ON THE PUNJAB, AS RULED BY RUNJEET SING.
~Limits of the Punjab. Identity of the country as described by the
Greeks.~
There are few countries on the globe defined by limits both natural and
political like the Punjab. Northward, it is terminated by the Hemilaya
Mountains; westward, by the Indus or Sinde, which is also the boundary
of Hindostan to the ocean; and on the east and south it has the river
Sutlege, with four kindred streams, that water the country, and affix
to it the name of Punjab.
The following are the accurate words of the historians of Alexander,
who traversed this territory:--“The greater part of this country is
level and champaign; which is occasioned chiefly, as some suppose, by
the rivers washing down quantities of mud during their overflowings,
insomuch that many countries have borrowed their very names from the
rivers which pass through them.” In the name of Punjab, or five rivers,
by which this country is familiarly known in our own times, how strong
is the verification! How much stronger is it, when we add, that three
of the intervening tracts between these rivers have their designation
in a compound word, that includes a syllable of the name in either
river!
It is not necessary to dwell with minuteness on the physical
peculiarities of this country, nor to mention in detail the various
revolutions which have placed it under the dominion of one ruler. I
shall endeavour to describe the existing condition of this kingdom, and
its power as a state, together with the nature and character of its
people, and its resources and strength; taking also a view of the moral
and religious causes that have contributed to its rise, as well as the
influence it exercises on the adjacent countries.
~Rise of the Seik power.~
It is well known that, about the middle of the fifteenth century, a
Hindoo priest, named Baba Nanuk, desiring to wash away the corruptions
of his faith, founded a sect named Seik, over which his successors
were prophesied to maintain a religious supremacy for ten generations.
The pride of the tenth priest, named Govind Sing, raised a desire for
temporal as well as spiritual power; and, since he could no longer
perpetuate his name by a successor, he blended the cause of war
with that of religion, and stirred up in his flock the ambition for
worldly distinction. From that period we meet the Seiks, now called
“Khalsa,” or “Sings,” as a fierce and formidable body, gradually
rising in importance, till they at last resist the more hardy nations
of the west. Yet, so late as the beginning of this century, we find
them without a ruler, though in these days existing in the form of a
settled monarchy. There is nothing very remarkable in this gradual
developement of their power; but we cannot withhold our applause from
the just predictions of an enterprising traveller (Mr. Forster), who
thus expresses himself in the year 1783:--“Should any future cause call
forth the combined efforts of the Sicques to maintain the existence of
empire and religion, we may see some ambitious chief, led on by his
genius and success, absorbing the power of his associates, display,
from the ruins of their commonwealth, the standard of monarchy.” (Vol.
I. p. 295.) This passage was penned about the time of Runjeet Sing’s
birth; and the exploits of that prince have amply verified the sagacity
of the historian.
~State of the government of the Punjab.~
The dominions of Maharaja Runjeet Sing assumed a consolidated state at
an early period, from a chain of circumstances over which he himself
had little control, but by which he has not failed to profit. On the
east and south, his encroachments were opposed by the British; on the
west, he could subdue, but he could not maintain, the countries beyond
the Indus. To the north, his passage was opposed by snowy mountains;
and he has prudently contented himself by only seeking Cashmeer, and
the other rich valleys which the lower hills inclose. In a territory
thus compactly situated, he has applied himself to those improvements
which spring only from great minds; and here we find despotism without
its rigours, a despot without cruelty, and a system of government
far beyond the native institutions of the East, though far from the
civilisation of Europe. In a country which has been subdued by an
irregular force, with a due mixture of artifice and courage in the
commander, we have the conquest maintained by disciplined armies under
European leaders, and a general distribution of property among the
chiefs, sufficient to uphold the national manners, without endangering
the safety of the government.
~Its decline.~
It is too evident, however, that these improvements have taken no
root in the minds of the people, and that the tone of them has its
termination even in the precincts of the Court. Nor is it less true,
that the disposition of the master mind to cherish these invaluable
institutions declines with his advancing years, and that he bids fair
to efface them with the transient glory of his reign. A well-stored
treasury, with an army in arrears and clamouring for pay, increasing
duties on the merchant and trader, exorbitant taxes on the husbandman,
with embezzlement of the public revenues, and a general corruption
in the higher officers of the state, are not symptoms favourable to
the durability of a government. Yet the endurance of the people in an
Asiatic kingdom, depends more on the power of the prince, than the
inclinations of the community; and while the ruler wastes not his
treasures in reckless extravagance, and is possessed of a mind beyond
his age, we may safely reckon on the stability of the power during his
natural life. It appears to me that Runjeet Sing, in his career, will
have raised, formed, and destroyed a government.
