The western portion of Afghanistan is held by the chiefs of Candahar

and Herat; who rule as at Cabool and Peshawur. They complete the number

of governments into which the monarchy has been dismembered; and, after

our more minute accounts of the two other chiefships, do not require

much notice. Candahar is in the possession of a branch of the Barukzye

family, and Herat is ruled by Kamran, the son of King Mahmood of Cabool.

~Chiefships of Candahar.~

It has been already mentioned that Shere Dil Khan fled from Cabool

to Candahar; and formed the present chiefship, with the spoil of his

nephew. He was a man of singular habits, in some respects resembling

his brother, Futteh Khan; but morose as well as cruel. They give an

anecdote of his lopping off the finger of one of his boys, telling

him at the same time, if he cried, that he could not be his child, or

a Barukzye. The young fellow bore it with great patience. Shere Dil

Khan, in his flight to Candahar, was accompanied by four brothers. He

himself is since dead, as also one of his brothers. Candahar is now

governed by Cohun Dil Khan, supported by his two surviving brothers,

Ruhum Dil and Meer Dil. The revenues amount to about eight lacs of

rupees; his force consists of 9000 horse, and six pieces of artillery;

but, as the city is situated in the heart of the Dooranee country,

and near the native seat of the Barukzye family, he could, perhaps,

increase his cavalry on an emergency. The government is not popular,

nor would it appear, from the acts of oppression, that it deserved to

be so. The chief is on bad terms with most of his neighbours. In common

with all his family, he is inimical to Kamran of Herat, and has at

different times attempted to seize that city. He is also at issue with

the chief of Cabool. The connexion between the Peshawur and Candahar

branches of the Barukzyes, is very close and sincere; but their united

efforts will not, in all probability, injure their brother of Cabool.

The Candahar chief also seeks to form a settlement on the Indus; and

has for several years past sent his troops to threaten Shikarpoor in

Sinde. The Ameers of that country have been hitherto able to resist

his attacks; but, as there is an open and easy communication between

Candahar and the Indus, by the pass of Bolan, the chief is not likely

to discontinue his endeavours in that quarter. In a disorganised state

of Sinde, he might easily possess himself of Shikarpoor; and such a

state of events seems by no means improbable in the country of the

Ameers. The chief of Candahar would gladly interest the ruler of the

Punjab in his cause; but it is not probable that he will procure his

assistance, as he himself looks upon Shikarpoor with an eye of cupidity.

~Government of Herat.~

Herat is the only province of the kingdom of Cabool, now held by a

descendant of the royal family; and the Prince Kamran rules more from

tolerance in his enemies than his own power. He receives no aid from

his countrymen, since the whole of the chiefs in Afghanistan are his

enemies, and desire his destruction, in revenge for the assassination

of their brother Futteh Khan. Herat has, therefore, become a dependency

of Persia. The town itself has of late years been several times entered

by the troops of that nation; and only spared by the ready tender of

money on the part of its governor. It was threatened in September 1832,

by the Prince Royal in person, who made a pecuniary demand; and also

required that the coinage of the city should be struck in the name

of the King of Persia. It is probable that both these requests will

be granted, since Kamran would gladly hold his power on any terms.

The Persians do not appear to contemplate any permanent settlement in

Herat, since it would incur the expense of retaining a force, that

would diminish the tribute now gained from it. Kamran is said to be

in possession of some of the crown jewels of Cabool, and derives a

large revenue from Herat, which is situated in one of the most fertile

countries of the world. By this wealth he is yet able to retain about

his person some of the Afghan chiefs, and can raise a body of 4000

or 5000 horse. He has no political connexions in any quarter; but

still clings to the hope of being able to re-establish the monarchy

of his father. He has the character of a cruel and tyrannical man, is

destitute of friends, and odious to his countrymen.

CHAP. VI.

SUMMARY OF THE AFFAIRS OF CABOOL.

~Remarks on the overthrow of the royal dynasty.~

We have now given a sketch of the events which have occurred in Cabool,

to the fall of the monarchy; and described the several governments

into which it has been divided. Its prosperity as a kingdom seems

almost to have terminated with its founder, Ahmed Shah Dooranee. His

son Timour evinced none of the energy and activity of his parent. Shah

Zuman, his child and successor, defective in education, and cruel in

disposition, succeeded to a government relaxed by a long reign of

indolence. Shah Zuman, and his brothers, Mahmood and Shooja, seem alike

to have forgotten, on their elevation to a throne, that they ruled a

people whose genius was republican. The total overthrow of the dynasty

is universally attributed to the misplaced pride and arrogance of the

last kings, who now receive no sympathy from the Afghans in their

overthrow. Shooja, indeed, might have regained his power, but for his

rash attempts to exercise the authority of king, before he was firmly

fixed in it. The Afghans cannot control their feelings of jealousy

towards men in power; and this universal envy has dethroned their kings

and butchered their nobles. There is not a person of note, that figures

in their history for the last thirty years, who has died a natural

death. To be happy under any government, they must either be ruled by a

vigorous despot, or formed into many small republics.

~Improbabilities of restoring it.~

All the institutions of the Afghans are favourable to a republic; and

the supremacy of the Barukzye family in Cabool is acceptable to the

people; and I even think favourable to the prosperity of the country.

It is by far the greatest clan of the Dooranees, amounting to about

60,000 families, which will enable it to maintain its authority. The

late royal family of the Sudozyes, on the other hand, were few in

number, and looked for support to other tribes. Of these, the principal

were the Barukzyes. Hajee Jumal, the most influential of its chiefs,

willingly bowed to the authority of Ahmed Shah; and contributed to fix

him on his throne. The successors of that monarch rewarded his services

by the murder of his son Poynda Khan; and we have related the atrocious

assassination of his grandson the Vizier. Had the royal house treated

these benefactors with justice, and their subjects with moderation,

they might still have reigned in peace. The hatred of this family to

the house of Cabool, and the cause which excites it (the assassination

of two of their chiefs), forbid the belief that the Barukzyes will

ever consent to their restoration. It is certain that the aid of no

other tribe can avail them, for the whole wealth of the country is

in the hands of their enemies; and the bulk of the people view their

misfortunes with indifference, since it is believed they have drawn

them upon themselves. It is evident, therefore, that the restoration of

either Shooja ool Moolk, or Kamran, is an event of the most improbable

nature. The dynasty of the Sudozyes has passed away, unless it be

propped up by foreign aid; and it would be impossible to reclaim the

lost provinces of the empire, without a continuation of the same

assistance. It is more difficult to revive than to raise a dynasty; and

in the common chain of events, if the country is to be ruled by another

king, we must look for another family to establish its power in Cabool;

and this, in all probability, will be the Barukzyes.

~Relative power of Cabool and Persia.~

At present, there is no connexion of a political nature between the

states in Cabool and any foreign power. The Persians have long talked

vaingloriously of invading the country, but if there were no treachery

on the part of the Kuzzilbash guards, at Cabool, they could not

certainly make an impression on the kingdom. In a general war, the

enmity between the different houses would probably be forgotten, and

the united force of the Barukzyes alone amounts to about 30,000 horse.

While we were in Cabool, the chief received a notice from his brother

at Candahar, who had been threatened by an ambassador from the Persian

camp. The reply of Dost Mahommed Khan was characteristic:--“When the

Persians come, let me know, and as I am now your enemy, will I then

be your friend.” The natural strength of Cabool is its best barrier

against a successful invasion by an Asiatic power, and if we look

to the expedition of Nadir Shah, we are to remember that he was

accompanied by many Afghan chiefs, whom he had advanced to favour, and

who largely participated in his acquisitions, and the spoils he gained

from others.

