Servetus In Geneva.
His Trial And Execution.
A month later--on the 17th of July Servetus entered a little inn
on the banks of the lake at Geneva, called the _Auberge de la
Rose_. He was alone and unknown: he said that he wanted a boat
across the lake, so that he might go on to Zurich. He did not
cross the lake, but stayed for twenty-seven days at Geneva,
greatly exciting the curiosity of his host, who asked him one day
if he was married: 'No,' he said, 'there are plenty of women in
the world without marrying.' He seems to have walked out and seen
several persons. It is even asserted that he went to church and
heard Calvin preach. Calvin afterwards said, 'I do not know how
to account for his conduct, unless he was seized by a fatal
infatuation and rushed into danger.' [Footnote 122]
[Footnote 122: Henry, iii. 149-151; Rilliet, _Procès de
Michel Servet_, p. 20; _Revue des deux Mondes_, 1848,
i. 826.]
The result shows the infatuation of his prolonged visit to
Geneva, but I think that this visit bears equally strong proof of
premeditated design. Precisely at this period Calvin was engaged
in the contest which I have recently described with the
Libertines, on the subject of excommunication from the Lord's
Supper.
{313}
When Servetus entered Geneva, the Libertines had some reason to
expect that they might triumph; one of their leaders, Ami Perrin,
was first syndic; they believed themselves sure of a majority in
the Council of Two Hundred, and almost sure of one in the lesser
Council which possessed the executive power. A man of their
party, Gueroult, who had been banished from Geneva, had been
corrector of the press to the printer Arnoullet at Vienne, at the
time when the 'Restoration of Christianity' was published. Thanks
to the influence of his patrons, the Libertines, Gueroult had
returned to Geneva, and he would naturally be the medium between
them and Servetus. I do not find any definite and positive proof
of his intervention at this particular time; but taking a
comprehensive view of the whole case and the antecedents of all
those concerned in it, I am convinced that Servetus, defeated at
Vienne, went to Geneva, relying on the support of the Libertines,
whilst they on their side expected to obtain efficacious help
from him against Calvin.
But neither the Libertines nor Servetus knew the resolute
adversary with whom they had to deal. From the moment that Calvin
heard Servetus was in Geneva, he did not hesitate for one
instant, although he was already engaged in a fierce and perilous
struggle. He added a second contest to the first, and resolved to
obtain two victories instead of one--the victory of Christianity
over a pantheistic visionary, and the victory of religion and
morality over a licentious faction. He wrote to one of the
syndics requesting him, 'in virtue of the power granted to his
office by the criminal edicts of Geneva, to arrest Servetus.' On
the 13th of August, 1553, Servetus was arrested.
{314}
'I do not deny,' wrote Calvin on the following 9th of September,
'that he was imprisoned at my instance.' But, according to the
laws of Geneva, in order that the imprisonment should not be
merely temporary, it was necessary that there should be a formal
accusation, and a prosecutor who consented to submit to
imprisonment, and to hold himself criminally responsible for the
truth of the charge. It was Calvin who also provided for this
necessity. Nicolas de la Fontaine, a French refugee, his
secretary and intimate friend, consented to undertake the painful
office. 'I do not conceal the fact,' says Calvin, 'that by my
wish, Servetus was apprehended in this city, that he might be
compelled to give an account of his misdeeds. And since
malevolent and evil-disposed persons gabble all kinds of things
against me, I frankly confess that as, in accordance with the
laws and customs of this city, no one can be imprisoned unless
there is a prosecutor, or some previous knowledge of his crimes,
therefore in order to bring such a man to reason, I arranged so
as to procure a prosecutor.' The first examination of Servetus
took place the day after his arrest, and on the 15th of August
his trial commenced.
This theological tragedy lasted for two months and thirteen days.
There was great variety in the scenes of which it was composed,
corresponding to the different incidents in the political and
social struggle with the Libertines which Calvin was carrying on.
I do not intend to give a detailed account of this prolonged
trial, but I am anxious that its essential character and
principal phases should be clearly apprehended.
{315}
At its commencement, and for the first fourteen or fifteen days,
Servetus showed no lack either of moderation or skill, although
both attack and defence were sharp and keen. He openly assailed
Calvin as his personal and hateful enemy, but was careful not to
fall into violent abuse of him. He maintained the truth of the
doctrines asserted in his own works, but was most anxious to show
that they were not contrary to the Christian religion, that he
had never wished to separate himself from the Church, and that
his aim was to restore Christianity, not to abolish it. The trial
was soon transformed into a theological controversy, turning upon
points of doctrine; and after the 17th of August Calvin himself
took part in it, declaring that he had no intention of screening
himself behind those who had commenced or were carrying it on,
and that he was prepared to take the prosecution of the prisoner
upon himself. He was authorized by the Council to be present at
the examinations and take part in the debates, 'either for the
purpose of trying to reclaim Servetus, or in order that he might
point out his errors more clearly to him.' The scene became more
exciting, and gave promise of wider development. Servetus offered
'to show Calvin his own errors and faults before the whole
congregation, proving them by arguments drawn from the sacred
Scriptures.' Calvin eagerly accepted this offer, declaring that
'there was nothing he desired so ardently as to conduct this
trial in the church and before all the people.'
