CHAPTER II

COX THE MAN

Men of great versatility are most difficult to picture

comprehensively. Perhaps this is the reason that no pen-portrait

of Theodore Roosevelt ever seemed quite complete. There was in

every single sketch something that seemed to be left unsaid, a

point made by one was certain to be omitted by another. Cox is a

man after the Roosevelt type. They were fast friends and they

had many ideas in common. They often exchanged views upon

progressive issues and found themselves largely in accord.

Neither was static in mental processes and their dynamics were

often of the same sort.

But while Governor Cox's intimates compare him often with

Roosevelt, they prefer to liken him to Andrew Jackson. For Cox

is the true Twentieth Century Jacksonian, they say. Like Andrew

Jackson, Governor Cox can improvise the organization of a

political campaign better than any man of his time, save Colonel

Roosevelt, and the masterful Colonel won only when he had great

resources at his command. Cox seems to have reached back into

history and grasped the idea of the manner in which Jackson's

men worked with resources so small that they had to pass

newspapers of their faith from hand to hand.

Largely, it seems, because no war came along when he was free of

family responsibilities Governor Cox has no martial record. He

might have been a soldier of the Roosevelt type had he lived in

other circumstances but his youth was spent in the drudgery of

toil and there was no chance for education in a military

academy.

Still they call him "fighting Jimmy," and those who have been

through a campaign with him know what they mean. As a boy there

was never need to drive him forward to personal combat and in

the man the juvenile tendency continued until he was well past

the forty-five-year mark of middle age.

If one were to inventory his external features there would

appear a compact, muscular individual of about five feet six

inches in height and of one hundred and seventy pounds in

weight, every ounce keyed up to the efficiency of successful

performance. motions indicate a man of quick decision, a

tendency to suddenness that many older than he have sought to

check in his earlier years. It is a proverb among those who know

him best that when Governor Cox makes an instant decision he may

be mistaken but that when he thinks it over for a single night

he is never wrong. As the years in a varied experience have

passed this disposition to think everything over has grown and

grown until snap judgments no longer are taken. This may be the

reason why men say that he has improved as an executive from

year to year and why his later acts and deeds have the rounded

out and complete aspect that is lacking in the earlier. The

nature of Cox himself is for "action," even when it seems to

take the form of experiment. In simple justice it must be said

that he has never been an adventurer, but he is willing to

tackle problems before other would seize hold of them. His first

administration, he thinks, was his best, for much more was done,

but his last is his best, Ohio judgment has decided, because it

repressed tendencies to go the wrong way, taking perhaps the

Gladstone view that a statesman deserves more credit for

defeating unwise legislation than for securing the enactment of

good. As Governor, Cox has been willing to risk defeat for

principle.

A trait of character is told in the story of school and taxation

legislation. He was warned that progressive steps would

encompass his defeat. If a composite answer could be formed to

all the suggestions of this sort, it would be something like

this: "There is need for improving our schools. Time will

vindicate it."

Something else of character may be learned from the manner in

which Governor Cox redeems pledges. When he was sorely beset by

his political foes in 1914, it was represented to him that the

liquor interests might be made to do service if licenses were

withheld until after the election. And the answer given was

something like this: "The pledge was given that the license

system shall not be prostituted to partisanship. That pledge

will be redeemed."

The forebodings of the worldly wise were not disappointed. The

liquor interests contributed heavily to the opposition candidate

and supported him so well that he won the election.

Cox hates war even if he made a remarkable record as war

Governor. But he likes the smoke and fury of political contest,

and he thrives on campaigns. He has a fashion of leading his

party organization and making it do his will, and like all men

or this sort, he has been accused of being dictatorial. Yet none

denies that he gives a fair hearing and is open to conviction on

disputed issues.

