here and am expecting my successor from day to day, I have not written
about the baths. I went there last Friday and found the water had
increased rather than diminished, and that it was extremely hot. The
trench is finished from where the water rises under the building as
far as the baths which have been rebuilt, and are twelve in number.
The cistern is also finished, except covering in the roof, according
to the designs sent; and as far as my poor judgment goes all seems to
me well done, saving that the water will enter the cistern at only
one place and then will have to flow 12-3/4 yards, so that I fear
the baths will be too hot to be borne where the water enters and not
hot enough at the other end. I think the water ought to be brought
into the cistern by two conduits. This might still be easily arranged
by dividing the channel in two when it reaches the room where the
shower baths are, and digging another trench 19 yards long 2-3/4 yards
further in. This can always be done if necessary. There has been some
difficulty in the work, as just under the hill where the water comes
out they have been obliged to underpin the ground and then to cut
through the rock from whence the water comes. But the rock is hard and
3 yards 30 inches thick, and a channel 2 feet long has to be cut in
order that the water may have sufficient fall to flow under the small
palace to the baths. In two or three days I think it will be finished.
The lime has been burnt and they say it is good, about eighty bushels
for twenty soldi; and in the fields opposite the trench they have
found earth fit for making tiles and bricks. The levellers are at work
making them and a Lombard has undertaken to bake them, so they will
cost four lire or less the thousand. They are now in the kiln and this
will be a great saving to you. The room for the shower baths, 4-1/2
yards wide and 12-3/4 yards long, is partly finished, and the bath
at the side also. They say they need certain slabs which are made on
purpose for shower baths, and they want them at once. Riccio has been
dismissed from the inn and Giovanni di Pace has taken it and says that
he has orders for rooms from Volterra, Florence, and elsewhere, and
that in addition to what he has he needs all the things noted in the
enclosed list. The orchard has been planted in a way that will please
you when you see it. I say no more but commend myself to you and may
God preserve you in happiness. Ex Castro di Pomarancii, March 25, 1478.
Petrus de Malegonnellis, _Vicarius_, &c.[211]
The following letters from Louis XI., from Lorenzo, and from Sixtus
IV., relate to the famous Pazzi conspiracy when Giuliano de’ Medici was
murdered and Lorenzo wounded in the cathedral of Florence. Antagonism
and rivalry had for some time existed between the two great families,
although Lorenzo’s favourite sister Bianca was married to Gugliemo de’
Pazzi, who had been regarded by Piero almost as his own son, and is
often mentioned in these letters as the companion of the Magnificent
on hunting excursions and visits to foreign courts. Gugliemo’s brother
Francesco, head of the Pazzi bank at Rome, worked incessantly against
Lorenzo’s uncle Giovanni Tornabuoni, manager of the Roman branch of the
Medici bank, and eventually succeeded in depriving him of the business
of the Holy See given to Lorenzo in the first days of Sixtus’ rule. The
third brother, Giovanni de’ Pazzi, was married to Beatrice Borromeo,
who on the death of her father without having made a will claimed,
according to the existing laws, the whole of his property. His nephews,
however, intimate friends of the two young Medici, contested her right,
and in 1476 a retrospective law of intestacy was passed setting aside
the claims of females to the estate of a father who died intestate,
and giving it to the nearest male relative. Machiavelli, Nardi, and
Guicciardini, all accuse Lorenzo of instigating the drafting of “this
law made for the occasion,” as Nardi calls it. Roscoe maintains that it
was passed more than ten years before, but the proofs he adduces are
quite illusory. Without extraneous aid it is however very improbable
that the Pazzi would have dared to attempt the assassination of the two
brothers Medici. This aid they obtained from the Pope. Sixtus IV. had,
as Dr. Creighton says, “elevated nepotism into political principle ...
he took his nephews, men of no position and little capacity, and placed
at their disposal all the resources of the Roman See.” Giuliano della
Rovere and Piero Riario were created cardinals in total disregard of
the regulations of the Conclave, while for Piero’s brother, Girolamo,
he bought Imola from the Duke of Milan, at the same time arranging
a marriage between him and Caterina Sforza, the Duke’s illegitimate
daughter. Florence had long coveted Imola, and Lorenzo tried to prevent
the purchase by raising difficulties about advancing the necessary
money to the Pope. Francesco de’ Pazzi then seized his opportunity and
was appointed Treasurer to the Holy See in Lorenzo’s place.
