Had I believed that the majority of English readers were so fondly

attached even to the name and shadow of Christianity; had I foreseen

that the pious, the timid, and the prudent, would feel, or affect to

feel, with such exquisite sensibility; I might, perhaps, have

softened the two invidious chapters, which would create many

enemies, and conciliate few friends. But the shaft was shot, the

alarm was sounded, and I could only rejoice, that if the voice of

our priests was clamorous and bitter, their hands were disarmed from

the powers of persecution. I adhered to the wise resolution of

trusting myself and my writings to the candour of the public, till

Mr. Davies of Oxford presumed to attack, not the faith, but the

fidelity, of the historian. My Vindication, expressive of less

anger than contempt, amused for a moment the busy and idle

metropolis; and the most rational part of the laity, and even of the

clergy, appear to have been satisfied of my innocence and accuracy.

I would not print this Vindication in quarto, lest it should be

bound and preserved with the history itself. At the distance of

twelve years, I calmly affirm my judgment of Davies, Chelsum, &c.

A victory over such antagonists was a sufficient humiliation.

They, however, were rewarded in this world. Poor Chelsum was

indeed neglected; and I dare not boast the making Dr. Watson a

bishop; he is a prelate of a large mind and liberal spirit: but I

enjoyed the pleasure of giving a Royal pension to Mr. Davies, and of

collating Dr. Apthorpe to an archiepiscopal living. Their success

encouraged the zeal of Taylor the Arian, [Note: The stupendous

title, Thoughts on the Causes of the grand Apostacy, at first

agitated my nerves, till I discovered that it was the apostacy of

the whole church, since the Council of Nice, from Mr. Taylor's

private religion. His book is a thorough mixture of high enthusiasm

and low buffoonery, and the Millennium is a fundamental article of

his creed.] and Milner the Methodist, [Note: From his grammar-school

at Kingston upon Hull, Mr. Joseph Milner pronounces an anathema

against all rational religion. His faith is a divine taste, a

spiritual inspiration; his church is a mystic and invisible body:

the natural Christians, such as Mr. Locke, who believe and interpret

the Scriptures, are, in his judgment, no better than profane

infidels.] with many others, whom it would be difficult to

remember, and tedious to rehearse. The list of my adversaries,

however, was graced with the more respectable names of Dr.

Priestley, Sir David Dalrymple, and Dr. White; and every polemic, of

either university, discharged his sermon or pamphlet against the

impenetrable silence of the Roman historian. In his History of the

Corruptions of Christianity, Dr. Priestley threw down his two

gauntlets to Bishop Hurd and Mr. Gibbon. I declined the challenge

in a letter, exhorting my opponent to enlighten the world by his

philosophical discoveries, and to remember that the merit of his

predecessor Servetus is now reduced to a single passage, which

indicates the smaller circulation of the blood through the lungs,

from and to the heart. Instead of listening to this friendly

advice, the dauntless philosopher of Birmingham continued to fire

away his double battery against those who believed too little, and

those who believed too much. From my replies he has nothing to hope

or fear: but his Socinian shield has repeatedly been pierced by the

spear of Horsley, and his trumpet of sedition may at length awaken

the magistrates of a free country. The profession and rank of Sir

David Dalrymple (now a Lord of Session) has given a more decent

colour to his style. But he scrutinized each separate passage of

the two chapters with the dry minuteness of a special pleader; and

as he was always solicitous to make, he may have succeeded sometimes

in finding, a flaw. In his Annals of Scotland, he has shewn himself

a diligent collector and an accurate critic. I have praised, and I

still praise, the eloquent sermons which were preached in St. Mary's

pulpit at Oxford by Dr. White. If he assaulted me with some degree

of illiberal acrimony, in such a place, and before such an audience,

he was obliged to speak the language of the country. I smiled at a

passage in one of his private letters to Mr. Badcock; "The part

where we encounter Gibbon must be brilliant and striking." In a

sermon preached before the university of Cambridge, Dr. Edwards

complimented a work, "which can only perish with the language

itself;" and esteems the author a formidable enemy. He is, indeed,

astonished that more learning and ingenuity has not been shewn in

the defence of Israel; that the prelates and dignitaries of the

church (alas, good man!) did not vie with each other, whose stone

should sink the deepest in the forehead of this Goliath.