He has a power of expression in a few words, portraying a whole

field of action. Tending to go into great detail in public

matters, he comes to the heart of an issue with a laconic

expression that tells all there is to be told. "I favor going

in"--on the League of Nations is one. Assuring his supporters

that the proposal for separate peace with Germany was "opening

their front lines," he drew a word sketch of a gigantic contest

in which he as a general had sensed a rift in the opposition

ranks and had broken through a whole army.

Associates of Governor Cox say that he is daring because of his

strong sense of justice. The question is frequently asked by him

as to whether a proposition is fair to all sides. Readiness to

trust in him as an arbitrator has brought many issues to his

desk that are not part of a Governor's official duties. Disputes

between interests and differences among organizations, no less

than capital and labor disagreements have been left to his

decision. It is an evidence of the trust in the sense of justice

in the man.

There is a notable habit in him of picking men quickly for

tasks. It is not claimed for him that he has never made mistakes

in his estimate of men, but they are comparatively rare.

Governor Cox is the only man ever nominated for President who

owns wealth--real wealth. His personal fortune is handsome. That

was a point of criticism when he began to get acquainted with

the country, but it is no longer. The reason is to be found in

the fact that he has a natural appeal that makes his associates

forget money. Nor is the charge ever seriously made that his

broad sympathy is affected. When he is best known, the wealth he

owns is least often mentioned.

They do not refer to a wealthy man whose possessions are an

outstanding attribute as "Jim" or "Jimmy." Cox, the man of

affairs, is overshadowed by "Jimmy Cox."

As with all powerful leaders, no sketch would be complete if it

did not allude to a certain imperiousness that is in the man.

This quality has made foes but that was inevitable. One who has

risen by his own efforts has had the pushing impulse, of course.

It tells something of the Cox character that he has become a

forceful speaker only in the last ten years. When he first

entered public life in 1908 his style in speaking lacked force

and his manner was hesitating and uncertain. A course of self-

discipline and training led to constant improvement, and while

there has never been a pretense of oratorical flight, issues and

questions are discussed plainly and effectively. There is a

penchant for reducing statements to simple and understandable

terms and for stating his conviction with a measure of

aggressiveness that carries conviction.

As a candidate he has always believed that the people are

entitled to the fullest information possible and to see and hear

those who seek their suffrage.

Like Roosevelt, the more strenuous sports and recreations

attract him far more that does the swinging of the golf stick.

He is an expert marksman and has astonished military men on the

rifle range by what he can do with a gun. His ancestors were

squirrel-hunters, and his sure eye was an inheritance from them.

The Governor likes to rough it in the Northern Canadian woods,

spending at leisure a couple of weeks with only his son, James

M. Jr., now a boy of 18, for his companion. He prides himself

upon his ability to cook a fish after it is caught, and to

plunge in the lake as an evidence of his swimming ability. When

in Columbus his form of exercise is walking, and younger men of

sedentary pursuits find that he can tire them.

Quitting school at an early age, Cox's education has been

acquired through much private study. He knows no language except

English. His range of reading covers a wide variety of topics,

the favorite of which are the political sciences, and outdoor

life. He does not lay claim to literary excellence or perfection

of style, and is a man of serious bent of mind, speaking only

when he thinks he has a message to carry.

The name under which he has been known to the country, James

Middleton Cox, seems to be an error which only lately his

friends have corrected. In the old family Bible the name of

James Monroe Cox appears, indicative of a family admiration. The

name which appears signed to all official documents is James M.

Cox. The Middleton seems to have had its origin in a bit of

journalistic levity, probably having reference to Middletown,

Ohio, the city in which he got his early training as a newspaper

reporter.

The Governor's family consists of his wife, a little daughter,

Anne, who is slightly less than a year old, a married daughter,

Mrs. Daniel J. Mahoney of Dayton, and two sons, James M. Jr.,

and John, age ten.

While the Governor's devotion to the equal suffrage cause has

been of many years' standing, the interests of Mrs. Cox are of a

domestic nature. The time not devoted to her baby daughter is

spent in the outdoors, he hobby being her garden.

The Progressive Democracy of James M. Cox · 第 2 / 9 章