The political state of Cabool, as a kingdom, becomes at all times an

object of the deepest importance to India, from the many changes which

constantly take place in that country. Of its four chiefships, one

is subject to the Punjab, and another to Persia. The chief of Cabool

himself is a man of enlightened views, and may secure a thorough

supremacy over the country, on the death of Runjeet Sing. It would

not be difficult for him to subdue Peshawur, and he might then seize

the provinces on the Indus, and very probably Cashmere. He is a man

favourably disposed towards the British Government, as indeed are the

whole chiefs of the kingdom. They were not in power when the British

mission entered the country in 1809, but our reputation was then

established, and the good opinion of all parties has been acquired by

our immediate withdrawal afterwards. That circumstance, it is true,

was unavoidable; but it has left impressions most favourable to our

disinterestedness. In Cabool, therefore, it would not be difficult to

form a connexion; and the chief is certainly worthy of notice, since

his country lies on the great road by which the manufactures of Britain

are imported, and which of late have been considerably increased by

his equity and justice. It would require no great expenditure of the

public funds to conciliate this chief; and, it is to be remembered,

that he is in possession of the most important position in Asia, as

regards the protection of British India. Had circumstances brought

us into an alliance with Cabool instead of Persia, we might have now

possessed more trusty and useful allies, nearer home, than we can boast

of in that country. We also should have never incurred a tenth of the

expenditure, which has been so freely lavished in Persia.

CHAP. VII.

ON THE POWER OF KOONDOOZ.

~Chiefship of Koondooz.~

~Its extent.~

The territories of Koondooz lie between Cabool and Bokhara. I shall

comprehend under that designation all which I have to say on the

countries, north of Hindoo Koosh, and south of the Oxus, as far

westward as the city of Balkh. These limits bound a chiefship, which is

ruled by an Uzbek family that has lately extended its power, and is now

possessed of great influence in these countries. This is the tribe of

Kutghun; the name of the chief is Mahommed Moorad Beg, and Meer is the

title by which he is known to his subjects. At no late period the tribe

was confined to the canton of Koondooz, but this chief has established

a power over all the neighbouring states; he holds Khooloom, Heibuk,

Ghoree, Inderab, Talighan, and Huzrut-Imam, and is master of the valley

of the Upper Oxus, and its tributary rivers. The city of Balkh has

likewise been in his hands; he contented himself with sacking it, and

marching off a great part of the population to his other conquests.

He has also reduced the whole kingdom of Budukhshan, and is at present

engaged in operations against the hill states north of the Oxus. The

district of Koolab, which is one of these, and lies between Durwaz and

Shughnan, is already in his possession. His power extends south to

Syghan, within thirty miles of Bameean, and across two of the passes of

Hindoo Koosh.

~Rise of Moorad Beg.~

The population of the territory consists chiefly of Tajiks, the

aborigines of the country, who form the entire body of the people in

Budukhshan. The Uzbeks bear a very small proportion to them.

The chief of Koondooz attained his present ascendancy on the death of

Khilich Ali Beg, a well-known Uzbek chief, who long ruled in Balkh, as

a nominal tributary to the crown of Cabool. Moorad Beg, of Koondooz,

held a secondary command under this chief.

At his death, which occurred more than eight years since, Moorad Beg

entered into intrigues with the different members of his family; and

finally succeeded in establishing his own authority. The sons of

Khilich Ali Beg now govern Khooloom and Heibuk as his vassals. The

Kutghuns have always possessed influence among the Uzbeks, but Moorad

Beg is the first of his family, or of his countrymen, who has formed

so extensive a principality. The tribe is of Moghul extraction, as it

is termed, since they and the Kalmuks descend from one stock. They

entered on their present seats in the 16th century, with the great

Uzbek nation, that expelled the descendants of Timour from their

paternal kingdom. Koondooz appears to have been the utmost limit of

invasion, since the Uzbeks have not settled in Budukhshan, or south

of Hindoo Koosh. The government of the present chief may be viewed as

tolerably well consolidated: his measures are vigorous.

~Policy and power of the chief.~

The Meer of Koondooz owes much of his power to the policy which he has

pursued towards those whom he has subjected. He retains the former

chiefs in authority, but stipulates for a contingent of troops, and the

maintenance of a portion of his own in the country, at their expense.

He thus increases his strength, and provides for the protection of

his newly acquired conquests, without danger of revolt. His united

forces amounted to about 20,000 horse, and six pieces of artillery,

one of which is a thirty-six pounder. He has no infantry, for the

Uzbeks despise that branch of an army, and know as little of the use

of cannon, though the possession of guns seems to secure a victory. I

must, however, mention, to the credit of the chief, that he has dragged

the great gun to Sarbagh, fifty miles into Hindoo Koosh. This piece

of ordnance was brought from Persia by Nadir Shah, who took the route

of Meshid, Shurukhs, and Meimuna, to Balkh,--a practical proof of the

goodness of the road, and the calibre by which it may be traversed.

The cavalry carry spears of an unwieldy size; some have matchlocks,

but a great part are ill armed and accoutred, though much superior

to those who oppose them. He supports these troops by an allowance

of grain, and retains all the commanders, and a portion of the men,

in constant attendance upon his person. Moorad Beg leads a life of

great activity, and takes the field in person; he constantly sends

his horse on excursions of plunder and capture, (as they are called,

“Chupawul,”) north of the Oxus, in the neighbourhood of Balkh, and the

country of the Huzaras. As the people there are Shiah Mahommedans,

they are seized without mercy, and distributed or sold into slavery. A

supply of these unfortunate wretches is also derived from Chitral, a

hill state, east of Budukhshan, the chief of which pays his tribute in

human beings. He excepts the caravans which pass through his territory

from these attacks, and also guards against exactions from the chiefs

whom he has rendered tributary. He holds little or no communication

with neighbouring powers. With the Chinese authorities in Yarkund,

to which there is a considerable trade, there has been an exchange of

presents, and the Koondooz chief once sent an ambassador regarding the

protection of the roads, which were infested by robbers from beyond the

Oxus. With the king at Bokhara there is no cordiality, for they are

mutually afraid of each other. Moorad Beg makes constant irruptions

into the provinces of Balkh, and the Governor of that city seeks his

safety in flight. The Afghans are separated from Koondooz by a great

chain of mountains, and the country to the eastward of Budukhshan is

equally rugged, and cut off by the lofty mountains of Beloot. The chief

of Koondooz has nevertheless crossed this range, and attacked Chitral.

He has also at times made inroads into the country of the Siahpoosh

Kaffirs, who dwell on Hindoo Koosh; but his last campaign, in this

quarter, about four years since, was not of an encouraging nature. The

Kaffirs allowed the troops to advance into the mountains, and then

attacked them. A snow storm ensued, and out of 4000 horse, one half

were unable to extricate themselves, and fell a sacrifice to their

temerity.

~Revenues of Koondooz.~

The revenue of this principality is paid in grain. There is abundance

of it and the necessaries of life; but money is exceedingly

scarce. Nothing proves this so satisfactorily as the coinage now in

circulation, which is of an Emperor of Delhi, prior to the age of

Nadir. Many foreign luxuries are derived from Bokhara, by sending

slaves and cattle to its market. Under such circumstances, it is

difficult to form any correct estimate of the revenues of Koondooz.

Moorad Beg is considered wealthy for an Uzbek. He demands one third

of the productions of the soil from his subjects. Koondooz itself is

rich in rice; and much silk is produced on the banks of the Oxus.