"But the force of truth will oblige us to confess, that in the

attacks which have been levelled against our sceptical historian, we

can discover but slender traces of profound and exquisite erudition,

of solid criticism and accurate investigation; but we are too

frequently disgusted by vague and inconclusive reasoning; by

unseasonable banter and senseless witticisms; by imbittered bigotry

and enthusiastic jargon; by futile cavils and illiberal invectives.

Proud and elated by the weakness of his antagonists, he condescends

not to handle the sword of controversy."--Monthly Review, Oct. 1790.

Let me frankly own that I was startled at the first discharge of

ecclesiastical ordnance; but as soon as I found that this empty

noise was mischievous only in the intention, my fear was converted

into indignation; and every feeling of indignation or curiosity has

long since subsided in pure and placid indifference.

The prosecution of my history was soon afterwards checked by another

controversy of a very different kind. At the request of the Lord

Chancellor, and of Lord Weymouth, then Secretary of State, I

vindicated, against the French manifesto, the justice of the British

arms. The whole correspondence of Lord Stormont, our late

ambassador at Paris, was submitted to my inspection, and the Memoire

Justificatif, which I composed in French, was first approved by the

Cabinet Ministers, and then delivered as a State paper to the courts

of Europe. The style and manner are praised by Beaumarchais

himself, who, in his private quarrel, attempted a reply; but he

flatters me, by ascribing the memoir to Lord Stormont; and the

grossness of his invective betrays the loss of temper and of wit; he

acknowledged, Oeuv. de Beaumarchais, iii. 299, 355, that le style ne

seroit pas sans grace, ni la logique sans justesse, &c. if the

facts were true which he undertakes to disprove. For these facts

my credit is not pledged; I spoke as a lawyer from my brief, but the

veracity of Beaumarchais may be estimated from the assertion that

France, by the treaty of Paris (1763) was limited to a certain

number of ships of war. On the application of the Duke of Choiseul,

he was obliged to retract this daring falsehood.

Among the honourable connections which I had formed, I may justly

be proud of the friendship of Mr. Wedderburne, at that time

Attorney-General, who now illustrates the title of Lord Loughborough,

and the office of Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. By his strong

recommendation, and the favourable disposition of Lord North, I was

appointed one of the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations;

and my private income was enlarged by a clear addition of between

seven and eight hundred pounds a-year. The fancy of an hostile

orator may paint, in the strong colours of ridicule, "the perpetual

virtual adjournment, and the unbroken sitting vacation of the Board

of Trade." [Note: I can never forget the delight with which that

diffusive and ingenious orator, Mr. Burke, was heard by all sides of

the house, and even by those whose existence he proscribed. (Speech

on the Bill of Reform, p. 72-80.) The Lords of Trade blushed at

their insignificancy, and Mr. Eden's appeal to the 2,500 volumes of

our Reports, served only to excite a general laugh. I take this

opportunity of certifying the correctness of Mr. Burke's printed

speeches, which I have heard and read.] But it must be allowed that

our duty was not intolerably severe, and that I enjoyed many days

and weeks of repose, without being called away from my library to

the office. My acceptance of a place provoked some of the leaders

of opposition, with whom I had lived in habits of intimacy; and I

was most unjustly accused of deserting a party, in which I had never

enlisted.