Another grievance Sixtus had against Florence was the indirect aid
given to Niccolò Vitelli, who had taken the side of Todi and Spoleto
when they rose against the Pope, by despatching troops to Borgo San
Sepolcro when the Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere laid siege to Città
di Castello. The appointment of the anti-Medicean Francesco Salviati,
as Archbishop of Pisa in the place of the late Filippo de’ Medici,
in spite of a previous promise that no archbishop or bishop should
be appointed within Florentine territory save by the consent of the
Signory of Florence, was deeply resented by Lorenzo. Though unable
to prevent the nomination he succeeded in keeping Salviati out of
his archbishopric and consequently without his emoluments for three
years. In 1477 the Pope’s anger against Lorenzo rose to fever-heat.
He suspected, unjustly as it appears, that Florence had aided Carlo
Fortebraccio in his endeavour to seize Perugia. The attempt failed and
Fortebraccio overran the territory of Siena, which at once appealed to
the Pope and the King of Naples, at the same time arrogantly summoning
Florence to immediately recall the condottiere. Fortebraccio was in
Venetian service, so the Florentines answered that they had nothing to
do with him and only wished he would keep quiet.
The murder of Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan, had further complicated
matters. Girolamo Riario was astute enough to realise that if the
Pope died, the change of government in Milan might expose him to the
resentment of Florence, and determined to try and overthrow the Medici.
Francesco de’ Pazzi and Archbishop Salviati were easily persuaded to
join, but shrewd old Jacopo de’ Pazzi, who lived in Florence and knew
the hold the Medici had over the people, gave them no encouragement.
Promises of foreign aid and the assurance of the assent of the Pope
however at last won him over. An Abruzzese, Giovan Battista da
Montesecco, a captain in the service of Girolamo Riario, was selected
as a man to be trusted; his confession[212] is curious reading but
too long to give _in extenso_. When he met Francesco de’ Pazzi in the
Archbishop Salviati’s house at Rome he expressed grave doubts. “Have
a care, gentlemen, what you are undertaking. Florence is no small
matter, and Lorenzo, I hear, is very popular.” The Archbishop answered
that they knew better how it stood with Lorenzo, that it was their
affair and he was only the instrument. Montesecco then asked what the
Pope would say, and was assured he hated Lorenzo and would follow
their advice. Moreover he would receive the captain. Plans were then
discussed. It was arranged that troops were to be held in readiness
by Giovanni Francesco da Tolentino from Imola, Lorenzo Giustini from
Città di Castello, and Napoleone Orsini from Todi and Perugia, to enter
Florence as soon as the assassins had done their work. Soon afterwards
Montesecco was summoned to the Vatican. “I will have no bloodshed,”
said the Pope, “it is not consistent with my office to cause the death
of any man. Lorenzo has behaved shamefully and iniquitously towards
us, but I do not desire his death, though I do desire a change of
government.” Girolamo Riario promised that everything should be done to
prevent bloodshed, but asked the Pope to pardon any man who was forced
to commit murder. “Thou art a stupid fool,” answered the Pope. “I tell
thee I will have no man killed, but I desire the government to be
changed. To you, Giovan Battista, I repeat that I wish the government
of Florence to be changed and Lorenzo to be overthrown, for he is an
undutiful and a bad man who defies us. When he is out of the way we
can deal as we choose with the Republic which will be most convenient
to us.” Riario and the Archbishop agreed to this and added, “Then Your
Holiness is content that we should take every means to bring this
about?” Sixtus repeated, “Again I say I am not. Go and do what you
will, as long as no blood is shed.” As they left Salviati turned to the
Pope, “Holy Father, are you content that we steer this boat. We will
guide it well.” The Pope answered, “I am. But see to it that the honour
of the Holy See and of the Count does not suffer.”
The Archbishop now went to Pisa, and Francesco de’ Pazzi to Florence.
Knowing the hospitable nature of Lorenzo, he suggested that Raffaello
Sansoni, a nephew of Girolamo Riario (whose name he adopted), who had
just been created Cardinal of S. Giorgio at the age of seventeen and
was studying at Pisa, should come to the Pazzi villa near Florence.
