THE POINT OF VIEW

[Sidenote: A Vain Seeking]

The recent announcements by several men of science that they believe

that they have sure proofs of the immortality of the soul may not be

so important as they seem to the gentlemen who make them, but at least

they are interesting. The proofs that are relied upon are chiefly

communications received through mediums, which are said to be so

remarkable in the knowledge which they imply, that those who receive

them are driven to conclude that they come from the spirits of persons

who lately lived on earth. To the average observer spiritualism seems

a labyrinth of frauds and mysteries, some deep, some shallow, wherein

those who wander grope from delusion to delusion, and arrive nowhere.

The cry is not so much that all spiritualism is false, as that whether

false or not it is all unprofitable. That is the usual attitude the

intelligent public has toward it, and it is based on observation which

is wide if not profound. For though we hear of reputations damaged and

lives apparently misdirected as a result of spiritualistic experiments,

we rarely hear of persons whom spiritualism has helped. The quest seems

trivial and disconcerting; not useful.

Few of us think that spiritualism will ever prove the immortality

of the soul to the satisfaction of the scientific mind. Still when

Professor Hyslop of Columbia University declares that that very thing

is about to be done, we are quite ready to give him our attention.

We have heard before of Mrs. Piper, the Cambridge medium, who has

been for ten or twelve years in the charge of the Psychical Research

Society. We know that she is looked upon as a remarkable medium, and

that the closest watching for years past has failed to detect her in

deceit. It is through her Professor Hyslop says that the proofs which

he finds satisfactory have come. They have come then by a notable and

reputable route, and they are indorsed by an observer whose indorsement

is probably as good as can be given, for Professor Hyslop is not only

a man of high character but of a ripe experience in matters of this

sort. Psychology is his specialty. He knows the tricks of commercial

spiritualism, and has often detected and exposed them. It is human to

err, and it is entirely possible that his certainties may turn vague

on exposure, and that his conclusions will not stand; but certainly his

proofs deserve and will receive respectful inspection.

But, of course, the question is not whether or not we are going

to believe the soul immortal, but merely whether we shall consider

that these newly advertised proofs of it are worth anything. Most of

us instinctively believe in a future life as it is, and will go on

believing in it however new proofs may triumph or fail. We think there

must be a future life. It is not improbable. What is grossly improbable

is that there is none. The wonder is not that there should seem to be

feeble glimmerings of intercourse between us who are still here and

those who have gone before. The wonder is that it has proved to be so

extraordinarily difficult to speak across a grave. Professor Hyslop has

probability overwhelmingly with him in his general contention. If we

are not agitated by his promises and impatient to read his disclosures,

it is because proofs of the sort he deals with have heretofore been

inconclusive and disappointing. For some reason the life of earth seems

to have been isolated. We scarcely even dream of what life may have

preceded it, and though we do dream much about the life that is to

follow, we gather surprisingly little information about it. Still, all

knowledge is hidden from man until he finds it out. It is not forbidden

to him to discover the secrets of earth. Who shall say that it is

unlawful to go farther, if he can, and pry into the mysteries that seem

to lie outside of earth? Is it trespassing to seek for sure tokens of

another life? Who shall say so? The most that conservative observers may

say is that, so far, spiritualism has seemed trivial, misleading, and

inexpedient. That demoralization, if not madness, has seemed to lie that

way; and that those who have been content to go about their business

here, taking the future life on trust, have seemed to fare better than

those who have directed earthly energies into a search for proofs of

unearthly facts.

It may be that science is about to buttress the edifice that faith has

reared; but proofs or no proofs, most of us will continue to read "to be

continued" at the bottom of the page of this life, and simply wait, each

for himself, for the page to be turned. The story does not conclude: it

simply breaks off. Of course there will be more of it.

* * * * *

During the recent war with Spain, a statement often made was that women

were more in favor of it than men. If its truth or falsity cannot be

determined, one may wonder at least how there could have been the

slightest justification for it. Hardly any fact in history thrusts

itself to the front more persistently and conspicuously than the evils

that war brings upon women. Not even the men that bear the brunt of

battle pay a greater tribute to Mars than they. To be sure, they do

not to-day as in the past fall a prey to a savage soldiery. "Civilized

warfare" has done much for them, as it has for men. But there are

still moral, intellectual, and economic effects that ought to make them

all members of peace societies and ardent advocates of international

arbitration.

Several hundred thousand men cannot be withdrawn from the industrial

pursuits of a country and assigned to the work of destruction, or

to preparations for it, without a profound disturbance. The greatest

harm thus wrought is not the enormous waste, positive and negative—the

unproductive consumption, as the economists call it, and the check to

the production of so many toilers; it is the diversion of women from the

lighter duties that belong to them to the heavier ones that belong to

men. Whenever or wherever war has levied on the workshop and the field,

they have had to fill the vacant places. It is not the savage alone that

becomes lost to the feeling of courtesy and humanity and turns his women

into beasts of burden. The most enlightened nations commit the same

barbarous offence. The drain upon the English working-classes during the

Napoleonic wars forced even young children into the exhausting work of

adults, leading to a physical degeneracy that was thought to threaten

the primacy of the Anglo-Saxon. How many American tourists in Europe

realize the terrible significance of the spectacle of women toiling

in the fields or dragging through the streets a heavily laden cart?