The aspect of the next session of parliament was stormy and

perilous; county meetings, petitions, and committees of

correspondence, announced the public discontent; and instead of

voting with a triumphant majority, the friends of government were

often exposed to a struggle, and sometimes to a defeat. The House

of Commons adopted Mr. Dunning's motion, "That the influence of the

Crown had increased, was increasing, and ought to be diminished:"

and Mr. Burke's bill of reform was framed with skill, introduced

with eloquence, and supported by numbers. Our late president, the

American Secretary of State, very narrowly escaped the sentence of

proscription; but the unfortunate Board of Trade was abolished in

the committee by a small majority (207 to 199) of eight votes. The

storm, however, blew over for a time; a large defection of country

gentlemen eluded the sanguine hopes of the patriots: the Lords of

Trade were revived; administration recovered their strength and

spirit; and the flames of London, which were kindled by a

mischievous madman, admonished all thinking men of the danger of an

appeal to the people. In the premature dissolution which followed

this session of parliament I lost my seat. Mr. Elliot was now

deeply engaged in the measures of opposition, and the electors of

Leskeard are commonly of the same opinion as Mr. Elliot.

In this interval of my senatorial life, I published the second and

third volumes of the Decline and Fall. My ecclesiastical history

still breathed the same spirit of freedom; but protestant zeal is

more indifferent to the characters and controversies of the fourth

and fifth centuries. My obstinate silence had damped the ardour of

the polemics. Dr. Watson, the most candid of my adversaries,

assured me that he had no thoughts of renewing the attack, and my

impartial balance of the virtues and vices of Julian was generally

praised. This truce was interrupted only by some animadversions of

the Catholics of Italy, and by some angry letters from Mr. Travis,

who made me personally responsible for condemning, with the best

critics, the spurious text of the three heavenly witnesses.

The piety or prudence of my Italian translator has provided an

antidote against the poison of his original. The 5th and 7th

volumes are armed with five letters from an anonymous divine to his

friends, Foothead and Kirk, two English students at Rome: and this

meritorious service is commended by Monsignor Stoner, a prelate of

the same nation, who discovers much venom in the fluid and nervous

style of Gibbon. The critical essay at the end of the third volume

was furnished by the Abbate Nicola Spedalieri, whose zeal has

gradually swelled to a more solid confutation in two quarto

volumes.--Shall I be excused for not having read them?

The brutal insolence of Mr. Travis's challenge can only be excused

by the absence of learning, judgment, and humanity; and to that

excuse be has the fairest or foulest pretension. Compared with

Archdeacon Travis, Chelsum and Davies assume the title of

respectable enemies.

The bigoted advocate of popes and monks may be turned over even to

the bigots of Oxford; and the wretched Travis still smarts under the

lash of the merciless Porson. I consider Mr. Porson's answer to

Archdeacon Travis as the most acute and accurate piece of criticism

which has appeared since the days of Bentley. His strictures are

founded in argument, enriched with learning, and enlivened with wit;

and his adversary neither deserves nor finds any quarter at his

hands. The evidence of the three heavenly witnesses would now be

rejected in any court of justice: but prejudice is blind, authority

is deaf, and our vulgar bibles will ever be polluted by this

spurious text, "sedet aeternumqne sedebit." The more learned

ecclesiastics will indeed have the secret satisfaction of

reprobating in the closet what they read in the church.

I perceived, and without surprise, the coldness and even prejudice

of the town; nor could a whisper escape my ear, that, in the

judgment of many readers, my continuation was much inferior to the

original attempts. An author who cannot ascend will always appear

to sink; envy was now prepared for my reception, and the zeal of my

religious, was fortified by the motive of my political, enemies.

Bishop Newton, in writing his own life, was at full liberty to

declare how much he himself and two eminent brethren were disgusted

by Mr. G.'s prolixity, tediousness, and affectation. But the old

man should not have indulged his zeal in a false and feeble charge

against the historian, who had faithfully and even cautiously

rendered Dr. Burnet's meaning by the alternative of sleep or repose.

That philosophic divine supposes, that, in the period between death

and the resurrection, human souls exist without a body, endowed with

internal consciousness, but destitute of all active or passive

connection with the external world. "Secundum communem dictionem

sacrae scripturae, mors dicitur somnus, et morientes dicuntur

abdormire, quod innuere mihi videtur statum mortis esse statum

quietis, silentii, et {Greek expression}." (De Statu Mortuorum, ch.

v. p. 98.)