~Influence of the chiefs.~
The influence of the Sirdars, or chiefs of the Punjab, has decreased
in proportion to the supremacy of the ruler. The power of most of
the members of the original Seik confederacy has been subverted or
neutralised; and the Maharaja has surrounded his person and filled
their places by minions of his own, whose fortune, more than their
merits, has led to their promotion. The Jemadar Khooshal Sing, and the
three Rajas and brothers of Jummoo, Dihan, Ghoolab, and Soojait Sing,
are strong instances in point. The first of these individuals once
figured as a Hindoo, and in the humble capacity of a cook to a private
soldier. He is now a Seik, and a great commander. The others, though
of less obscure origin, are descended from a Rajpoot of some small
patrimony in the Lower Hemilaya. These individuals now form a social
band in the Court of Runjeet Sing, whose favours they have bountifully
reaped. None of them possess talent; and, with one exception, they are
ignorant of the first rudiments of education. It is not to be supposed
that such men have any great influence with such a ruler; yet they
have managed to instil that belief into the minds of the people; and
make every use of their supposed influence, to fill their coffers,
and nourish the arts of corruption. The elder brother, Ghoolab Sing
(who can read), manages the salt monopoly, and a large portion of the
territory towards the Jelum. He is a cruel and tyrannical man. Dihan
Sing exercises his arts in the Court; while his brother enacts his part
abroad, but he is devoted to the interests of his master, and is said
to be a good man. He is now fortifying his native home, in the vicinity
of Bimbur, which he has strengthened by guns taken from Lahore,--a
fact which no one discloses to the Maharaja. The favourite judiciously
prepares for a future time, when the tenure of his possessions will be
weakened with the loss of his patron. The son of Dihan Sing, a boy of
nine years, is the only individual, besides a sons and two priests,
who is permitted to sit on a chair in Runjeet Sing’s Durbar. It may be
imagined, that such a long line of innovation has not been effected
without exciting the jealousy, perhaps envy, of the old Seik chieftains.
~People.~
From the Sirdars, our attention is naturally directed to the Seik
people; and, if we find a hollowness and decay in the former, we have
here a healthy and vigorous body. The inhabitants are a robust and
athletic race, of sinewy limbs and tall stature. The genuine Khalsa, or
Sing, knows no occupation but war and agriculture, and he more affects
the one than the other. No race of people could have been better
constituted to firmly uphold their government; and, with ambition and
patriotism (if I can use the word) equal to their power, they are a
sufficiently numerous body to defend it. Their ascendency as a nation
continues to increase, the numerical strength of the tribe; and,
actuated in the common cause by common principles, they are certainly
a powerful people. It is not to be doubted that the head of the Seik
church, the Bedee, or Sahib Sing, might yet frustrate the designs of
any ruler, and, by a crusade in behalf of this religion, overthrow the
best laid designs of an ambitious prince. Runjeet Sing is aware of this
influence, and, with but little religion, takes care to enlist the
church in his cause, by constantly receiving two of its priests with
distinction and confidence. Yet the Seiks are a most tolerant nation,
and evince a merciful consideration in the differences of religion,
that forms a bright contrast to their Mahommedan neighbours. It is
with distrust that I attempt an enumeration of the people subject to
the Punjab; but I am informed that the Khalsa or Seik population does
not exceed 500,000 souls, and the remainder is composed of Seiks,
Mahommedans, and Hindoo Juts, who may amount to 3,000,000.
~Military strength of the Punjab.~
With such materials, it may be imagined that there is little difficulty
in forming an efficient army; and that of Runjeet Sing amounts to
about 75,000 men. Of these, 25,000 consist of regular infantry, drilled
as Europeans, fully equal to the troops of the Indian army. Their
discipline might be improved by increasing the power of the native
officers, and removing a just ground of discontent, which arises from
giving different pay to individuals of the same rank, according to the
caprice of the ruler. Without commissions, these men do not possess
a respect for themselves, nor are they respected by their soldiers.