To most of them it seems rather picturesque and attractive. Yet it is

the reverse of the medal that commemorates some great battle or some

military genius.

In all militant countries, the soldier is the ideal man. His is the most

honorable business. Whoever does not bear arms or is unable to endure

the hardships of a campaign sinks to a lower level. But no class is

thrust into a more intolerable position by this false test of social

worth than women. A double stigma attaches to them—that of weakness and

that of toilers. Only as mothers of soldiers do they hold a place in

public esteem. Napoleon's idea of the noblest woman was she that bore

the greatest number of children for his armies. The idea of the present

Emperor of Germany is much the same. "_Küche, Kirche, Kinder_," is the

alliterative description attributed to him of the narrow sphere in which

he would have them move. Little wonder, therefore, that the condition

of the women in the military countries of Europe differs but little

from that ignoble ideal. Little wonder, too, that American women that

transplant themselves by marriage to the countries where it prevails

often find that they have sold their birthright for a mess of pottage.

It is a commonplace of sociology that intellectual as well as political

despotism is born of war. When a nation is engaged in a desperate

struggle with an enemy, the central power must be invested, under

penalty of defeat, with all the authority needful to wield effectively

the resources of the state. Besides drafting soldiers and levying taxes,

it crushes opposition and criticism. The result is that in countries

like Russia and Germany, freedom of thought and action has still to

be won. Especially is it so in all that relates, even remotely, to

politics. But the rights denied to women include many not denied to

men. Despite German universities, German science, German philosophy,

and German culture in every direction, about which so much is said in

glowing praise, the women of the Fatherland are still in the shackles

forged by feudalism and despotism. The temples of learning are closed

against them. The right of the toilers among them to become associated

together to better their condition is repressed. Only as they move

in the narrow circle drawn by the soldier can they escape the look of

amazement that might be bestowed upon any freak of nature.

Militarism works equal havoc in the moral and spiritual domain. Recently

Count Tolstoi described the deplorable condition of the inhabitants of

the famous black-earth region. The startling feature of his powerful

picture of these victims of military despotism was the apathy,

melancholy, and fatalism that have seized them. Perhaps the Russian

women do not have to bear more than the men; but since they belong to

the more fragile sex, they are less able to bear it. As in France during

the last years of the Grand Monarch, the share of the fruits of toil

taken by the government to support armies of soldiers and officials

has become so large that these unfortunate people are constantly on the

verge of starvation. Their normal diet is a third less than sufficient

to maintain health and strength. They are not simply weakened by the

lack of food—they are paralyzed by the outlook that however much they

may exert themselves, they cannot better their condition. "Why should

we trouble ourselves?" they say. "We shall not get fat. If we can only

live." Bending under this despairing thought, they take little interest

in their task. They avail themselves of no discovery and no invention

that will make it easier or more profitable. With their primitive plough

and staggering horse, they move slowly and drearily over their fields,

glad when night comes to deliver them from their thraldom and sad when

morning breaks to renew it. The priests themselves testify to their

indifference to the consolations of religion. Aside from their desire to

get enough to keep them alive, they have no other but to forget their

sufferings and disappointments. When surcease is not sought in the

natural sleep that comes from heavy toil, it is sought in deep draughts

of Russian spirits.

The degradation of character due to militarism takes many forms. There

is the vicious ethics of war carried into social and industrial life.

The deceit and fraud, more common in militant countries than in pacific,

are evils that women must endure with men. There are the callousness

and cruelty of war, from which they suffer far mere than men. There is,

finally, the moral laxity of war. The full story of the sufferings of

women from this cause cannot be written. The standing armies of Europe

spread a poison that penetrates the remotest corner of the social

fabric. No class escapes it. The gallantry of officers is notorious.

Not less so are their mercenary marriages. Among the rank and file

occur those illegitimate unions common to every garrison town. Among the

toilers the same evil prevails. Militarism acts directly and indirectly

to make them unwilling to assume the responsibilities of marriage. How

serious this evil has become may be gathered from the report of Dr.

Hirscherberg, of Berlin. In that city alone in 1897, 8,000 victims

of these _Arbeiter-Ehen_, as they are called, who had been deserted

by their companions, appealed for public relief. In 1895 the number

reached 12,000. But Berlin is not the only capital thronging with these

unfortunates. They crowd the dark corners of the cities of all the

militant countries of Europe.

[Illustration]

Scribner's Magazine, Volume 26, October 1899 · 第 82 / 87 题