Budukhshan, at one time so fruitful and fertile a country, is almost

depopulated; and has severely felt the power of Koondooz. The ruler

of it, one of those who claim descent from Alexander the Great, has

been deposed; and a great part of the population driven from their

own beautiful valley to the fens of Koondooz. Budukhshan, therefore,

furnishes no revenue, and is occupied by Uzbek horse, who contribute

to its further desolation. Of its ruby mines I have spoken in another

place. The whole of the affairs of Mahommed Moorad Beg are managed by a

Hindoo named Atmaram, a native of Peshawur, who has the title of Dewan

Begee. He is a person of some talent, and has unlimited influence.

He has risen from the meanest origin. Among the Uzbeks, Hindoos are

despised, and never permitted to wear turbans; but this minister has

not only secured the privilege for himself, but for all his servants

and tribe who live with him. He has about 400 slaves in his household,

the gift of an indulgent master, and has also enriched himself to a

great extent; but his merits entitle him to the reward. The Uzbeks are

incapable of conducting matters of state; for, except the priests,

they are without education. Moorad Beg has therefore evinced the most

unerring proof of his own superiority in the selection of such a man

to conduct his government. It is to him that the merchant owes the

protection of his property; and that the chief himself reigns without a

rival in the countries which he has subdued.

~Character of Moorad Beg.~

Since much depends on the personal qualities of a chief who rules a

country composed of such materials, we must regard his character with

the greater interest. That of Moorad Beg has many prominent features,

nor is it free from contradiction. He is at once cruel and indulgent:

he encourages every plundering expedition which leaves his country,

and shares the spoil with the barbarians who secure it. Possessed of

power to retain the entire possessions over which he holds a supremacy,

he concedes both property and power, certainly of a limited nature,

to the individuals who, in most Asiatic governments, meet with death.

Except his forced removal of the inhabitants of one province to people

another, and that too a most unhealthy one; and his seizure of the

unfortunate Huzaras and Kaffirs, and their sale as slaves, I have

not heard him accused of any of the flagrant acts of wanton tyranny

and oppression, so common in despotic governments. The trader passes

through the dominions of Koondooz without molestation. The duties are

low; and some articles, such as shawls, are encouraged by an entire

remission. The people were also relieved from the payment of the tax on

silk at the time we were in Koondooz. The greatest apprehension under

which this chief labours, is a terror of the British name, as was shown

in the harsh treatment of Mr. Moorcroft and our party. He suspects the

conquerors of India, and it will require much to remove his suspicion.

Moorad Beg is about fifty years of age; his stature is tall, and his

features are those of a genuine Uzbek: his eyes are small to deformity;

his forehead broad and frowning; and the whole cast of his countenance

most repulsive. He is not addicted to any excess, and is moderate in

his pleasures. A holy person at Talighan, about thirty-five miles

from his capital, exercises great power over him. In early life he

was indebted to this man for good offices and advice; and there is no

favour that he might sue for which would now be refused. He has lately

given one of his daughters in marriage to his son. Moorad Beg has two

sons, one of them a promising lad of eighteen.

CHAP. VIII.

SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF BOKHARA.

~Early history of Bokhara.~

I procured five manuscripts on the history of Bokhara during my

residence in that country. It would be foreign to my design to give

the voluminous contents of these works; nor do I feel impressed with a

belief that the interest of their contents would reward the notice of

a general reader: I have handed them over to that flourishing society

the Oriental Translation Fund, from whom I have an assurance that it

will use every means to make them known to Oriental scholars. Bokhara,

in early ages, is described under the name of Bykune, a city still to

be traced in its vicinity, and connected by fable or truth with the

well-known name of Afrasiab. The country is there stated to have been

a marsh overgrown with reeds, and fed by the ice and snow which melted

in the hills of Samarcand. It is said to have been a hunting thicket,

and so marshy in many places, that a camel could not pass it. Such is

the language of the native historians. An intercourse was then kept

up with the Emperor of China, who gave his daughter to the ruler of

Bokhara: but with this fair partner followed the inroads of the Toorks,

which appear to have always desolated this country. We are next brought

to the age of Islam and the inroads of the Arabs, who contended with a

Queen, or Khatoon, famed as an idolater, but equally for her love of

justice; which is yet commemorated by popular songs. Her son embraced

the religion of the Faithful, but relented, and was put to death when

the Arabs finally established themselves in Toorkistan. This person

built a grand mosque in the ninety-fourth year of the Hejira (A.D.

716), causing the prayers to be read in Persian, “because it was the

language of the country.”[37] From that time the fame and size of the

city increased; and we hear of the commerce and vast population, the

deeds of the renowned Haroon ool Rusheed, and of Arslan Khan, both

of whom beautified and enriched it. We are also gravely told, on the

authority of the Archangel Gabriel, of the joyful procession with which

its inhabitants would be blessed on the day of judgment.

~From the age of Jengis to the invasion of the Uzbeks.~

Such is the early history of Bokhara, till the destroying Jengis

desolated it with his horde of Tartars in the 622d year of the

Hejira (A.D. 1232). It then appears, by the accounts of its bazars,

buildings, and aqueducts, to have been really a wealthy and fine

capital; but, in common with many great cities, it was overwhelmed by

the destructive hostilities of the Tartar, who swept, with unrelenting

fury from the Caspian to the Indus. In its turn, the kingdom of

Bokhara, ruled by its Ameer, the great Timur, a descendant of the

ferocious Jengis, wreaked its vengeance on neighbouring and distant

nations, and shook the bonds of sovereignty throughout Asia. The deeds

of this hero belong to the history of which I now treat; but the

conquests of Timour, and his enlightened institutes, his martial and

political career, require only a passing notice in this literary age.

His successors, after some generations, were driven from this their

paternal kingdom, and founded the dominion of the Great Moguls in

India, under the valiant Baber, whose present pageant successors yet

live, I cannot call it reign, in Delhi. This last revolution sprang

from the invasion of the Uzbek Tartars; another tribe from the seats of

Jengis, and also related to that conqueror, who crossed the Jaxartes

in the beginning of the sixteenth century, and retain in these times

all the countries of Mawur ool nuhr, or Transoxiana, extending to the

base of Hindoo Koosh. The Uzbeks achieved this great conquest under

Sheibanee Khan and his son. Baber was assisted by the King of Persia;

and Sheibanee Khan was defeated and slain at the battle of Merve.

~Nadir Shah’s inroad to the end of Shah Moorud’s reign.~

The supremacy which the Uzbek race had thus acquired was maintained

in the different kingdoms of Transoxiana, till the invasion of Nadir

Shah, in the early part of the last century. Aboolfuez Khan then ruled

in Bokhara, as Ameer, or Governor, and was acknowledged to be the

hereditary representative of the Uzbeks, who had expelled the house of

Timour, as well as a male descendant of the great Jengis. His Attalik,

or Vizier, Ruheem Khan, an Uzbek of the Mungut tribe, intrigued with

the Persian conqueror, and brought him to the gates of the city. Nadir

spared Bokhara; but the minister put the Ameer to death, and raised up

a son in his stead, to whom he had given his own daughter in marriage.