The regular cavalry and artillery may be reckoned at 5000, with 150
guns; and the irregular troops, which are all cavalry, fall little
short of 50,000. These are denominated “Ghorchuras,”--which simply
means horsemen,--and are paid by assignments of land, in return for
their military service. A regular muster of these forces is exacted,
with a few favoured exceptions; and, as a native soldiery, they are an
efficient, well-mounted, and serviceable body. Their superiority is
said to consist in being easily rallied; while their neighbours, the
Afghans, terminate a battle with the first discomfiture. The pay of
the regular troops is superior to that of the Company’s army; they are
clothed by the state; and the Seik portion live in messes, which are
supplied by government, at a deduction of two rupees a month for each
man. For some years past the army has been irregularly paid, and their
affections have been alienated from their prince; but the Seiks make
good soldiers, and are inured to long marches and every fatigue. This
inattention on the part of Runjeet Sing to his army is traced by the
soldiers themselves, and perhaps with truth, to his growing friendship
with the British Government; but may be yet explained by the increasing
avarice of age. If some change for the better does not take place in
this branch of his economy, we shall either find the regular force of
the Punjab in a state of mutiny, or greatly diminished; nor do I hazard
the opinion unadvisedly.
~Revenues and resources.~
The productions of the Punjab, together with the nature of its
population, are favourable to its separate existence as a government.
The nett revenue of the country amounts to about two and a half
crores of rupees per annum. Of this sum, thirty-one lacs are derived
from Cashmeer, exclusive of ten expended in its defence; but that
province forms a kingdom of itself, and could yield double the amount.
An individual, who lately held Cashmeer for three years, and paid
his thirty-one lacs regularly, was found to have carried upwards of
thirty lacs of rupees out of the country in goods and money, the whole
of which have been confiscated; but his successors in office, some
Cashmeer Pundits, are said to have rivalled in the following year this
extensive peculator. The plains of the Punjab, which are diagonally
intersected by so many rivers, might be successfully irrigated from
canals; as is proved by the existence of some, and the remains of
others, which are the work of the Emperors, in the eastern portion of
the country. The land is not less fruitful in the munitions of war,
than in corn and money. It abounds in horses, mules, and camels. The
Dunnee horse, found between the Jelum (Hydaspes) and Indus, is well
known, but no attention is paid to rearing it; and from the horses of
Runjeet Sing’s regular cavalry, one could not imagine that his country
produced that noble animal. The mules from the banks of the Jelum are
strong, and capable of bearing great burdens; while the camels on the
southern parts of the Punjab are equally serviceable. The cattle are
small and ill-conditioned, but numerous. The rude structure of boats on
the rivers of the Punjab does not indicate that it ever carried on an
inland trade by water to any extent; but these rivers, though all of
them be fordable (even the Indus) in the dry season, form so many lines
of routes to commerce and an army. The craft on them are not numerous,
and little wood is produced in the plain; but the rains yearly wash
down trees from the mountains to increase their number, or construct
bridges across them. We can readily discover the capabilities of the
Punjab, not only to support its own army, but that of another country;
and an enemy, whether native or European, if defeated in the plains,
might defy, in the valley of Cashmere, every attempt at subjection,
since it could subsist without foreign aid, in a natural fortress,
abounding in resource, that might be rendered impregnable.
~Foreign policy of Runjeet Sing.~
The influence of Runjeet Sing’s power is felt on all sides of his
kingdom; and his policy seems to consist in exciting as much as
possible the angry feelings of one neighbour towards another. As
regards the British Government, he may be considered a most friendly
ally, for his distrust has disappeared in the strict and continued
preservation of our treaties. It is not to be doubted that he was long
unable to appreciate the disposition of his formidable neighbours,
and that his court formed a nucleus to the disaffected so late as the
fall of Bhurtpore; but his better judgment always guided him, and, in
later years, his experience has been aided by a few intelligent and
enlightened French officers, who have schooled him in a knowledge of
the European character and the British policy. The Maharaja is entitled
to every praise for the extreme prudence which has guided his actions.
Nothing is more improbable than a violation of friendship on his part;
and we may rest assured, that his acumen and intimate knowledge of
mankind will retain him as our faithful friend and ally. The advantages
which he has derived from the good understanding with the British
Government are not inconsiderable: he has been able to remove his
troops from that frontier, and reduce their number; and he now employs
them, and the name of his all-powerful neighbours, in perfecting his
other designs.
~With the Khan of Bhawulpoor.~
With his neighbour on the south, the Khan of Bhawulpoor, his
demonstrations of hostility have been more evident; and the whole of
the territories of that petty state lying north of the Sutledge have
been this year (1832) seized by the Seiks. The territories south of
that river would long ere this have shared a similar fate, did not such
a step infringe the treaty with the British Government. It is but just
to remark, that the Khan held these lands as a tributary to Lahore,
and that his arrears had not been paid; yet he was secretly encouraged
by the highest officers of Runjeet Sing’s government to withhold the
amount from a French officer being sent to collect it. This chief has
now forfeited his paternal estates, as well as the farm of Dera Ghazee
Khan, across the Indus, for both of which he paid about six lacs of
rupees per annum. There is little cordiality between the Punjab and
Sindian Governments; and if the Maharaja is prevented from attacking
the Ameers of Sinde, it is more from this remote position than his want
of inclination. It is certain that Runjeet Sing entertains designs
against Shikarpoor, in which he has been encouraged by some chiefs
on the right bank of the Indus; but it is very questionable if he
will ever mature his plans. He has, however, succeeded in exciting
suspicion, and raising dissension among the chiefs of Sinde; and it is
a matter of little doubt that, if he assembled his army at Mooltan, the
country about Shikarpoor would fall a prey to the disciplined valour of
the Seiks in one campaign.