But the Council refused; they wished as a matter of prudence to
keep the decision of such matters in their own hands; they were
also probably influenced by the wishes of the friends of
Servetus, who had every reason to expect that Calvin's words
would have much more weight with the people than those of the
Spaniard.
{316}
The discussion between the two adversaries was carried on
sometimes by written and sometimes by spoken arguments. For a
long time Calvin's keen insight had shown him that the works of
Servetus were pantheistic, and that pantheism must destroy
historical and dogmatic Christianity. He pressed Servetus closely
upon this point, and the Spaniard imprudently acknowledged his
doctrine: 'All created things,' he said, 'are of the substance of
God.' 'How, wretch!' said Calvin; 'if any one was to strike this
pavement with his foot and to tell you that he was treading on
your God, should you not shrink with horror at having subjected
the Majesty of God to such an indignity?' 'I do not doubt,'
answered Servetus, 'that this bench and this table and everything
that we see is essentially God.' Again, when it was objected
that, according to his views, the devil must be a manifestation
of God, he laughed, and answered boldly: 'Do you doubt it? As for
me I hold it to be a fundamental maxim that all things are a part
and portion of God, and that the collective universe is itself
the Deity.'
The Council was both shocked and embarrassed. There were warm
partisans of Calvin in its ranks, and eager protectors of
Servetus--among others the principal Libertine leaders, Ami
Perrin and Berthelier; but there were also some impartial members
who were sorry to see Calvin take such a prominent place in the
prosecution, and who had no desire to become judges in a trial
for heresy. Still they recognised the danger to Christianity of
the Spaniard's pantheism, and refused at any cost to appear to
sanction it.
{317}
Moreover, they disliked and suspected Servetus. He was sincere
enough in his adhesion to his own views, but on other points they
found him frivolous, vain, arrogant, irresolute, and untruthful.
He denied any connexion, even the most indirect, not only with
the Libertines of Geneva, but with their agent Gueroult at
Geneva, who had corrected the proofs of his book. The falsehood
of these disavowals was so obvious, that even those magistrates
who hesitated to condemn him, could no longer place any
confidence in him. It seems strange that they should have been
ignorant of the sentence passed upon him on the preceding 17th of
June, after his escape from Vienne, by which he was condemned to
be burnt alive; but either they were really ignorant of it, or
they wished to appear to be so, for the Protestant Council of
Geneva wrote to the Catholic judges of Vienne to ask for
'information as to the crimes which had caused the imprisonment
of Servetus in their city, both believing and hearing,' says the
letter, 'that it was not without cause, and that you have certain
information and charges against him for which he deserves
punishment.' It was no doubt by the advice of his supporters that
Servetus demanded that the principal reformed churches in
Switzerland--Berne, Zurich, Schaffhausen, and Basle--should be
consulted on his case; since on similar occasions they had always
shown themselves far more moderate than Calvin. The Council
granted this request, and Calvin did not oppose it. There can be
no doubt that the majority of the Genevese magistrates desired to
a certain extent to modify the character of the trial, and make
its personal animosity less apparent; they wished to appear the
defenders of Christianity rather than the enemies of any special
theological system. They adjourned the trial several times, and
put off the final decision as if they dreaded to pronounce it.
{318}
But there is a time for procrastination and a time for prompt
action, a time for courage and a time for prudence. The crisis of
the two struggles in which this small state was engaged had
arrived, and the great issues involved in them had to be decided.
Between Calvin and Servetus, between Calvin and the
Libertines--that is to say, between Christianity and Pantheism,
between tyrannical austerity and licentious anarchy--there was no
longer any possibility of either reconciliation or truce. With
the instinct of the man of action, Calvin felt this, and
unhesitatingly adopted the most energetic measures in both cases.
On the 27th of August, 1553, he uttered the severest censures
from the pulpit upon the conduct of Servetus; and on the 3d of
September following, as I have previously related, he solemnly
refused to administer the communion to the leader of the
Libertines, who--in spite of the decision of the Council of
State--had been pronounced unworthy of it by the Church. In both
cases he thus made a direct appeal to the general body of
believers. The trial of Servetus, which was going on at the time
of this double excitement, suddenly changed its whole character.