Him he also murdered. On the death of Ruheem Khan, this cruel and

treacherous minister was succeeded by Danial Beg, an Uzbek of the same

tribe (Mungut), who was distantly related, by marriage, to Aboolfuez

Khan. He pretended to no higher powers than the last minister, and

governed the country in the name of Aboolghazee Khan, a descendant

of the late Ameer and of Jengis. On the death of Danial Beg, his son

Moorad succeeded him as Vizier; and, setting aside the pageant king,

in whose name his father had ruled, proclaimed himself the Ameer of

Bokhara. Shah Moorad reigned seventeen years, and died about the

year 1800. He was greater as a theologian than a ruler; but the name

of Begee Jan, by which he was familiarly known, is much revered by

the Uzbeks, and many singular stories are related regarding him. He

carried on wars with the King of Cabool, and all the neighbouring and

less powerful states. He destroyed the city of Merve, in the desert,

and marched the greater part of its population to Bokhara; but his

deeds contributed little to his fame or the aggrandisement of a

kingdom, which he had usurped. From the time of Shah Moorad, the male

descendants of Jengis Khan have ceased to reign in Bokhara. There are

yet some members of that family in the country who live in poverty and

contempt; and the last King of Bokhara was, I understand, related to

them by the mother’s side.

~Reign of Hyder and the present King Nussier oollah.~

Shah Moorad was succeeded by his son Hyder, commonly called Saeed,

or Pure. He converted his office more into that of a priest than a

king, and his rigid adherence to the Koran, while it has rendered him

illustrious throughout the Mahommedan world, has greatly increased

bigotry and fanaticism in the country which he governed. He viewed

his title as Commander of the Faithful in its literal sense, and

passed the greater portion of his time in endeavouring to correct and

improve the morals of his age. Had his vigils been extended to external

politics, he might have, perhaps, benefited his country; but, after

a long and useless reign of twenty-seven years, he bequeathed (A. D.

1825) to his children a disputed succession, and a kingdom that had

been insulted and encroached upon from every side. His death was the

signal of revolt and civil war among his offspring. Ameer Hoosein, his

son, was proclaimed King, and perished, after a reign of fifty days,

not without suspicion of poison, which was administered by the Koosh

Begee, or minister, who favoured the pretensions of another brother.

He was succeeded by Omar Khan, who seized the reins of government and

the capital. His elder brother, Nussier oollah, or, as he is generally

styled, Buhadoor Khan, had, however, secured the secret influence of

the Koosh Begee, (though avowedly a partisan of Omar,) and prepared to

resist his power with all determination. He seized, as a preliminary

step, on the city of Samarcand, and, marching down upon Bokhara,

possessed himself of the canals and aqueducts which supply it with

water: these he closed, and the city fell into his hands, after a siege

of fifty days; delivered to him, however, by the Koosh Begee, whom he

appointed minister. Omar was placed in confinement; but he fled from

his keepers, and, after wandering to Meshid and Balkh, died of cholera

in Kokan; from which his remains were brought for interment to Bokhara.

Nussier oollah entered on the sovereignty without further resistance.

He put thirty of his brother’s partisans to death, and ordered one of

the principal Bees, or chiefs, to be thrown from the palace-gate, the

usual mode of execution in these countries. His treatment of three

younger brothers was far less justifiable: he sent them to an estate

on the banks of the Oxus, and cruelly ordered them to be murdered,

lest they should cabal against him; and Nussier oollah himself, the

only survivor of six children, now reigns in Bokhara. How little the

practical good worked by the bigoted parent on his unhappy children!

But Nussier oollah has, in some degree (if such be possible), redeemed

himself from the foul and vicious acts by which he secured his throne:

he now rules his subjects with a just and impartial hand, and has

ceased to resort to cruelty or crime in upholding his government, since

he has had no rival in the scene. He has a young and increasing family.

CHAP. IX.

ON THE POLITICAL AND MILITARY POWER OF BOKHARA.

~Importance of the kingdom of Bokhara.~

The importance of Bokhara does not arise from the extent of its

territories, but the position in which they stand. The fame which it

enjoys as a kingdom is to be traced to the days of the Chaghtyes.

It then included all Mawur ool Nuhr, or the country _between_ the

rivers Oxus and Jaxartes, extended to Kharasm and the Caspian, and far

into Khorasan. That age of splendour has long since passed; but the

favourable site of the capital still invests it with a great influence

among the natives of Transoxiana. Situated between the richest regions

of Europe and Asia, and in a tract surrounded by steppes and deserts,

Bokhara becomes the resting place of the merchant and the traveller,

and the centre of an extensive commerce. Viewed either in a military

or political light, its situation is commanding, and in the highest

degree valuable. Blessed with an exuberance of the productions of the

soil, in a land of barrenness it arrests the attention of remote and

neighbouring nations. In former times, it attracted the cupidity of

the Greeks and the Arabian Caliphs. It was overrun by the hordes of

the North; and from it, as a base, the renowned Timour led his legions

victorious to the remote countries of Asia. In modern days, it has

received ambassadors from the emperors of China and Russia, the Sultan

of Constantinople, and the monarchs of Persia and Cabool. It likewise

holds a supremacy among the surrounding Uzbek nations, who look up

to it as the capital of their tribe, and render a voluntary, though

nominal, homage to the ruler.

~Power and character of the King.~

The King of Bokhara rules, as in other Asiatic nations, a sovereign

despot; nevertheless, he is controlled in every action by the authority

of the Moollahs, or priests. This arises from no inability on his own

part to assert his power, but from the constitution of the monarchy,

which is exclusively based on the laws of the Koran, here more strictly

enforced perhaps than in any other Mahommedan country. The reigning

King of Bokhara, Nussier oollah, or, as he is styled, Buhadoor Khan,

is a young man of twenty-seven years of age. He takes the title of

Ameer ool Moomuneen, or Commander of the Faithful, and is always

addressed by the name of Huzrut; which is only used by the Mahommedans

of Toorkistan in speaking of their prophets. The name of King is

seldom mentioned in official documents; that of Ameer is preferred,

which without the affix of “ool Momuneen,” was the title by which

Timour and his successors were designated, down to the days of Baber.

It has a religious signification, which particularly unites it to the

King of Bokhara. He looks upon himself as one of the heads of the

Mahommedan religion. A respect is, nevertheless, paid to the Sultan of

Constantinople, as he is here styled the Caliph of Rome; and the King

of Bokhara is proud to hold the title of his bow-bearer.

The reigning King succeeded to the throne seven years since. He is

naturally just and liberal, and very strict in the observances of

religion. He appears, indeed, to be gradually sinking into the bigoted

habits of his father; which the nature of his government renders it

difficult to avoid. On his accession he divested himself of all his own

and his father’s wealth; which has gained him a high reputation among

his countrymen. In all his acts he is guided by the law; and the people

pretend that his private expenses are defrayed from the capitation tax;

which he exacts from Jews and Hindoos, since it would be sinful to so

appropriate the money of true believers. He is of an ambitious and

warlike disposition, and employs his revenues in the conciliation of

his army; to whom he has endeared himself by profuse largesses.

~The Koosh Begee, or Vizier.~

His minister, the Koosh Begee, possesses great influence over him; and,

though chiefly indebted to him for his throne, the King entertains no

dread of his power. He never leaves the citadel till his Vizier is

present to take charge of it. His Majesty will not receive his food

at any other hands but those of his minister. This person is of an

advanced age; upwards of sixty. He is an Uzbek, of the tribe of Mungut,

possessed of talent and acquirements; and unremitting in his attentions

to business. He also trades to a great extent, and is fond of money,

but strictly just in levying the taxes on commerce. The high office of

Vizier may be considered hereditary in his family: his father enjoyed

it; his brothers hold two of the governments; and his sons, of whom he

has thirteen, are employed in different districts or provinces. He has

fixed on one of these as his successor. There is a great mixture of

cunning in the minister’s character; but he is a liberal-minded man,

and favourably disposed to Europeans, and, in particular, the English.