~With the countries west of the Indus.~
To the westward, Runjeet Sing has prudently bounded his territories
by the Indus: his troops have frequently passed that grand barrier of
Hindoostan; the city of Peshawur has been in their hands, and the Seiks
might have marched to Cabool, but their ruler has contented himself
with the forts on either side of the great ferry at Attok. Though the
Afghan nation is without a head, that people are not without power;
and such is their bigotry and hatred to the Seiks, that it would be
impossible for them to retain the country, which they have so often
overrun, without a large armed force. Runjeet Sing derives a yearly
tribute of some horses and rice from Peshawur and the surrounding
districts, and he holds a son of the chief as a hostage at Lahore;
yet that country is far from settled, and the allegiance is most
unwillingly paid. He, however, works on the fears of the Dooranees,
by keeping up negotiations with two of their ex-kings, one of whom is
his pensioner at Lahore. The Seiks are deterred from pushing their
conquests beyond the Indus by a prediction in their Holy Book, or
“Grinth,” that foretells a bloody conflict in the neighbourhood of
Ghuzni and Cabool. The territory of Dera Ghazee Khan, which lies lower
down the Indus, forms an exception to this line of policy; but it has
been farmed to a Mahommedan chief since its conquest; and now that
it is held immediately subject to Lahore, five regiments of regular
infantry are cantoned in the country. The cupidity of the Maharaja has
been excited by the prospect of an increased revenue; and he may also
rejoice in the means of employing so large a division of his army. He
lately made a pretended offer of this farm to one of the Sinde Ameers,
much to the displeasure of the other chiefs.
~With the hill states.~
There is no frontier of the Punjab that bears the yoke of the Seiks so
unwillingly as the hill states that form its northern boundary. They
were formerly ruled by a tribe of Rajpoots, converted to Mahommedanism,
who retained the Hindoo title of Raja. I have not visited that portion
of the country, but am informed that the people entertain a respect
for their former Rajas bordering on veneration. Most of these have
been displaced: those of Rajour and Bimbur (two of the principal
states) are now confined in chains at Lahore. The country of both,
even to the verge of Cashmere, has been transferred to the trio of
Rajpoot brothers, for whom it will become a safe resting-place on a
revolution of the government. The whole line of hills from the Sutledge
to the Indus has been subdued by the Seiks, and either pays tribute,
or is held directly subject to their government. The strength of
the fastnesses in such mountains is very great, and the people have
a tradition, that the fortress of Kumla, in Mundee, has never been
captured by an army: that of Kot Kangra, to the eastward, which is
surrounded by the Beas on three sides, is also described as impregnable.
~General character of Runjeet Sing’s government.~
With many defects, Runjeet Sing’s government is most vigorous, and
well consolidated for a native state. The failings in it partake of
the country and its customs; but its virtues (and it certainly has
some) belong to a higher scale of civilisation. The greatest blemish
in the character of the ruler himself may be found in his universal
distrust of those around him; but he only shares this quality in common
with his countrymen. To such an extent is this feeling carried, that
none of the French officers are ever intrusted with a gun, and the
different gates of Attok, and other important fortresses, are confided
to separate individuals, who command independent of one another.
Cunning is the chief weapon in the politics of Runjeet Sing, and he
uses it at all times. Little addicted to speaking truth, and less
given to the performance than the making of promises, he yet rules
with an unprecedented moderation for an Indian prince. Few men, with
such despotic power, have ever used it so mildly; and when we remember
that he is without education, our estimate of his character must rise
with the reflection, that he never sheds the blood of his subjects,
and even spares the lives, (though not the persons,) of those who have
perpetrated the blackest deeds. Runjeet Sing has now lost much of
his personal activity; yet he manages all the concerns of his state,
from matters of the highest importance to the merest trifle, without
a minister, and without advice. With a frame enfeebled by age and
premature decay, the pleasures of the world have long since palled
upon this man; and though he still retains the full exercise of his
faculties, his ambitious views seem to have departed with the inability
to command and conquer in person.