All moderation, all prudence were cast aside by the prisoner; led
away by the hope of overwhelming an enemy who was fiercely
attacked and in danger elsewhere, Servetus became the vehement
accuser of Calvin, even unto death. Small pamphlets sometimes
took the place of judicial debates.
{319}
'Miserable wretch,' said Servetus, 'you do not know what you are
saying; you endeavour to condemn things which you do not
understand! Do you think, O dog! that you can deafen the ears of
the judges by your howls? Your mind is so confused that you
cannot see the truth! ... You cry out like a blind man in the
desert, because the spirit of vengeance consumes your heart. You
have told lies, you have told lies, you have told lies, ignorant
slanderer!' Servetus did not confine himself to abuse, but, on
the 22d of September, demanded that his adversary should be
committed for trial, giving a list of the subjects 'on which
Michael Servetus demands that John Calvin shall be interrogated.
I demand, gentlemen, that my false accuser shall be punished by
the law of retaliation, that his property shall be handed over to
me as a compensation for my own, which by his means I have lost,
and that he shall be kept in prison as I am, until the trial
shall be ended by the condemnation to death of one of us two, or
by some other punishment.'
Calvin, in spite of his own violence, was at first overwhelmed by
this outburst of passion. He says, 'I was timorous and dismayed
before him, as if I had been the prisoner, and had been called
upon to answer for my doctrine. In truth, I am afraid that good
men will accuse me of too great meekness.'
Servetus soon discovered that his hopes had entirely deceived
him, and that the position of his adversary was much stronger
than he had imagined it to be. All that the Libertines were able
to do for the promotion of their own cause, was, to prolong for
sixteen months, the indecision of the civil power on the question
of the right of excommunication; but at the end of that time, on
the 24th of January, 1555, the civil authorities decided that the
right belonged to the Consistory.
{320}
And as to the unfortunate Servetus, the Libertines who had urged
him on, and compromised him in every way from the time of his
arrival at Geneva, gave him but feeble support when they saw that
the final crisis was at hand. His violent attack on Calvin was
not even noticed. On the 19th of September the Council decided to
apply officially to the pastors and magistrates of the four
churches of Berne, Zurich, Schaffhausen, and Basle for their
opinion of the trial. Calvin did not approve of this step, but he
had not opposed it; he had, however, written to some of his
friends in the cantons, among others to Bullinger at Zurich, and
to Sulzer at Basle, in order to point out the very serious nature
of the advice for which they had been asked; and it was well
known throughout Geneva that his letters would not fail to
influence the answers from the cantons. From that time the
passionate excitement of Servetus gave place to dejection and
anguish, He was in prison, sick and forsaken. On the 10th of
October, 1553, he wrote to the Council: 'Most noble lords, for
the last three weeks I have implored you to grant me an audience,
but have not been able to obtain it. I beseech you, for the love
of Christ, not to refuse that which you would not refuse to a
Turk who demanded justice at your hands. I have very important
things to tell you, which you ought to know. As to the orders
which you issued that something should be done towards keeping me
clean, nothing has been done, and I am in a more wretched
condition than ever.
{321}
Moreover, the cold torments me greatly, on account of the colic
and my other maladies, which give rise to infirmities of which I
should be ashamed to write to you. It is a great cruelty that I
am not permitted to speak, when I only want to ask that my wants
may be supplied. For the love of God, gentlemen, grant this,
either out of mercy or justice!' The Council sent two of its
members to the prison 'with orders,' says M. Rilliet, 'to cause
the necessary clothing to be given to the prisoner, so as to
remove the hardships of which he complained. But there is no
other trace of the result of this interview between the prisoner
and the deputies of the Council. Probably it was occupied with
topics which Servetus had previously discussed; and that his
object was to obtain some influence over the minds of the
magistrates rather than to give them any fresh information.' But
the appeal which he had made for compassion was of no more use
than his violence.
On the 18th of October, 1553, the messenger returned to Geneva,
bearing the answers of the four cantons. They were all cautious
and guarded, though in different degrees, and at the same time
sorrowful in tone, but they were unanimous in the nature of their
advice. 'We pray the Lord,' said the Bernese letter, 'that he
will give you a spirit of wisdom, prudence, and courage, so that
you may secure your own church as well as other churches from so
great a danger; and that at the same time you may do nothing that
will appear unseemly in Christian magistrates.'
{322}
'We are persuaded,' wrote the church of Basle, 'that you will not
fail either in Christian prudence or in holy zeal, but will find
a remedy for the snare which has already led away many souls to
destruction.' The language of the letter from Zurich was much
more definite: 'You must not allow the wicked and false attempts
of the said prisoner to prevail, for they are quite contrary to
the Christian religion, and cause our churches to be in bad
repute.' Schaffhausen gave the same advice as Zurich. There can
be no doubt that the four churches recommended severity, although
they added a few words so that they might not be charged with the
entire responsibility of the decision.