The whole wealth and power of the kingdom is at his command; since he

receives the revenues, and is able to sway the priesthood, to whom he

is ever respectful and conciliatory.

~Political condition of the Uzbeks.~

Nothing is more remarkable to a traveller in Toorkistan than the

entire want of chiefs, or Sirdars, among the people, as in India and

Cabool. Here there are no great men, no Khans, or nobles, and no one

of consequence, but the court and the priesthood. The whole of the

governments are either held by slaves or dependents of the minister;

and every town and village is ruled by the Moollahs or Khwajus, the

descendants of the first Caliphs. As the base of the government of

Bokhara is the Koran, and the whole community are, or desire to be,

considered spiritual, it will fully account for the exception in

favour of the church. That engine and the state go heart in hand in

Toorkistan, and give mutual support to each other. There is no shadow

of popular government; but still, there is no evidence of discontent

under such a system of rule, though people could not be more thoroughly

enslaved than the Uzbeks. We must attribute this universal contentment

of the community to the protection which is derived from a strict

enforcement of the laws of the Koran. That book, at best, appears but

a poor Magna Charta; yet it fixes on a settled basis the principles

of jurisprudence; which, no doubt, leads the people to consider the

clergy as their best protection against the ambitious power of the

government. Their rigid adherence to the written law entitles these

doctors to the share of gratitude which they enjoy. No measures of

state are ever entered upon without their sanction; and a great

portion of the revenues are alienated for the support of the national

religion and the colleges which teach it. The surplus revenues of the

capital are even divided after this manner; and the whole plan of

administration bears a nearer resemblance to a hierarchy than any other

government. If a murder be committed; if a robbery occur; if a dispute

arise on any subject, it is immediately referred to the priesthood,

since the King does not take upon himself to judge of the merits of a

case without them. I am assured that this system has existed at Bokhara

from the earliest ages of Mahommedanism, and is not coeval with the

invasion of the Uzbeks, though it was more firmly established in the

reign of the last King, Hyder Shah, who held his creed in bigoted

veneration. Whatever may be the opinions entertained of the religion of

Mahommed, it is productive of great advantages in the administration

of a kingdom, when its laws are rigidly enforced. The police of the

city and kingdom of Bokhara is strict and efficient: the largest bales

of goods, as I have already stated, are left in open stalls at night

without danger, and the roads of the country are free from either

robbers or thieves. The uncompromising manner in which offenders are

treated, and the summary justice inflicted upon them, instil a salutary

terror into the minds of the ill-disposed. The most trivial offences

are punished with death: fines, and imprisonment in horrid dungeons,

are also employed, but more rarely. The laws of Mahommed are as much

enforced as they ever were under his own eye; and the legislation that

united the wandering Arabs of the desert has been transferred, without

a single improvement or alteration, to a people differing in manners,

habits, and languages, and considerably advanced in some points of

civilisation.

~Revenues of Bokhara.~

The revenues of the kingdom are levied according to the same

standard--the dicta of the Koran. A merchant pays one fortieth as a tax

on his goods; a farmer renders one fourth of the harvest of his fields

to the King: but the greater part of land in the country has been

alienated for the support of the religious men and establishments; and

many of these take the higher assessment of three tenths of the crop:

nor do the husbandmen complain of this exorbitant impost. In Toorkistan

land is valued by the water which it can command; and the individual

who distributes that necessary of life into the different aqueducts

about the capital holds a high rank in the state. A money-tax is

levied on gardens, and orchards, and melon-beds. All the inhabitants of

the country, not Mahommedans, pay a capitation tax annually. In time of

war, each householder is also taxed. There is a sum of money derived

from the customs of Bokhara; but, with this single exception, the whole

revenue is raised from the land. The following is an abstract of its

amount:--

Tillas.

{ Rametun 4,000

{ Zundunee 6,000

{ Wafkund 3,000

The seven tomuns of { Wurdunzye 3,000

Bokhara { Kyrabad 4,000

{ Wangazye 6,000

{ Kizhdowun 6,000

------ 31,000

{ Sheeraz 6,000

{ Sohood 4,000

The five tomuns of { Afeenkund 6,000

Samarcand { Anhar 5,000

{ Shoudar 12,000

------ 33,000

{ Punjkund 4,000

{ Oometan 2,000

Districts under Samarcand { Pan 2,000

{ Ooroogut 6,000

{ Karratippu 2,000

------ 16,000

{ Katakoorghan 12,000

{ Kutarchee 6,000

Meeankal, or Kuta-Koorghan, { Punjshumbu 5,000

between { Meetan 4,000

Bokhara and Samarcand { Noorator 5,000

{ Engi Koorghan 6,000

{ Chulak 5,000

------ 43,000

Kermina { Kermina 12,000

{ Zoodeen 15,000

------ 27,000

Jizzak Jizzak 8,000

------ 8,000

{ Kurshee 12,000

{ Khozar 6,000

Kurshee { Sheerabuel 5,000

{ Sadabad 4,000

{ Chiraghchee 5,000

------ 32,000

{ Narazsee 5,000

Banks of the Oxus, { Kukee 4,000

called “Lubab” { Charjooee 8,000

{ Ootar 5,000

------ 22,000

Karakool Karakool 15,000

------ 15,000

City of Bokhara Bokhara 50,000

------ 50,000

-------

Grand total of tillas (or rupees 18 lacs) 277,000

-------

From Balkh the crown receives nothing; the revenue is said to have

declined with its population, and the scanty returns from it, amounting

to 20,000 tillas, are granted to the chief, Eshan Khoju, who protects

it. Both Balkh and Jizzak are late acquisitions to the kingdom. As far

as an opinion can be formed on such subjects, I am led to believe that

the net land revenue of this kingdom amounts to about thirty-six lacs

of rupees, or double that which is received into the royal treasury,

since about half the land is enjoyed by the church. All the names

mentioned in the enumeration of the revenue are market-towns or

places, except the five “tomuns” of Samarcand. These are old names.

The idea which we have of towns and villages must be received with

considerable qualification in Toorkistan. A bazar, or market-place, is

sometimes a small village, and the inhabitants, instead of living in

it, reside in “robats,” at a distance, visiting it on market-days from

a circuit of ten or fifteen miles. The bazars of the country are held

on fixed days, with great regularity, as in Europe.

~Military force, &c.~

~Spirit of the Uzbeks.~

The military force of Bokhara is levied from the different districts

of the kingdom, and has no discipline. It consists of about 20,000

horse and 4000 infantry, with forty-one pieces of artillery. There are

likewise a description of troops, called “eeljaree,” or militia, which

are formed of the dependents and servants of the government, and amount

to about 50,000 horse, 10,000 of which are from Balkh and the countries

south of the Oxus. It might be further increased by levies among the

Toorkmuns; but the services of that tribe can only be commanded by the

individual who can enforce them. This is no great number, where almost

every individual, rich and poor, has a horse of some description. These

troops are seldom or ever called upon to serve, and, when embodied,

receive no pay. The registered, or “duftur,” troops are paid in grain,

and the chiefs have assignments of land. Each soldier receives yearly

eight Bokhara maunds of grain, each of which is equal to 256 lbs.