~Its probable termination.~
Since the demise of such a man is fraught with much political
importance, and his infirmities and habits hold out but faint hopes
of longevity, we turn, with increased interest, to speculate on the
probable termination of this kingdom. Nature has implanted in the
breast of man, and, perhaps, more strongly in that of a king, a desire
of transmitting his patrimony and his power to his children; but the
character of Kurruck Sing, Runjeet’s only son, who has attained his
thirtieth year, can hold out no hope to the father of his being able
to follow his footsteps, even at the remotest distance. With a cast
of features resembling his parent in a most striking degree, ends all
comparison between them. He is imbecile, illiterate, and inanimate.
With few favourites or enemies, he takes no share in the politics of
the state, and conciliates no party which may avail him in the hour
of difficulty. The blighted hopes of the father in so degenerate an
offspring, may have rendered him indifferent and regardless to the
increasing prosperity of his kingdom: but there is also a grandson,
Noor Nihal Sing, who has attained the age of ten years. Besides
Kurruck Sing, there are two adopted sons, and one of them, Shere Sing,
now about twenty-six, is unquestionably the most rising person in the
Punjab. To a commanding mien, and a disposition the most generous, he
has already added the reputation of a brave and frank soldier. He has
dissipated his treasures in riot and luxury; but he has been gaining
the good opinion of the people, in particular the soldiery, to whom he
has endeared himself by many sacrifices. His talents and acquirements
(for a Seik) are said to be respectable; and, while he has obtained
the esteem of the chiefs, he has equally secured the friendly offices
of the French gentlemen in his father’s service. He now holds the
government of Cashmere; and if he retains that important post on the
demise of the Maharaja, he may be inducted, without much difficulty,
into the extensive realm of his father. But it is to be remembered that
he is a spurious child, and, with many friends, he has some enemies,
and will have to contend with the legitimate son, and, perhaps, the
treasures of his adopted father. It is believed by the people that
Runjeet Sing might bequeath his government to any favourite, with
a hope of its continuing permanent; but I cannot, for my own part,
subscribe to the opinion. If Shere Sing does not secure a supremacy,
this kingdom will probably relapse into its former state of anarchy
and small republics; or be reduced to subjection by some neighbouring
power.
CHAP. II.
SKETCH OF EVENTS IN AFGHANISTAN SINCE THE YEAR 1809.
~Introductory sketch.~
Before entering upon the affairs of Cabool, it becomes necessary that
I should first touch on the events which have happened in that kingdom
since the year 1809, when Mr. Elphinstone closed his history.
During that period the monarchy has been totally dismembered; the
provinces have either declared themselves independent under different
chiefs, or been seized by the Seiks. Two of the kings of Cabool live
as exiles in a foreign land; and of the extensive empire of Ahmed Shah
Dooranee, the city of Herat alone remains in the possession of his
descendants. This speedy dissolution of a power which was so formidable
merits attention, since these political changes, in a country which
borders on British India, may ultimately influence her destinies.
~Shah Shooja deposed.~
Shah Shooja ool Moolk lost his throne on the field at Neemla in the
year 1809, immediately after the British mission recrossed the Indus.
His power had been gradually declining since the fall of his Vizier,
and the murder of his comrade, the Meer Waeez. He had failed to
conciliate the chief of the great house of Barukzye Futteh Khan, who
espoused the cause of his brother Mahmood, and eventually placed him
on the throne of Cabool. Never was the fortune of war more capricious
than on this occasion. Shooja took the field with a well-appointed
army of about 15,000 men: his Vizier, Akram Khan, was slain, and he
was defeated by a force of 2000 men, headed by Futteh Khan. The troops
of the King had not formed; and the rebels, led on by an experienced
general, gained a complete victory on most disadvantageous ground.
Shooja fled, with precipitation, to the Kyber country, leaving the
greater portion of his jewels and treasure on the field, where they
became the spoil of the victors. He made an attempt to regain his crown
at Candahar, four months after his defeat; but, like all his succeeding
endeavours, it proved unsuccessful.
~Elevation of Mahmood to the throne of Cabool.~
Immediately the day had been decided, Mahmood mounted the elephant
which had been caparisoned for Shooja, and the trumpets once more
proclaimed him king. So great was the confusion in the camp, that many
were ignorant of the result of the battle till this proclamation. The
nobles and commanders of Mahmood then tendered their allegiance to him,
and many of the court of Shooja did homage on the same occasion. Futteh
Khan was promoted to the high rank of Vizier to the empire, which his
services had so amply merited; and the whole of the Afghan country,
with the exception of Cashmere, submitted to the dominion of Shah
Mahmood. Mahmood submitted himself, without reserve, to the influence
of his minister, whose conduct, added to his own dissolute character,
held out no hopes of tranquillity or good government. Factions sprang
up at the court, headed by the Prince Kamran, who was jealous of the
power which the Vizier had acquired over his father.