As he expected, the lad was at once invited to supper at the Medicean
villa at Fiesole, and the conspirators were jubilant. But Giuliano
was ill and did not come, so they were foiled. The young Cardinal,
simply an instrument in the hands of the Pazzi and the Archbishop,
then expressed a desire to see the Medici palace in town, and proposed
the Sunday before Ascension day (26th April), when he was to celebrate
High Mass in the cathedral. Lorenzo asked him to dine afterwards, and
it was arranged that the two Medici brothers were to be killed as they
rose from table. It is singular that no rumour of the plot had got
abroad, as so many were cognisant of it. Besides Jacopo and Francesco
de’ Pazzi, the Archbishop and Montesecco, there was Jacopo Salviati,
the Archbishop’s brother, and his cousin another Jacopo, Bernardo
Bandini, a dissipated adventurer, and Jacopo Bracciolini, son of Poggio
Bracciolini the humanist, who owed much to the Medici. Jacopo was
deeply in debt and inordinately vain. Two priests, destined to play a
prominent part, were also implicated, Antonio Maffei of Volterra, an
Apostolic scribe, and Stefano da Bagnone, chaplain to Jacopo de’ Pazzi.
Montesecco had hired a band of Perugian exiles, and the Archbishop had
a large retinue; these were to aid in seizing the Palazzo de’ Signori.
At the last moment Giuliano sent word that he was not well enough to
dine, but would attend Mass. The conspirators then determined that
the deed must be done in the cathedral, as on that evening Tolentino
and Giustini would be drawing near to Florence with their troops.
Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini undertook to kill Giuliano,
Lorenzo was entrusted to the abler hands of Montesecco. No doubt
all would have gone as they had planned but for the scruples of the
soldier, who absolutely refused to commit a murder “where God would see
him.” The two priests, who had no such feeling, offered themselves as
substitutes--and failed.
Lorenzo accompanied the Cardinal and the Archbishop, who had come to
Florence on the pretext of seeing his invalid mother, to the cathedral.
Suddenly the conspirators saw that Giuliano had not come. Francesco de’
Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini ran across the square and persuaded him
to go with them, affectionately clasping their arms round him to feel
whether he wore a shirt of mail.
The scene in the cathedral is best described in the words of Filippo
Strozzi, who was present: “At the words _missa est_ Ser Stefano da
Bagnone, secretary of Messer Jacopo de’ Pazzi and Messer Antonio Maffei
of Volterra assailed Lorenzo de’ Medici, while Francesco de’ Pazzi
and Bernardo Bandini fell upon Giuliano. Both were walking round the
choir outside, and Lorenzo at once understood, drew his sword, leaped
into the choir, rushed across in front of the altar, entered the new
sacristy and ordered the door to be locked. There he remained until aid
came from his house. He was only wounded in the neck, and in a few days
was well. Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini sprang at Giuliano,
who was walking in front of the chapel of the Cross, and with ten or
twelve blows laid him dead on the pavement; they also killed Francesco
Nori, who was with him. The uproar was great in the church. I was there
talking with Messer Bongianni and the other gentlemen, and we were all
struck with astonishment, people flying now here, now there, while the
church resounded with loud shouts, and arms were seen in the hands of
partisans of the Pazzi who had joined in this matter. The Cardinal was
left all alone by the side of the altar, until some priests came and
led him into the old sacristy, where he remained until two of the Eight
with many soldiers arrived and took him to the Palace. At the time this
was happening the Archbishop of Pisa, under the pretence of paying a
visit to the Signory, was at the Palace, and hearing the tumult in
the city, he tried to seize it. With him was his brother Jacopo and
Jacopo his cousin, Jacopo Poggio, the Perugians, and others. But the
Signory and their guard defended themselves and sounded the tocsin, and
the citizens rushed armed into the piazza, and forced a way into the
Palace, the door of which had been closed on the inside, and all were
made prisoners.”
Poliziano describes the agony of suspense of the small group in the new
sacristy, who thought the church was in the hands of the Pazzi. “Some
feared that the priest’s dagger was poisoned, and Lorenzo’s friend,
Antonio Ridolfi, a most excellent youth, sucked the wound in his neck.
Lorenzo, however, gave no heed to it, continually repeating, ‘Is
Giuliano safe?’ Then came sharp knocks at the door. ‘We are friends,
we are relations. Let Lorenzo come out ere the enemy gains a foothold.’
We were undecided, and shouted, ‘Enemies or friends? Is Giuliano safe?’
No answer was given. Then Sigismondo Della Stufa, devoted to Lorenzo
since his boyhood, climbed up the ladders into the organ loft, looked
down into the church, and saw the dead body of Giuliano. He recognised
those below as friends, and shouted to us to open the door. Closing
around Lorenzo we led him, so that he should not come past the dead
body, to his house.”