English. It consists of wheat, barley, juwaree, and urzun. The infantry

receive the same allowances as the cavalry, and, what is singular,

they come into field on horseback, and then dismount. They arm with

matchlocks, and are called “khusa burdar.” The horsemen have swords;

sometimes long knives, and heavy spears, about twenty feet long, with a

short blade. These lances are constructed of different pieces of wood

(generally of willow), and have an unwieldy appearance; they never

break at the joinings. The Uzbeks have few fire-arms, and use them

indifferently. An Indian or an Afghan never sets out on a journey but

he bristles with arms. The Uzbek, on the other hand, contents himself

with a lance, or the knife which he usually wears in his girdle. From

what I hear, the Uzbeks are not much to be dreaded as enemies. Their

manner of fighting wants spirit and courage; they vociferate loudly,

and the fate of the advanced guard decides the conquest. They are a

superior description of irregular cavalry, but poor soldiers. The

park of cannon lies neglected in the citadel, for the Uzbeks do not

properly appreciate the value of artillery, and the King has only to

contend with horse. There are no native artillerymen, and the guns lie

separated from their carriages, which, as may be imagined, are by no

means efficient. The train could, however, be easily put in order by

some of the Russian slaves. All the cannon are brass; three-fourths of

them appeared to be small field-pieces, four and six pounders. There

are four mortars; the rest are large guns. The powder of the country is

serviceable.

~Detail of the military force.~

The following detail of the military force of the kingdom will afford

an insight into the power of the several districts, and serve also

to mark the great Uzbek tribes at present existing in the country.

The first list is composed of cavalry; I also add the names of their

chiefs, here called “Bee,” which is a Turkish word, better known in

Europe as Bey.

---------------+-------------------+-------------------+----------------

Tribes. | No. | Chiefs. | District.

---------------+-------------------+-------------------+----------------

Kongrad | 1,000 | Moorad Bee | Kurshee.

Suraee | 1,000 | Ashoor Bee. |

Yaboo | 2,000 | Md. Ameer Bee. |

Khitai | 500 | Hoosun Bee | Yargi Koorghan.

Kipchack | 500 | Mahmood Bee | Chuluk.

Surkh Khitai | 800 | Aderagood Bee Kut | Koorghan.

Kara Kilpauk | 400 | Thikeem Bee | Sheeraz.

Kur Khyooz | 500 | Shade Bee | Jizzak.

Dyakhlee | 600 | Alum Bee | Punjenud.

Meeng | 2,000 | Kut Bee | Ooloogut.

Nymun | 500 | Kalaitoksa Bee | Zeodeen.

Julaee | 400 | Roostum Bee | Punjshumbu.

Meetna | 400 | Abdoo Jubbar Bee | Meetum.

Bahreen | 500 | Kobad Bee | Katurchee.

Boorkoot | 500 | Abdoo Jubber Bee | Nooratun.

Kulloogh | 600 | Abdoo Russool Bee | Kermina.

Huzara | 300 | Abdoo Jubber Bee | Ditto.

Kutghun | 300 | Doulut Bee | { Ditto from

| | | { Koondooz.

Arabuchee | 400 | Good Md. Bee | Karakool.

Chunder | 400 | Dolmus Bee | Ditto.

Toorkmuns N. }| | | { Banks of the

of the Oxus }| 800 | Eser Bee | { Oxus.

Kalmucks | 1,000 | Rhodaee Nug | Bokhara.

Mixed tribes }| | |

of Bokhara, }| 2,000 | The King. | Bokhara.

called }| | |

“Shagird }| | |

Peshu” }| | |

Mervees | 1,000 } | Mad. Suduk Bee | Ditto.

| 500 } Persians.| Moorad Bee Meer |

| } | Akhor | Samarcand.

Zorabadee | 500 } | Lootf Ali Beg | { Zorabud, near

| | | { Kurshee.

+-------------------+ |

Grand total | 19,500 | |

---------------+-------------------+-------------------+----------------

The infantry is levied on a much smaller scale, and entirely composed

of Tajiks, or the mercantile class. They are drawn from the districts

as follows:--

Bokhara 1,000

Samarcand 1,000

Kurshee 200

Jizzak 500

Kermina 200

Kut Koorghan 100

Punjshumbu 100

Khojar 100

Sherabul 100

Karabul 100

Narazun 100

Oostee 100

Charjooee 300

-----

Grand total 3,900

-----

That portion of the troops south of the Oxus is only nominally

dependent on Bokhara; there the Uzbeks are not numerous; a great

proportion of the population, however, are Arabs, who have the same

reputation for soldiers as in other countries. They are not at the

disposal of the government. Except the territories of Balkh, from which

a force of 2000 or 3000 men might be assembled, these people cannot be

viewed as available troops, for they are at enmity with one another,

and the King takes no pains to reconcile them.

~Foreign policy of Bokhara.~

Bokhara possesses a much higher influence, both physical and moral,

than any of the states around it; but its affairs were left in a most

embarrassed state by the late King, who bestowed more attention on

religion than politics. The Khan of Orgunje or Khiva waged a continual

war with him. The Khan of Kokan was also his declared enemy. The

chiefs of Shuhr Subz and Hissar acknowledged no allegiance, and the

Meer of Koondooz plundered and even seized Balkh. The affairs of the

kingdom are at present more prosperous, and the designs and power of

the reigning King bid fair to keep pace with one another. He has this

year chastised the chief of Shuhr Subz, and seized upon six of his

villages. That town, which is famed as the birth-place of Timour, is

considered the strongest in Toorkistan, from the marshy nature of the

country which surrounds it. The power of Kokan has been also broken,

and one of its frontier districts, that of Jizzak, which formed one

half of Uratippa, has been annexed to Bokhara within these four years.

Hissar might be also overcome, though it is mountainous, since the

chief is dead, and his country has been divided among four brothers.

The most powerful enemy of the kingdom is the chief of Koondooz; and

if the city of Balkh has been wrested from him, he has conceded it to

policy, and not to fear. He retains the name of that ancient city on

his coin, and there is little amity between the states. The King of

Bokhara entertains designs on Koondooz; but the country is distant,

and it is very doubtful if he could make an impression upon it, though

his formidable title of Commander of the Faithful would secure to

Bokhara the aid of the Moollahs and a large army. The enmity of the

Khan of Khiva terminated with the death of Mahommed Ruheem Khan, the

late chief, who sent an ambassador on his death-bed to ask forgiveness.

The sons of the two parents, who were ever at war with one another,

are now united. The injuries which Khiva inflicted on the kingdom,

determines its influence over the destinies of Bokhara. With an

inferior power, the chief of that state plundered its caravans, robbed

its subjects, obstructed its commerce, and laid waste its territories.

The intervening deserts protected him from reprisal, though a vigorous

monarch might successfully invade his territories from the Oxus. If the

Khan of Khiva continues friendly, the King will be able to extend his

power to the eastward, where he has long meditated an expedition.

~With China, Cabool, and Turkey.~

The connexion of Bokhara with China, Cabool, and Turkey, is friendly;

and all of them have sent ambassadors. Last year an envoy from China

was deputed to solicit the assistance of the King, in maintaining

the peace of the western frontier of China, from the inroads of the

Khan of Kokan. His majesty wisely declined all interference, but the

chastisement which the Chinese inflicted on the inhabitants of that

state some years ago, may relieve the emperor at Pekin from any alarm

regarding his frontiers. The commercial relations between Bokhara

and China are on a footing favourable to both states; but the Uzbeks

are not permitted, more than other nations, to pass beyond Yarkund,

Cashgar, and their tributary towns. While the monarchy existed in

Cabool, the intercourse between that kingdom and Toorkistan was

friendly and frequent, for the Afghans possessed the province of Balkh.