~Capture of Cashmere.~
~League with the Seiks.~
The first object of the Government was the reduction of Cashmere. That
province was held by Atta Mahommed Khan, a son of Shooja’s Vizier, who
had hitherto succeeded in repelling the attacks even of the late king.
Futteh Khan, in this difficulty, applied for the aid of the Seiks,
and a passage for his troops into the valley, by way of the Punjab.
In return for these favours, he promised to set aside nine lacs of
rupees of the revenue of Cashmere to the ruler of the Seiks, Runjeet
Sing. That potentate and the Vizier had an interview at Jelum, on the
banks of the Hydaspes. Futteh Khan was accompanied by the whole of his
brothers, eighteen in number, who stood during the ceremony. Some of
them strongly advised the assassination of the King of the Seiks; and
one of them is said to have tendered his services by a sign during the
meeting. It did not, however, enter into the policy of Futteh Khan.
The interview terminated by the army marching on Cashmere, reinforced
by 10,000 Seiks, commanded by Mokum-chund. The Dooranees took the
route of Beembur, and, crossing the Peer-Punjal hills, subdued the
valley without opposition, and before the Seiks arrived. This happened
in the year 1811. The Governor of Cashmere, after being blockaded in
the citadel for a few days, surrendered himself, and was treated with
distinction. The eldest brother of the Vizier, Mahommed Azeem Khan, was
now appointed Governor of Cashmere.
~Rupture with the Seiks, and loss of Attok.~
When the valley had been subdued, the minister discovered no anxiety
to fulfil his engagement towards his Seik allies, who left the country
in disgust. At this time, the ruler of the Punjab received secret
overtures from the Commandant at Attok, for the cession of that
fortress. It was held by a brother of the ex-Governor of Cashmere, and
the offer was at once accepted. Runjeet Sing acquired this valuable
possession at the small sacrifice of a lac of rupees, and prepared
to defend his new acquisition. These events aroused the attention of
Futteh Khan, who quitted Cashmere with all expedition, and marched on
Attok. He found the Seik army encamped on the plains of Chuch, about
two miles from the fort: the heat of the season was oppressive, and
the Seiks had both the advantage of position and water. The Vizier had
a contempt for his opponents. The conflict commenced by the advance
of his brother Dost Mahommed Khan, who headed a body of 2000 Afghans,
and captured the whole of the Seik artillery. He had dismounted two of
their guns, and was proceeding to improve his victory, when he found
that he was without support, and that the whole of his brother’s army
had fled. On the attack of Dost Mahommed Khan, some evil disposed
persons brought a report to the Vizier, that he had been made prisoner,
with the whole of his division; and an equally treacherous intimation
was conveyed to Dost Mahommed Khan, that his brother had fallen. It
only remained for him to retreat, which he effected with honour; and
crossed the Indus, previously burning some of his camp equipage, but
leaving the greater portion to be plundered by the Seiks. Since this
disaster on the plains of Chuch, the power of the Afghans has ceased on
the eastern side of the Indus, and that country has been ever since
annexed to the dominions of Runjeet Sing.
~Battle with the Persians.~
The energies of the Vizier were soon called for in an opposite
direction, as the King of Persia had demanded a tribute from Herat,
the western province of the kingdom. The Government of that city was
held by a brother of the King, named Hajee Feroz, who was requested to
treat the demand with scorn; and the Vizier marched a force in that
direction to oppose the Persians. On reaching Herat, Futteh Khan made
himself at once master of the person of the Governor, though a brother
of his sovereign, and not only extracted the whole of his wealth from
him, but violated his harem on searching for it. He then seized Herat,
and made every preparation for meeting the Persians, who advanced under
Hoosein Ali Meerza, a son of the King. A battle ensued, which was
undecisive. The Persians certainly fled, but the Afghans also left the
field, and their victory, with the greatest precipitation. The Vizier
was struck by a spent ball in the face, and fell on his horse’s neck.
On seeing this, his troops became disheartened, and fled. The Vizier,
however, reaped the full harvest of the campaign, since he refused
the tribute which Persia had demanded, and beat off the army that had
come to enforce it. He also strengthened the western frontier of the
kingdom, by seizing the Governor of Herat, who, though he professed
every allegiance to his brother Mahmood, was at best a dubious friend.