I was however encouraged by some domestic and foreign testimonies of

applause; and the second and third volumes insensibly rose in sale

and reputation to a level with the first. But the public is seldom

wrong; and I am inclined to believe that, especially in the

beginning, they are more prolix and less entertaining than the

first: my efforts had not been relaxed by success, and I had rather

deviated into the opposite fault of minute and superfluous

diligence. On the Continent, my name and writings were slowly

diffused; a French translation of the first volume had disappointed

the booksellers of Paris; and a passage in the third was construed

as a personal reflection on the reigning monarch. [Note: It may not

be generally known that Louis XVI. is a great reader, and a reader

of English books. On perusing a passage of my History which seems

to compare him to Arcadius or Honorius, he expressed his resentment

to the Prince of B------, from whom the intelligence was conveyed to

me. I shall neither disclaim the allusion, nor examine the

likeness; but the situation of the late King of France excludes all

suspicion of flattery; and I am ready to declare that the concluding

observations of my third volume were written before his accession to

the throne.]

Before I could apply for a seat at the general election the list was

already full; but Lord North's promise was sincere, his

recommendation was effectual, and I was soon chosen on a vacancy for

the borough of Lymington, in Hampshire. In the first session of the

new parliament, administration stood their ground; their final

overthrow was reserved for the second. The American war had once

been the favourite of the country: the pride of England was

irritated by the resistance of her colonies, and the executive power

was driven by national clamour into the most vigorous and coercive

measures. But the length of a fruitless contest, the loss of

armies, the accumulation of debt and taxes, and the hostile

confederacy of France, Spain, and Holland, indisposed the public to

the American war, and the persons by whom it was conducted; the

representatives of the people, followed, at a slow distance, the

changes of their opinion; and the ministers who refused to bend,

were broken by the tempest. As soon as Lord North had lost, or was

about to lose, a majority in the House of Commons, he surrendered

his office, and retired to a private station, with the tranquil

assurance of a clear conscience and a cheerful temper: the old

fabric was dissolved, and the posts of government were occupied by

the victorious and veteran troops of opposition. The lords of trade

were not immediately dismissed, but the board itself was abolished

by Mr. Burke's bill, which decency had compelled the patriots to

revive; and I was stripped of a convenient salary, after having

enjoyed it about three years.

So flexible is the title of my History, that the final aera might be

fixed at my own choice; and I long hesitated whether I should be

content with the three volumes, the fall of the Western empire,

which fulfilled my first engagement with the public. In this

interval of suspense, nearly a twelvemonth, I returned by a natural

impulse to the Greek authors of antiquity; I read with new pleasure

the Iliad and the Odyssey, the Histories of Herodotus, Thucydides,

and Xenophon, a large portion of the tragic and comic theatre of

Athens, and many interesting dialogues of the Socratic school. Yet

in the luxury of freedom I began to wish for the daily task, the

active pursuit, which gave a value to every book, and an object to

every inquiry; the preface of a new edition announced my design, and

I dropped without reluctance from the age of Plato to that of

Justinian. The original texts of Procopius and Agathias supplied

the events and even the characters of his reign: but a laborious

winter was devoted to the Codes, the Pandects, and the modern

interpreters, before I presumed to form an abstract of the civil

law. My skill was improved by practice, my diligence perhaps was

quickened by the loss of office; and, excepting the last chapter, I

had finished the fourth volume before I sought a retreat on the

banks of the Leman Lake.