The number of Afghans in Bokhara is considerable, and the whole Indian

trade is carried on by their intervention. There is, however, no

intercourse between the King of Bokhara and the chiefs who have risen

on the ruins of the Cabool monarchy: the Uzbeks despise the friendship

of Persia, from the hatred which they have for the heretical doctrines

entertained by that people. Their only intercourse is commercial,

and but few of them engage in trade, which is left to the Persians or

Mervees, who are of the Shiah creed. The liberality of the present

minister of Bokhara has contributed to soften the asperity of feeling

between the Persians and Uzbeks, but it is difficult to say on which

side the greatest animosity subsists. The Persians have far the

greatest cause, since they are constantly seized and sold into slavery.

The fame of the Ottoman empire has extended to Bokhara, but the people

have very imperfect notions of the weakness of the Porte. They believe

the sultan to be the most potent monarch of the globe, and I have been

frequently interrogated as to the extent of tribute which the different

European nations rendered to him. We can comprehend the reasons for

this assiduous attention of Bokhara, even on religious grounds; but

the countries are far apart, and their intercourse is limited to empty

expressions of devotion and attachment to one another.

~Connexion with Russia.~

From the time of Peter the Great, there has subsisted a continued

communication between Bokhara and Russia, and it has been based on

the reciprocal advantages of commerce. The land route between the

countries was first opened in the reign of that monarch, and, during

the last seventy years, the transit has been uninterrupted. In the

reign of Alexander, and about the year 1820, the Russians endeavoured

to cultivate a closer connexion, and despatched an embassy to Bokhara.

They had failed in the preceding year to open the road between the

Caspian and Khiva. It is but fair to believe, that some of the views

of this mission were commercial, but they were likewise connected

with political ends. The embassy was well received at the capital.

A mission was sent in return to St. Petersburgh, and several others

have since followed it. From that period, the subjects of Russia have

ceased to be sold into slavery in Bokhara; it is supposed that these

missions have had reference to the affairs of Khiva, but Russia will

require no foreign aid to coerce that chiefship. The Russians have

also established a friendly feeling with the chief of Kokan: they

have impressed the whole of the Uzbeks with high notions of their

power, to the detriment of all other European nations; but they have

yet to eradicate, by their future conduct, other opinions, which

have been as universally adopted, that they want truth and honour in

their diplomacy. Setting aside the physical obstacles which present

themselves to the Russians making a conquest of Bokhara, the people are

generally inimical to them. It is even probable that Bokhara, with all

her pretended amity, would succour Khiva, if attacked by the Czar.

Should these countries ever be subdued from that quarter, it would be

found most difficult to retain them, or control the wandering tribes

around. Regular troops would be useless, and irregulars could not

subdue a race who had no fixed places of abode. It is not, however, to

be concealed, that the court of St. Petersburgh have long cherished

designs in this quarter of Asia.

CHAP. X.

ON THE STATE OF KHIVA, OR ORGUNJE.

~Limits of the principality.~

The delta of the Oxus, or Amoo, before falling into the Aral, forms

the state of Khiva, which is more generally called Orgunje by the

inhabitants. It is the ancient Kharasm, and occurs in Arrian, under the

name of the country of the Chorasmi. It lies about 200 miles W.N.W. of

Bokhara. It is a small, but fertile principality. The inhabited part

is about 200 miles from north to south, and half that distance from

east to west. It is surrounded on all sides by deserts; and, claims

a superiority over these that extends its power to the Caspian, and

brings it into contact with Persia. It has, of late years, established

a supremacy over the Toorkmun hordes, south of the Oxus, and holds

Merve, which lies on the high road between Khorasan and Bokhara.

There are but two places of note in the country, Orgunje and Khiva;

the former is the commercial capital, and the latter the residence of

the Khan. Orgunje is situated about six miles from the Oxus, and is

the larger place, having a population of about 12,000 souls; Khiva

is a modern town, about half that size. Circumstances, which have

been detailed in my narrative, prevented our visiting the capital of

Khiva, though we travelled for some time in the countries subject to

it, and met a portion of its army in the deserts westward of Merve. I

shall only, therefore, give a brief outline of the power and politics

of Khiva, as far as they came under my own observation, or have been

detailed to me by the people. The work of General Mouravief, who was

despatched to Khiva in 1820, contains full information regarding the

statistics of that country.

~Khan of Khiva. Sketch of his rise.~

The Khan of Khiva is an Uzbek, and rules with all the sway that the

lords of that tribe arrogate to themselves. There are no chiefs or

nobles to interfere with him. Though the principality is small, it is

entirely independent; and, during the rule of the late chief, waged

a continued war against the kingdom of Bokhara. The name of that

personage was Mahommed Ruheem Khan, a man of daring spirit and great

enterprise, who acquired the chiefship by the murder of two brothers,

and retained it for a period of twenty-two years by acts of severe

justice, and perhaps cruelty. He is often upbraided by his neighbours

for his tyranny; but the principality of Khiva acquired an ascendancy

under him which it had never before held, and it is not surprising

that he was more feared than loved. He fell a victim to a malignant

disease about eight years since, and charged his family, on his

death-bed, to heal the difference with Bokhara. Before his demise, he

despatched an ambassador to the King, and solicited forgiveness for the

quarrels which he had so perseveringly promoted, and the injuries he

had inflicted on the commerce of that kingdom; since then the states

have lived in amity with one another. Ruheem Khan left a family of

six sons, the eldest of whom, Ullah Kholi, succeeded him, and is the

present Khan of Khiva. He is about forty years of age, and a much

milder man than his father. He lives in great concord with the other

members of his family, and still preserves all the power which his

parent had acquired.

~Power and military strength of Khiva.~

The injuries which the Khivans have inflicted on the neighbouring

countries have given them a greater importance than they deserve, for

at best they are but an organised banditti, protected by the natural

strength of their country. The situation of Khiva, between Russia and

Bokhara, makes it the entrepôt of commerce between these kingdoms,

which extends its influence. Orgunje itself has no internal trade, and

is thinly peopled. It is doubtful if the population amounts to 200,000

souls. Till the time of Ruheem Khan, it was considered a dependency

of Bokhara; but there is no proof of its allegiance being other than

nominal. The Khan can raise a force of 10,000 men, and has a park of

nine pieces of ordnance. His troops are either Uzbeks or Toorkmuns,

who are armed in the same manner as the levies in Bokhara: some of the

latter carry bows and arrows. The great object of the Khan of Khiva

is to subdue the Toorkmun tribes between his territories and Persia,

as well to increase his revenue as his power. The position of Khiva

has enabled him to exert a greater influence over these wanderers than

either Persia or Bokhara; who are thus set at defiance by a body of

robbers, holding an oäsis in the desert. In the summer of 1832, the

Khan of Orgunje marched his whole military force from Khiva to Merve,

and levied contributions on the Tuka, the greatest of the Toorkmun

tribes. He fixed a custom-house both there and at Shurukhs, a town

held by the Toorkmun tribe of Salore, which is within three marches

of Meshid, in Persia; and he now levies duties on the caravans which

pass both these places. This advance of the Orgunje army is creditable

to the military genius of the Khan. The journey from Khiva to Merve

amounts to fifteen marches, and is almost destitute of water, which he

procured by digging wells at every stage as he advanced. He commanded

in person, and gave out that he had taken the field to resist the

Persians, under Abbas Mirza, who threatened him from Meshid. He was

accompanied by a vast herd of camels, bearing water and provisions for

his troops. About 2000 of these perished from thirst in the steppe. His

father surpassed him in this achievement, since he entirely crossed

this desert to Persia; he, however, lost the greater portion of his

horses in the undertaking, and was compelled to leave his guns in the

sand, where one of them still remains.