How the Archbishop of Pisa, the Pazzi, and Jacopo Bracciolini were
hung from the windows of the Palace of the Signoria, and how the
people hunted their adherents through the streets, shouting, “_Palle!
Palle! down with the traitors_ and cut them to pieces,” is a matter
of history. Montesecco lay in hiding for some days, and before he was
beheaded in the Palazzo del Podestà, dictated and signed the confession
which throws full light on the participation of Sixtus IV. and his
nephew Girolamo Riario in the plot.
On Ascension Day Giuliano was buried in S. Lorenzo, amid the grief
of the people whose darling he was. “He was tall,” writes Poliziano,
“broad-shouldered, wide-chested, with well-developed and strong arms,
a small waist, powerful thighs, and well-made legs; black, sparkling
eyes, a dark complexion, with thick black hair falling on to his
shoulders. A fine rider, jouster, and dancer, an excellent wrestler
and runner, passionately devoted to the chase, submitting patiently
to want of sleep, to hunger, and to thirst, which he often endured
for a whole day. Magnanimous, steady, pious, and without vice, he
delighted in music, painting, and everything connected with art. He
liked poetry, and wrote some good verse in the vulgar tongue. He
spoke well, but was reserved and not quick-witted; yet he enjoyed
a good joke, and sometimes made one. Liars he hated and those who
nursed vengeance. In dress he was not extravagant, but always neat and
well-clothed. Serious, handsome, and dignified, he was most courteous
and kind-hearted. He adored and revered his brother, while his courage
and high spirits endeared him to the people.”
Vasari tells in his Life of Verrocchio of three waxen images of
Lorenzo, the size of life, made by order of his friends and relations
to commemorate his escape from the dagger of the assassin by Arsino,
a celebrated worker in wax, with the help and after the designs
of Verrocchio. “The skeleton inside was of wood, as has been said
elsewhere, with a framework of split canes covered with waxed cloth in
handsome folds, so well arranged that nothing better or more lifelike
can be imagined. The heads, hands, and feet were made of thicker wax,
hollow inside and copied from life, painted in oils, and ornamented
with hair and other necessary things, so natural and so well made, that
they seemed living men and not waxen images, as can be seen in any
of these three. One of them is in the church of the nuns of Chiarito
in Via S. Gallo in front of the miraculous crucifix. This figure is
clothed in the very dress Lorenzo wore when, with his neck bandaged, he
showed himself at the window of his house to the people, who had rushed
there to see whether he was alive, as they hoped, or to avenge him
if dead. The second figure of Lorenzo is clothed in the _lucco_, the
ordinary dress of the Florentines, and is in the church of the Servites
of the Annunziata above the smaller door, beside which is the table
where candles are sold. The third was sent to S. Maria degl’ Angeli at
Assisi and placed in front of the Madonna, where, as has been already
said, Lorenzo de’ Medici caused the road which goes from S. Maria to
the gate of Assisi and leads to S. Francesco to be laid down in bricks,
and at the same time restored the fountains built by his grandfather
Cosimo at the same place.”[213]
Louis XI., _King of France, to the_ Florentine Republic
Beloved and great Friends,--We have just heard of the great and
inhuman outrage, opprobrium and injury, which not long ago has been
committed against your Seigneury, against the persons of our most dear
and beloved cousins Lorenzo and Giuliano de’ Medici, their friends,
relations, servants, and adherents, by those of the Pazzi Bank and
their dependants; and of the death of our said cousin Giuliano de’
Medici, whereby we have been and are as much grieved as though it
had happened to ourselves. Now as your honour and our own has been
so gravely offended, and as the Medici are our relations and allies,
and as we regard this outrage and the death of our cousin Giuliano
as though it had happened to our own person, and therefore consider
the Pazzi guilty of _læsæ Majestatis_, we cannot permit this deed to
go unpunished; we desire with all our heart that adequate punishment
should follow as an example to others. We have therefore decided to
send to your Excellencies our well-beloved and faithful Councillor and
Chamberlain, Messire d’Argenton,[214] Seneschal of our province of
Poitou, who is one of the men in whom we have the utmost confidence,
to inform you at length of our wishes; he will tell you more about
this matter. We beg you to place the same trust in him and the same
belief in his words as you would in ours, it is for this that we send
him. I pray God, beloved and great friends, to keep and to guard
you.--12th May 1478.[215]
Louis XI. _to_ Pope Sixtus IV.
