WHY COX IS A CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT
James M. Cox is a candidate for President because he hopes to be
the instrument of divine Providence in a great accomplishment.
He knows that the man who secures America's adherence to the
League of Nations is as certain of a permanent place in the
scrolls of fame as those who laid the foundations of freedom or
those who preserved it in the days of fiery trial. To a famous
correspondent, Mr. Herbert Corey, who put the question, "Why do
you wish to be President?" The Governor has answered: "It
affords an opportunity to take hold of a knotty situation (the
League) by the back of the neck and seat of the pants and shake
a result out of it."
The answer rings true to the man. The candidate has called it an
issue of supreme faith, elaborating his views in a recent
communication to the "Christian Herald," in which he has said:
"'Fighting the good fight of faith'--these words from the
epistle to Timothy might well be our text for this campaign
before the American people, which, within the limits of our
strength, has been carried to every fireside in this broad land
of ours. Ours is a fight of faith--faith with a world that
accepted our statement of unselfish purpose, faith with fathers
and mothers, wives and loved ones, who gave their sons, husbands
and brothers to war upon war, faith with those who made
sacrifice in homes, faith with those who toiled, faith with the
living and faith with the dead.
"If there were in this contest nothing but the question of
whether one or the other of two editors should sit in the seat
of power, nothing but whether one organization or another should
taste the sweets of office, we could not insist that there is
involved a fight of faith. There is, indeed, an issue between
two views of government, one looking forward and the other
backward. But temporary control by one side or the other for a
brief period of four years is not necessarily a supreme matter
of faith. We might try one or we might, in a spirit of
experiment, try another.
"In speaking of this we would have our personal fortunes
forgotten. They are of transient interest to ourselves and we
might say of less interest to others. To hold the exalted office
of President of the United States, to occupy the place of
Washington, of Jefferson, of Lincoln, to be looked to for
leadership in public questions, to be the first citizen in this
great land is not a trifling but a gigantic ambition, worthy of
all honest striving but involving, in the ordinary sense, no
supreme issue. So if personal reasons only animated us, we could
not muster the temerity to state our case with the ardent zeal
that controls us.
"But the motives that guide us are of greater import. As leader
of a great organization which has had its part in interpreting
the aspirations of the American people, and in shaping
Americanism through the generations we have been invested with a
sacred commission, a mandate sanctified by the reckless bravery
of our sons and ennobled by the heart impulses of our daughters.
Through circumstances not of our own choosing we have become the
custodians of the honor of the nation, we have been called to
fight the good fight of faith.
"We as a party willed otherwise. In the face of bigoted denials
of our good faith we sought only concord of all our people in
the tasks of American in the world. There was glory enough for
all and we never advanced the claim that it was a partisan matter
until the fact had been established through long and weary
months of purposeful misunderstanding and unconscionable
intrigue for party advantage by our opponents. There is in this
no suggestion of unkind sentiments toward our leading
adversaries. We can utter the sentiment voiced on the hill above
Jerusalem and when America has come to understand we stand ready
to blot out a dark chapter of our national life and to pronounce
a pardon upon a course of conduct charitably covered by 'they
know not what they do.'
"There ought to be in this a special appeal to believers in the
living faith. Its purpose to give to all the universal benefits
only a share of which it claims for itself, its conception of
the Golden Rule as the practical basis for dealings with the
world, its high plan to save the weak and feeble from the power
and will of the mighty--these things, we say, are of the very
essence of the true faith.
"It is not a subject for marvel then that practically every
denominational and interdenominational gathering of religious
men that has been held since the Versailles covenant was adopted
has included an endorsement of that great document. Aloof from
the contentions of partisans, freed from the bigotry engendered
by factionalism, looking upon national questions through the
windows of light and truth, the banded followers of the Man of
Nazareth have seen the question that is presented shorn of false
claims. In a word, Christians, speaking organically, with a
voice that could not be misunderstood have stated that they wish
the League of Nations.