It is not the purpose of this narrative to expatiate on the public

or secret history of the times: the schism which followed the death

of the Marquis of Rockingham, the appointment of the Earl of

Shelburne, the resignation of Mr. Fox, and his famous coalition with

Lord North. But I may assert, with some degree of assurance, that

in their political conflict those great antagonists had never felt

any personal animosity to each other, that their reconciliation was

easy and sincere, and that their friendship has never been clouded

by the shadow of suspicion or jealousy. The most violent or venal

of their respective followers embraced this fair occasion of revolt,

but their alliance still commanded a majority in the House of

Commons; the peace was censured, Lord Shelburne resigned, and the

two friends knelt on the same cushion to take the oath of secretary

of state. From a principle of gratitude I adhered to the coalition:

my vote was counted in the day of battle, but I was overlooked in

the division of the spoil. There were many claimants more deserving

and importunate than myself: the board of trade could not be

restored; and, while the list of places was curtailed, the number of

candidates was doubled. An easy dismission to a secure seat at the

board of customs or excise was promised on the first vacancy: but

the chance was distant and doubtful; nor could I solicit with much

ardour an ignoble servitude, which would have robbed me of the most

valuable of my studious hours: at the same time the tumult of

London, and the attendance on parliament, were grown more irksome;

and, without some additional income, I could not long or prudently

maintain the style of expence to which I was accustomed.

From my early acquaintance with Lausanne I had always cherished a

secret wish, that the school of my youth might become the retreat of

my declining age. A moderate fortune would secure the blessings of

ease, leisure, and independence: the country, the people, the

manners, the language, were congenial to my taste; and I might

indulge the hope of passing some years in the domestic society of a

friend. After travelling with several English, Mr. Deyverdun was

now settled at home, in a pleasant habitation, the gift of his

deceased aunt: we had long been separated, we had long been silent;

yet in my first letter I exposed, with the most perfect confidence,

my situation, my sentiments, and my designs. His immediate answer

was a warm and joyful acceptance: the picture of our future life

provoked my impatience; and the terms of arrangement were short and

simple, as he possessed the property, and I undertook the expence of

our common house. Before I could break my English chain, it was

incumbent on me to struggle with the feelings of my heart, the

indolence of my temper, and the opinion of the world, which

unanimously condemned this voluntary banishment. In the disposal of

my effects, the library, a sacred deposit, was alone excepted: as my

post-chaise moved over Westminster-bridge I bid a long farewell to

the "fumum et opes strepitumque Romae." My journey by the direct

road through France was not attended with any accident, and I

arrived at Lausanne nearly twenty years after my second departure.

Within less than three months the coalition struck on some hidden

rocks: had I remained on board, I should have perished in the

general shipwreck.

Since my establishment at Lausanne, more than seven years have

elapsed; and if every day has not been equally soft and serene, not

a day, not a moment, has occurred in which I have repented of my

choice. During my absence, a long portion of human life, many

changes had happened: my elder acquaintance had left the stage;

virgins were ripened into matrons, and children were grown to the

age of manhood. But the same manners were transmitted from one

generation to another: my friend alone was an inestimable treasure;

my name was not totally forgotten, and all were ambitious to welcome

the arrival of a stranger and the return of a fellow-citizen. The

first winter was given to a general embrace, without any nice

discrimination of persons and characters. After a more regular

settlement, a more accurate survey, I discovered three solid and

permanent benefits of my new situation. 1. My personal freedom had

been somewhat impaired by the House of Commons and the Board of

Trade; but I was now delivered from the chain of duty and

dependence, from the hopes and fears of political adventure: my

sober mind was no longer intoxicated by the fumes of party, and I

rejoiced in my escape, as often as I read of the midnight debates

which preceded the dissolution of parliament. 2. My English

oeconomy had been that of a solitary bachelor, who might afford some

occasional dinners. In Switzerland I enjoyed at every meal, at

every hour, the free and pleasant conversation of the friend of my

youth; and my daily table was always provided for the reception of

one or two extraordinary guests. Our importance in society is less

a positive than a relative weight: in London I was lost in the

crowd; I ranked with the first families of Lausanne, and my style of

prudent expence enabled me to maintain a fair balance of reciprocal

civilities. 3. Instead of a small house between a street and a

stable-yard, I began to occupy a spacious and convenient mansion,

connected on the north side with the city, and open on the south to

a beautiful and boundless horizon. A garden of four acres had been

laid out by the taste of Mr. Deyverdun: from the garden a rich

scenery of meadows and vineyards descends to the Leman Lake, and the

prospect far beyond the Lake is crowned by the stupendous mountains

of Savoy. My books and my acquaintance had been first united in

London; but this happy position of my library in town and country

was finally reserved for Lausanne. Possessed of every comfort in

this triple alliance, I could not be tempted to change my habitation

with the changes of the seasons.