The Council met again on the 23d of October, 1553, and after
having read the answers from the Swiss churches, once more
adjourned so as to avoid coming to a final decision. Several of
the members who were favourable to Servetus had absented
themselves, amongst others, the first syndic, Ami Perrin, no
doubt in order to necessitate an adjournment. Another meeting was
fixed for the 26th of October; and again, when the day arrived,
several of the supporters of Servetus did not appear. But Ami
Perrin was true to him; he formally demanded that the accused
should be acquitted of the charge, and declared innocent; and
ultimately moved that the case should be referred to the Council
of Two Hundred. Both propositions were rejected. The majority of
the Council passed a resolution which was entered in their
register in words to the following effect:--'That,--considering
the summary of the trial of the prisoner, Michael Servetus, the
report of those who have been consulted, and his great errors and
blasphemies,--it is decreed that he be led to Champel and there
burnt alive, and he shall be executed to-morrow, and his books
burnt with him.'
{323}
At that period there was no hesitation on account of the
atrocious torture of such a punishment, and no scruple as to the
right of inflicting it. Heresy was a crime, and the stake was the
penalty of heresy. In that very year 1553, at Lyons, not far from
Geneva, several reformers had suffered martyrdom; among others,
five young French students from the theological Institute at
Lausanne. The Catholic judges at Vienne had condemned Servetus to
the stake. Save for some scattered protests which saved the
honour of the human conscience, in the sixteenth century the
burning of heretics at the stake was looked upon as the common
right of Christianity.
During the whole course of the trial Calvin had never concealed
his feeling as to what the sentence ought to be. On the 20th of
August, after it had commenced, he wrote to Farel: 'I hope that
he will be condemned to death; but I trust that there may be some
mitigation of the frightful torture of the penalty.' After the
execution of the sentence, he wrote: 'When Servetus had been
convicted of heresy, I did not say a word concerning his
execution: not only will all good men bear witness to this, but I
authorize the bad to speak if they have anything to say.' On the
26th of October, the very day on which sentence was passed, he
wrote to Farel: 'The wretch has been condemned by the Council
without a division. Tomorrow he will be led to the stake. We made
every effort to change the manner of his death, but in vain.'
Farel hurried to Geneva; he had taken the warmest interest in the
case, and had urged great severity; but he was not incapable of
sympathetic emotion, and was a man of very strong religious
feeling.
{324}
When Servetus heard of his condemnation, he fell into the deepest
despair; he wept, entreated, implored, and cried, 'Mercy! mercy!
Farel hoped to bring him to repentance, and save his soul, whilst
at the same time his recantation might lead to a mitigation of
his sentence. He pressed him to see Calvin; Servetus was not
disinclined; Calvin also consented, and obtained permission for
the interview from the Council, who sent two of its own members
to accompany him on his visit to the condemned prisoner. When
asked what he had to say to Calvin, Servetus replied that he
wished to solicit his forgiveness. Then Calvin said: 'I protest
that I have never carried out any private animosity against you.
You must remember that sixteen years ago, being at Paris, I did
not spare myself in my efforts to win you for our Lord, and if
you would have listened to reason, I would have done everything
in my power to reconcile you with all the faithful servants of
God. You ran away from the conference, and yet I did not cease to
exhort you by letters; but all has been useless, and you have
assailed me not so much with anger as with fury. And now I have
done with all that concerns myself personally. Ask pardon, not of
me, but of that God whom you have blasphemed by trying to
disprove the existence of three Persons in one God; ask pardon of
the Son of God, whom you have debased and denied as your
Saviour.' These words were more likely to wound Servetus than to
convince him; they probed his wounds but did not heal them; he
remained silent. The repeated exhortations of Farel were of no
avail, and Calvin withdrew, following, he says, the rule of St.
Paul: 'A man that is an heretic after the first and second
admonition reject; knowing that he that is such is subverted, and
sinneth, being condemned of himself.' [Footnote 123]
[Footnote 123: Epistle of Paul to Titus, iii. 10, 11.]
{325}
Servetus was willing to ask pardon, but he would not disavow his
opinions. Even in the depths of his despair he preserved all the
pride of honest conviction; and although he entreated that his
life might be spared, he would not consent to dishonour it by a
false recantation. Farel, who accompanied him to the stake, in
vain renewed his severe, but at the same time compassionate
exhortations up to the very last moment. The dignity of the
philosopher triumphed over the weakness of the man, and Servetus
died heroically and calmly at that stake, the very thought of
which had at first filled him with terror.
{326}