_Copy of our Letter sent to the Pope_
Most Holy Father,--We have been fully informed that wantonly by the
hands of Count Girolamo, of one of your nephews recently promoted to
the dignity of the Cardinalate, of the Archbishop of Pisa, and of
members of the Pazzi family and their adherents, an outrage, insult,
and personal attack has been made on the person of our dear friend
Lorenzo de’ Medici and on Giuliano his brother. That the said Giuliano
and others, his friends, have been killed, murdered, and assassinated
in a church in Florence, in which we have been. We are deeply grieved
and still more astonished that such an outrage should have been
committed against one of such a House as is that of the Medici;
renowned in the whole world, and known as belonging to the Church
and filling high offices, such as that of Cardinal and Archbishop,
and in the precincts of a Church, a sacred place dedicated to God.
Therefore, Holy Father, we are much displeased at so abominable a sin
and outrage, which we regard as even more grave than if it had been
done to our own person, or to the person of one nearly related to us,
and we hold that your and our honour has been most deeply offended.
On account of the special love we have always borne, and bear, to
the said Lorenzo our cousin and to all of his House, and of the
great friendship, cemented by loyalty, oaths, and alliance, which in
past times existed, and exists at present, between our predecessors,
ourselves, and the city of Florence, we most affectionately supplicate
and pray Your Holiness that for love of us as well as for love of our
Holy Mother Church, in order that others should not go unpunished,
amends shall be made for this crime by punishing the delinquents,
and all who have aided and participated, in such way that it may be
an example for all men to remember, and that greater ills shall not
arise. Otherwise, by virtue of the said alliance and confederation
existing between us and the said Florentines, and on account of
the love we bear to our said cousin, we have determined to declare
against all those who are implicated and not to allow this thing to go
unpunished. We pray the Blessed Son of God that Your Holiness may long
be spared to rule our Holy Mother Church.[216]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Tommaso Soderini _at Milan_[217]
I wrote to you on the 8th. Since then I have received yours of the
6th, to which I now reply. I thought it best to send the last by a
special courier, because I have heard that the troops of the King
[of Naples] and of the Pope intend making a serious attack, so I
think it will be necessary to gather a larger force here than we had
asked for, as when the enemy comes he will probably come in force.
By yours and Orfeo’s letters we understand that 1000 men have been
engaged and are ready for our service. If this is correct I think it
will suffice if one half crosses our frontier, the rest being held in
readiness for what I mentioned in my last, the assault of Imola. It
must be remembered that in defending ourselves we are defending those
Illustrious Lords [of Milan], and if we gain anything for ourselves
it will be most unexpected, for these Venetian ambassadors declare
that if peace is not made with the Turk we can hope for but small aid
from them. In ten or twelve days we shall have 450 men under arms. If
there is a chance of engaging any condottieri it would be an excellent
thing. I think I am sure of Signor Costanzo and do not believe he will
fail me. Those Illustrious Lords have written to their ambassador
here that they will only subscribe 8000 ducats towards the pay of the
Romagna troop. It seems to me they do wrong to state a given sum, as
this might put off the Venetians, if they say they will subscribe one
third for this troop it can afterwards be settled between ourselves
that we should pay whatever sum is needful beyond the 8000 ducats.
Those Illustrious Lords also seem not to wish to engage Signor
Costanzo, as I heard yesterday. But the negotiation is so far advanced
that not only would it be most unjust to him, but also my motive in
hindering him from serving with the enemy must be considered. If he
only guards and defends his own territory it seems to me it would be
a great advantage to us. In short these gentlemen must be prepared to
disburse the above-mentioned sum and the troops must be ready to move
as I have said. Above all there must be no delay, as our adversaries
are hastening their preparations; if they see that we are strong and
able to resist they may change their minds. From the Venetians I do
not think we shall get other help than those few men on this side of
the Po and their contribution towards the pay of the Romagna troop,
which they appear to give willingly.
Letters from Rome show that although the Pope knows that Cardinal
Riario has been set at liberty, he shows no disposition to raise the
excommunication or the interdict.[218] This is a bad sign and makes
one believe that he will do all in his power to injure us. We shall
see what will happen and are determined to defend ourselves as well as
we can.
Girolamo left to-day. He came by way of Pontremoli; I reminded him
of your business and he promised me to do all he could. If you pass
through Ferrara I need not tell you what to say to the Duke to keep
him in the same friendly mood towards us he now displays. I say no
more because I know these ambassadors are writing at length.--June 10,
1478.[219]
Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Giovanni Lanfredini, _Florentine Ambassador at
Venice_