My friends had been kindly apprehensive that I should not be able to

exist in a Swiss town at the foot of the Alps, after having so long

conversed with the first men of the first cities of the world. Such

lofty connections may attract the curious, and gratify the vain; but

I am too modest, or too proud, to rate my own value by that of my

associates; and whatsoever may be the fame of learning or genius,

experience has shown the that the cheaper qualifications of

politeness and good sense are of more useful currency in the

commerce of life. By many, conversation is esteemed as a theatre or

a school: but, after the morning has been occupied by the labours of

the library, I wish to unbend rather than to exercise my mind; and

in the interval between tea and supper I am far from disdaining the

innocent amusement of a game at cards. Lausanne is peopled by a

numerous gentry, whose companionable idleness is seldom disturbed by

the pursuits of avarice or ambition: the women, though confined to a

domestic education, are endowed for the most part with more taste

and knowledge than their husbands and brothers: but the decent

freedom of both sexes is equally remote from the extremes of

simplicity and refinement. I shall add as a misfortune rather than

a merit, that the situation and beauty of the Pays de Vaud, the long

habits of the English, the medical reputation of Dr. Tissot, and the

fashion of viewing the mountains and Glaciers, have opened us on all

sides to the incursions of foreigners. The visits of Mr. and Madame

Necker, of Prince Henry of Prussia, and of Mr. Fox, may form some

pleasing exceptions; but, in general, Lausanne has appeared most

agreeable in my eyes, when we have been abandoned to our own

society. I had frequently seen Mr. Necker, in the summer of 1784,

at a country house near Lausanne, where he composed his Treatise on

the Administration of the Finances. I have since, in October 1790,

visited him in his present residence, the castle and barony of

Copet, near Geneva. Of the merits and measures of that statesman

various opinions may be entertained; but all impartial men must

agree in their esteem of his integrity and patriotism.

In August 1784, Prince Henry of Prussia, in his way to Paris, passed

three days at Lausanne. His military conduct has been praised by

professional men; his character has been vilified by the wit and

malice of a daemon (Mem. Secret de la Cour de Berlin); but I was

flattered by his affability, and entertained by his conversation.

In his tour of Switzerland (Sept. 1788) Mr. Fox gave me two days of

free and private society. He seemed to feel, and even to envy, the

happiness of my situation; while I admired the powers of a superior

man, as they are blended in his attractive character with the

softness and simplicity of a child. Perhaps no human being was ever

more perfectly exempt from the taint of malevolence, vanity, or

falsehood.

My transmigration from London to Lausanne could not be effected

without interrupting the course of my historical labours. The hurry

of my departure, the joy of my arrival, the delay of my tools,

suspended their progress; and a full twelvemonth was lost before I

could resume the thread of regular and daily industry. A number of

books most requisite and least common had been previously selected;

the academical library of Lausanne, which I could use as my own,

contained at least the fathers and councils; and I have derived some

occasional succour from the public collections of Berne and Geneva.

The fourth volume was soon terminated, by an abstract of the

controversies of the Incarnation, which the learned Dr. Prideaux was

apprehensive of exposing to profane eyes. It had been the original

design of the learned Dean Prideaux to write the history of the ruin

of the Eastern Church. In this work it would have been necessary,

not only to unravel all those controversies which the Christians

made about the hypostatical union, but also to unfold all the

niceties and subtle notions which each sect entertained concerning

it. The pious historian was apprehensive of exposing that

incomprehensible mystery to the cavils and objections of

unbelievers: and he durst not, "seeing the nature of this book,

venture it abroad in so wanton and lewd an age" (Preface to the Life

of Mahomet, p. 10).

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