By this war, however, the garrison in Cashmere was much weakened, since
he drew levies from it, which in the end proved most injurious to the
interests of Mahmood in that part of his kingdom.
~Seizure of the Vizier.~
The reign of Mahmood had thus far proceeded, with a success which the
most sanguine of his partisans could scarcely have expected: he was
restored to a throne which, to all appearance, had passed into other
hands; he held Cashmere, and could turn the revenues of that rich
valley to the protection of his other provinces; he exacted the usual
tribute from the Talpoors of Sinde, and had now warded off an attack
from Persia, the only quarter from which he had to apprehend danger.
The King himself was but a silent spectator, and owed these successes
to his Vizier, who managed the whole affairs of the kingdom, while the
monarch himself was plunged into debauchery. Futteh Khan profited by
his power, and distributed the different governments of the kingdom
among his numerous list of brothers. He evinced, however, no want of
respect and allegiance to the sovereign; and Mahmoud seemed satisfied,
as he owed his life and his power to his minister. But, if the parent
was content to govern on these terms, his son, the Prince Kamran,
discovered the strongest discontent at the Vizier’s proceedings, and
resolved to rid himself of a person so formidable, opposed as he was
to some ambitious designs which he himself entertained. The prince at
last worked upon his father, and succeeded in persuading him that he
might govern his country, now that it was consolidated, without the
assistance of his Vizier. He, therefore, determined on ridding himself
of that powerful chief, his friend and benefactor. Kamran availed
himself of an early opportunity, and seized Futteh Khan at Herat; and
gave an immediate order for his eyes being put out. After a lapse of
five or six months, Kamran put the Vizier to death, between Cabool
and Candahar, with the full consent of the king. This rash act was
perpetrated in the year 1818, and drove the whole of Futteh Khan’s
brothers into rebellion.
~Death of the Vizier.~
The tragedy which terminated the life of Futteh Khan Barukzye is,
perhaps, without parallel in modern times. Blind and bound he was
led into the court of Mahmood, where he had so lately ruled with
absolute power. The king taunted him for his crimes, and desired him
to use his influence with his brothers, then in rebellion. Futteh Khan
replied without fear, and with great fortitude, that he was now but
a poor blind man, and had no concern with affairs of state. Mahmood,
irritated at his obstinacy, gave the last orders for his death; and
this unfortunate man was deliberately cut to pieces by the nobles of
the court; joint was separated from joint, limb from limb, his nose
and his ears were lopped off, nor had the vital spark fled, till the
head was separated from the mangled trunk. Futteh Khan endured these
cruel tortures without a sigh; he stretched out his different limbs
to those who thirsted for his blood, and exhibited the same careless
indifference, the same reckless contempt for his own life, which he
had so often shown for that of others. The bloody remnants of this
unfortunate man were gathered in a cloth, and sent to Ghuzni, where
they were interred.
~Fall of Mahmood.~
The reign of the king may be said to have terminated with the life
of his minister. He had put him to death under pretext of misconduct
at Herat, but really in the hope of appeasing some of the nobles of
his court; in this the king and his son had most deeply erred. He
was now even afraid to encounter a small party of the rebels; and,
though in the field with his army, Mahmood precipitately fled to
Herat, without even making the attempt. This flight involved a virtual
resignation of his power, for though he retained Herat and the title
of king, he sunk into a vassal of Persia. He died at that city in
1829, and his son Kamran succeeded to his limited power. The eldest
survivor of the family of the Vizier was Mahommed Azeem Khan, who had
been left to govern Cashmere. On the rebellion of his brothers he
immediately joined them, and prepared to dethrone the murderer of his
brother. The precipitate retreat of Mahmood had rendered any further
measures unnecessary; and Azeem Khan now took the extraordinary step
of recalling Shooja ool Moolk from his exile, in the territories of
British India. He offered him the crown of Cabool, and sent a Koran to
the ex-monarch, under his seal, according to the custom of the country,
as proof of his sincerity. Shooja repaired with every despatch to
Peshawur.
~Recall of Shooja ool Moolk.~
Since Shooja ool Moolk had been defeated at Neemla, he had wandered as
a fugitive in various corners of his dominions; and his adventures,
which have been detailed by himself in a small volume[35], are replete
with interest. After his discomfiture at Candahar, he was seized by
Ata Mahommed Khan, the son of his former Vizier; and subjected to much
indignity. He was for some time confined in the fortress of Attok. The
lancet was frequently held over his eyes; and his keeper once took him
into the middle of the Indus, with his arms bound, threatening him with
instant death. The object of such severity was to extract from him the
celebrated diamond, called Koh-i-noor, or _mountain of light_, which he
was known to possess. In the meanwhile Ata Mahommed Khan proceeded to
Cashmere, and carried the captive monarch in his train. On the fall of
that valley he was released by Futteh Khan, and joined his family at
Lahore.