"For such a League, for the only league now in existence or
which has a fair chance of coming into existence, we are
contending. Could the question be lifted from the arena of
partisanship and could the referendum which we have invoked be
by direct ballot, there would be no opposition. Unfortunately,
our system of government has not provided a choice so direct,
nor a manner of expression that would leave so small doubt as to
the sentiment of America. We say this from a field of personal
experience for like the certain rich young man of Biblical
story, we, too, have seen the type of uncompromising partisan
who 'turned away sorrowfully' for party seemed more important
than duty or honor.
"It matters little whether we say that we feel deeply for those
across the seas in their troubles when we fail to act in their
behalf. The successful issue of the war left a duty on our
hands, a duty like that which we performed in Cuba nearly a
generation ago and like that which has been brought close to
completion in the Philippines. We faced a Christian duty toward
our associates and even toward the people of enemy lands. It was
our obligation to bind up the wounds of the war and to show by
example the fulfillment of high ideals voiced by the leaders of
the world thought.
"There came to us the divine opportunity to act quickly and with
high Christian purposes. We might with one stroke have become
the counselor and friend of all humanity, its guarantor that all
the forces of morality would be enlisted upon the side of peace.
But the precious moments were wasted in fruitless discussion, in
idle bickerings, in invention of fancied situations, purposely
forgetting that the great purpose of the League of Nations was
to band the world together in a great brotherhood against war.
We were to lead the nations back to peaceful ways but through
our own wavering we actually, by reason or a small coterie of
men, we think wrongly advised, have drenched Europe and Asia
with new wars.
"The great heart of America has always been right upon this
great issue. There has never been a time when associations of
men and women, independent of partisanship, have turned from the
League proposal. America gave freely in alms to every war-torn
nation in the world. She sent her devoted bands of workers to
relieve distress. She sent her nurses to heal the sick. She sent
her contributions to feed the hungry. She opened her warehouses
to clothe the naked. She willingly gave her talent, through
private auspices, to help bring life back to normal. Her men of
finance gave counsel; they offered credit and we applauded. We
were touched by the works of associations and individuals to
lessen war's terrors and to refound the wrecked civilization.
But foolish men, vain men, envious men forbade our government to
do in larger form the same sort of acts which, done by private
auspices, we applauded as evidence of Christian purpose.
"And the good that we sought to do was lost in our larger
neglect. Weak fears that in helping the world, fantastic
forebodings that in taking our stand for peace everlasting,
imaginary perils that in service we might be surrendering our
birthright of independence restrained our more noble impulses.
While famine stalked and the world cried to heaven for our help
we debated selfish questions. Our nation became a silent but
effective partner in undermining Christian civilization, causing
the despairing peoples of Europe, friend and enemy alike, to
turn in every agony to those who denied the fundamental precepts
upon which our society rests.
"Some one has called this black despair, 'Satanism,' the belief
that the laws and deeds of God and men are set against the
victim. And we, through the perversity of a few men, have been
silent enemies of Christian faith and allies, indeed, or this
newer scourge of mankind. There are happiness and satisfaction
in the thought that we have not this fault to bear. It is not
strange to us that those who permitted narrow views and
ungenerous purpose to thwart our nation in its duty rest
uncomfortably under the accusations of the American conscience.
If temporary success is to be won at such sacrifice we cannot
think it worth the price.
"Nor can the blame be shifted. So far as was humanly possible,
objections were met. Reservations stating our complete
compliance with the fundamental organic law, needless as they
were in a strictly legal sense, were proposed. Others were
accepted where they seemed to be animated by proper motives, but
good faith prevented acceptance of those which proposed to
withdraw the pledge in the same document in which it was
plighted. As was observed in the address accepting the
designation as champion of the party, every boy in our schools
knows that war may be declared only by act of Congress and that
the American Constitution rises superior to all treaties. Still,
every friend of the Covenant was ready to acquiesce in proposals
that would state these propositions, and more, if that would
prove a solution.