~Predatory habits of the Khivans. Revenues.~

The chiefs of Khiva have not generally aimed at such combined attacks

as here represented, but confined themselves to a marauding life;

they continually send detachments to plunder in Persia, and seize the

inhabitants. The Khan receives a fifth of all the booty so captured.

The power of Khiva over the Toorkmuns gives them great facility in

these forays, which are conducted with great success. They also seize

upon the subjects of Russia on the Caspian Sea; and both Persians and

Russians are sold in this country as slaves. They supply the kingdom of

Bokhara, and the whole of Toorkistan, with these Persian captives; and

I have it on undoubted information, that there are about 2000 Russian

slaves in Khiva. It is impossible to give any estimate of the number

of Persians, but both nations are on the increase. The Russians are now

not sold out of Khiva, as the King of Bokhara entered into an agreement

with the emperor to discourage their purchase in his territories. While

the Khivans are thus robbing in every direction, they yet grant a

protection to the caravans that pass their territories, on the payment

of fixed duties.

Hindoos and Armenians pass through Khiva, but neither they nor foreign

merchants, though Mahommedans, feel at ease while in the country. The

bales are opened, the caravans are delayed, and much property has been

at times extorted; where the chief sets the example of plunder, the

people will not be very honest. The Khan demands duties at the port

of Mangusluck, on the Caspian, which lies opposite Astracan, and he

sometimes enforces them from the caravans which pass the Sir, or Sihon,

eastward of the Aral.

The connexion between the Khan and the Russians, regarding the

improvement of trade, is mentioned in the chapter that treats on

commerce. It is impossible to form any but a vague estimate of the

revenue of Khiva: little of it is derived from lawful sources, and

the Khan supports his army and himself chiefly at the expense of his

neighbours.

~Affairs of Khiva and Russia.~

The affairs of Khiva have excited considerable attention in the Russian

cabinet, which has attempted, without success, to form a connexion with

it, as well for the advancement of commercial ends, as the suppression

of the odious practice of enslaving her subjects. There is great

hostility to Russia in the minds of the Khivans, and it would be most

dangerous to appear in the character of a Russian in their country; but

the Khan is only able to exhibit this hostile feeling from the strength

of his position.

CHAP. XI.

ON THE NORTH-EASTERN FRONTIERS OF PERSIA, AND THE COUNTRY OF THE

KOORDS AND TOORKMUNS.

~Extent of Persian power over the Toorkmuns.~

It will now be necessary to give a short sketch of those Toorkmun

tribes east of the Caspian Sea which lie on and beyond the

north-eastern frontier of Persia.

Their country has been partly described in the chapter on Toorkmania;

and various incidents illustrative of their national character occur

in the narrative of our journey. They stretch from Balkh to the

Caspian, and are composed of predatory hordes, with no king, and a

most imperfect government to control them. The only portion which owe

allegiance to the crown of Persia are the tribes of Goklan and Yamood,

the least powerful of all the Toorkmuns.

They occupy the south-eastern banks of the Caspian, having their

country westward bounded by the rivers Goorgan and Atruk, and extending

about 140 miles eastward of that sea. The Yamoods are farthest to the

westward, and consist of 20,000 families. They are succeeded by the

Goklans, who amount to 9000 families; the only tribe of Toorkmuns who

inhabit a hilly country. These two tribes have been reduced to their

present state of dependence within the last thirty years. A guard of

about 1000 of them attends on the King of Persia, but the rest of the

tribe occupy their native seats, and pay a small tribute in horses or

kind to a Persian Governor, who is stationed on the river Goorgan.

~Koord and other chiefs of the Persian frontier.~

The country which lies between these Toorkmuns and the city of Meshid

is occupied by the tribe of Koords and other chiefs, who are nominally

subjects of Persia. They acknowledge the supremacy of that crown, but

commit every act of devastation and plunder, if not restrained by

superior force. The Koords were fixed in this part of Persia by Shah

Abbas, to strengthen the frontier; but they have proved a complete

curse on its peace. The greatest of these chiefs held the fortress of

Koochan (also called Kabooshan), and had a force of 8000 men. This

place was captured by Abbas Meerza in the autumn of 1832. Near Koochan

is the smaller chiefship of Boojnoord, ruled by a Koord, who can raise

about 3000 horse. In this neighbourhood lies Kelat, the chief of which

is an Afshar Toork, who can muster about 2000 horse. Next in importance

to the chief of Koochan is he of Toorbut, Mahommed Khan Kuraee[38],

who occupies a portion of the country between Meshid and Herat. He can

raise about 6000 men, and is the most notorious freebooter in Khorasan.

About eighty miles eastward of Meshid lies the town of Shurukhs, a

Toorkmun settlement, already mentioned as at present owing allegiance

to Khiva. It submits to Persia, when the Prince at Meshid is able to

enforce his commands. There are 2000 families at Shurukhs of the Salore

tribe. This completes the enumeration of the chiefs on the boundaries

of Persia.

~Weakness of the Persian frontier.~

This frontier of Persia must be considered exceedingly weak, since the

whole of these tribes are imperfectly subjugated, and acknowledge its

authority with extreme reluctance. The Toorkmuns view the Persians in

the most odious light, from their religious opinions; and the only real

advantage which the Shah may be said to have gained over the two tribes

near Persia consists in their having discontinued their incursions into

the kingdom. This only applies to a very small division of them, for

the Salores of Shurukhs, and all the other Toorkmuns, carry on their

inroads with a fierce and daring spirit. Their brethren, even on the

S.E. shores of the Caspian, frequently exhibit proofs of discontent,

and have, as I formerly observed, formed connexions with Russia, that

time may improve to the advantage of themselves and that empire. They

are not bound by the possession of houses and cities to the lands which

they inhabit, and their strength lies in the great facility with which

they can move from one country to another. The Koords, on the contrary,

are established on these frontiers as citizens. They have exhibited

much bravery, and considerable military knowledge in making their

strongholds on the plains instead of the hills. The fortress of Koochan

is a place of great strength; it is built of mud, and the tenacious

nature of the soil is favourable to that kind of fortification, which

is common all over Khorasan. These Koords, though Shiahs, form secret

connexions with their Toorkmun neighbours, and connive at the capture

of the Persians and plunder of the provinces. Their country, although

it yields a sufficiency for the consumption of the people, is poor.

It does not, therefore, hold out any allurement to the government to

retain it; and, since it possesses many strongholds, the chiefs, who

are generally in rebellion, can defy every force but an extraordinary

one, such as has lately been sent to attack them. Hitherto they have

parried off such attacks, by giving tribute, and promising future

allegiance; but no sooner have the troops retired, than they have

relapsed into the old state of rebellion and defiance. Nor is it likely

that the present expedition of the Prince Royal into Khorasan, though

much more formidable than any that has preceded it, will effect any

permanent settlement of that part of Persia. Khorasan is a province

which requires the presence of a foreign force to maintain its

tranquillity; but it does not yield revenues to defray the expenses

that would be incurred by such an arrangement. This is a line of policy

that will not, therefore, be pursued by a court like Persia, which does

not lay out the revenues of one province on another.

Travels Into Bokhara (Volume 2 of 3) Being the Account of A Journey from India to Cabool, Tartary, and Persia; Also, Narrative of a Voyage on the Indus, From the Sea to Lahore, With Presents From the King of Great Britain; Performed Under the Orders of the Supreme Government of India, in the Years 1831, 1832, and 1833 · 第 15 / 17 章