, Sir, your friends and humble servants,
BENJAMIN HARRISON,
ROBERT MORRIS,
JAMES LOVELL.
TO THE BARON DE SCHULENBURG.
Paris, August 13th, 1777.
Sir,
Upon inquiry I find the plan for establishing assurance companies at
Rouen, Nantes, and Bordeaux is not yet carried into execution, and that
it respects French subjects only. At Cadiz they confine themselves to
forty thousand livres in one bottom.
I am satisfied, Sir, upon the maturest reflection and consultation
with my brother Commissioners, that the opening of your ports to our
cruisers is the only way of commencing a commerce with effect.
Some management, which this Court thinks necessary to use with that
of England, has thrown a temporary difficulty on the admission of our
cruisers and prizes into the ports of France. The great profit made by
privateering is an irresistible temptation to seamen, which, together
with the greater demand for our navy, will render it impossible for
merchant vessels to find hands to navigate them.
We have received no direct intelligence from America for two months.
The English Court conceal what they receive. This however is certain,
that General Howe, unable to make his way to Philadelphia through the
Jerseys, has embarked his troops for some other expedition. As far,
therefore, as we can judge, the campaign is not likely to be quite so
brilliant as was expected.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
TO JAMES GARDOQUI, AT MADRID.
Paris, August 18th, 1777.
Sir,
My return from Berlin gives me an opportunity of renewing our
correspondence. By what I learn from Dr Franklin, our affairs with you
have taken a sudden turn, for which I am at a loss to account. If the
reason be not a secret of State, that may not be communicated, you will
oblige me much by letting me know it. Perhaps it may be founded on some
misapprehension, which on being made known may be removed.
I was in great hopes of succeeding in my endeavors to procure the
admission of our armed vessels into some northern ports, but the late
manœuvres of this Court I am apprehensive will prevent it. We should
by that means have relieved our southern friends from part of the
burthen, which has hitherto rested on them alone, and turned both the
observation and the complaints of Great Britain into another channel.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ARTHUR LEE.
COUNT DE VERGENNES TO MR GRAND.
Translation.
August 21st, 1777.
Sir,
Your idea has been thought a just one, but as it cannot as yet operate
effectually, it is conceived best to reserve the execution of it until
such time as will produce more desirable sensations.