"Failing in this effort, the resolution was formed that the only
other method lay in submitting the matter in a solemn referendum
to the conscience of America. In that great judgment we now are.
Men are but instrumentalities of the Divine Will, worked out, we
pray, in the nations. Few things are of smaller importance than
the temporal fortunes of men; no things of greater importance
than the destiny of mankind. Willingly would we undergo crushing
defeat to save the principle for which we strive, guiltily would
we assume power won by appeal to baser motives and selfish
fears.
"There is in this year, for the causes here outlined, a
militancy as of the Crusaders, marching over mountains and
deserts to wrest the Holy Places from unworthy hands. There is a
sacred fire in the countenances of those who speak the message,
there is a joy in proclaiming the tidings, there is a zeal in
spreading the word. We are preachers this year of national
righteousness, of honor, of faith and of high purpose.
"We scorn to think of our mission in ordinary terms. We disdain
to look upon the early days of November as a test of rival
organizations in their power to muster votes. We have no mind to
compete in lavish outlay, we have no purpose to resort to
sinister methods of electrical appeal. If we are to be chosen,
it is to be because we have won the conscience of the nation,
and God helping us, we will appeal to nothing else.
"We turn from the external duties of the country to its
internal. Promises with respect to these matters must of every
necessity be in general terms largely because the problems are
vast and must adjust themselves to all parts of the country,
harmonizing with conditions that vary widely. Back of all
legislation, back of statute and executive policy worth while,
there lies one unvarying hope and purpose--to right wrong, to
secure justice and to give equal opportunity. All measures must
be tested by these great principles and on them rest securely if
at all.
"Past performances--the record--furnish the best indication of a
man's mind, and the executive acts and legislative
recommendations of the Governor of Ohio during the past six
years have been studied with great care. That they have won
approval is a source of gratification and satisfaction that will
endure. We are in this country face to face with gigantic
problems. They cannot be left unsolved. That would be blindness.
They cannot be considered in the gathering darkness of reaction,
they must be viewed in the brightening dawn of a new day.
"Before us we have the examples of restrained liberties and of
unfulfilled desires. It is dangerous to trust reactionary forces
with power. It may become a little short of menacing to the
stability of our institutions and to the orderly processes of
development. It is well to sound a word of warning, calmly but
ever seriously.
"As has been observed, actions furnish the basis of
determination of fitness for further service. What better
guarantee of cordial and sound industrial relations between
employee and employer than legislation which follows the lines
of the Ohio workmen's compensation law? Under its influence,
industrial conditions have improved, life and limb have been
conserved, the workmen's families are happy in their security
and a new era has dawned for millions of people. It was enacted
when legislation of this sort was an experiment in America. If
every state in this Union had a law of this sort our nation
would have solved half of its industrial problems. Our courts
are free from the vexatious litigation that fosters criticism
and they are trusted as never before in history. It has been a
factor of no small importance that enabled our state to uphold
the sovereignty of the law without repressive measures directed
against freedom of speech and pen.
"Educational activities have been quickened and rural life has
been regenerated through modem school legislation. To the boys
and girls of our rural districts there are coming schools which
will be second to none in our most progressive cities, and one
of the reasons for draining of the country districts of
population will be checked. It has given an impetus to church
and community life that is of greatest importance.
"These things are cited not because there is any disposition to
urge that there should be encroachment by the federal government
on local control. It is the healthful, reasonable individualism
of American national life that has enabled the people of this
country to think for themselves. We have no will to impair their
independence. The central government can assist and give
encouragement to state movements if the men called to high
positions are in sympathy with progress. A reactionary central
government can demonstrate likewise that it has no sympathy with
men of vision who ever have difficult tasks in bringing about
the taking of forward steps.
"The details of these instances, which might be greatly
expanded, have been touched in order to form a setting as for a
picture. Our view is toward to-morrow. The opposition, and I
assume that they are sincere in it, stands in the skyline of the
setting sun, looking backward, backward to the old days of
reaction."