~High-mindedness of his queen.~
His queen, as I may well call the Wuffadar Begum, the most influential
lady of his harem, had used every persuasion to prevent Shooja’s
placing himself in the power of Runjeet Sing, but he disregarded her
advice, and had in the end ample reason to regret his having neglected
it. This lady was a woman of most bold and determined character; and
her counsel had often proved valuable to her husband, both in his days
of power and disaster.
At Lahore, while at the mercy of the Seiks, and absent from her
husband, she preserved her own and his honour in a heroic manner.
Runjeet Sing pressed her urgently to surrender the Koh-i-noor, or
valuable diamond, which was in her possession; and evinced intentions
of forcing it from her. He also sought to transfer the daughters of
the unfortunate king to his own harem. The queen seized on the person
who conveyed the message, and had him soundly chastised. She also
intimated to the Maharaja, that if he continued his dishonourable
demands, she would pound the diamond in a mortar, and first administer
it to her daughters, and those under her protection, and then swallow
it herself; adding, “May the blood of all of us be on your head!”
This lady succeeded in the end in escaping from Lahore, disguised as
a Hindoo; and planned the deliverance of her husband, which shortly
followed. This was only effected at the expense of the great diamond.
A narration of the circumstances relative to its surrender would
prove interesting, but it would be out of place in this sketch. It is
sufficient to mention, that an imprisonment of the closest nature,
insult, and even hunger, fell to the lot of this unfortunate monarch.
~Shooja’s escape from Lahore.~
The ungenerous part which the king of the Seiks was enacting towards
her husband aroused the energies of the queen, who had settled herself
at the British station of Lodiana. She arranged the placing of horses
on the road; and Shooja, and his people, made every exertion in
Lahore. They hired all the houses which adjoined those in which they
were lodged; and opened a passage into the street by cutting through
seven walls. A few hours after the household had retired to rest, the
king descended by the aperture, and issued into the street in the dress
of a native of the Punjab. The city wall had yet to be passed, and
the gates were shut. Shooja creeped through the common sewer of the
city, and fled, with two or three servants, towards the hill country
of Kishtwar. Here he once more raised the standard of a monarch, and
planned an attack on Cashmere, in which he was assisted by the Rajah of
Kishtwar. The expedition would have been successful, for the governor
of Cashmere had evacuated his frontier position, but an untimely season
blocked the roads with snow, interrupted the supplies, and once more
frustrated the hopes of Shah Shooja. Wandering by a cheerless and
ungenial country, the Shah at length reached the British station of
Sabathoo in the outer Himilaya, from which he repaired to Lodiana,
where his family had found an asylum. He here joined them; and has
since shared the bounty of the British Government. Few monarchs and few
men have been subjected to greater reverses of fortune than Shooja ool
Moolk; and we find our sympathies enlisted in his cause by a knowledge
of his misfortunes.
~Elevation of Shah Eyoob.~
Shooja, after all his misfortunes, might have now re-ascended and
retained the throne of his ancestors; but before Azeem Khan had reached
Peshawur, he prematurely displayed his notions of royal authority by
insulting some friend of his benefactor, whom he considered to be
encroaching on his dignity, by using a palankeen. The whole Barukzye
family took offence at this inconsiderate attack; and determined to
place a more compliant master on the throne.
A favourable opportunity presented itself in the person of Eyoob (or
Job), a brother of Shooja. He entered the camp of Azeem Khan, and
sued for the throne as the most abject of slaves. “Make me but king,”
said he, “and permit money to be coined in my name, and the whole
power and resources of the kingdom may rest with yourself; my ambition
will be satisfied with bread, and the title of king.” His conditions
were accepted; nor did this puppet monarch ever violate or attempt to
infringe the terms by which he had gained the name and trappings of
royalty. Eyoob continued as a tool in the hands of Azeem Khan, who was
nominally his Vizier. So degraded was now the state of the royal house
of Cabool, that the very robe of honour which installed the minister
into the viziership of the empire was a portion of his own property,
and had been sent privately to the Shah, who conferred it on the Vizier
with all the pomp and display of royalty. Several of the young princes
who aspired to the throne were delivered over to Eyoob, and put to
death. Shooja was immediately driven from Peshawur, and retired to
Shikarpoor in Sinde, which the Ameers of that country agreed to cede
to him. A series of intrigues, set on foot by his enemies, expelled
him even from this retreat; and he fled by the circuitous route of
the desert and Jaysulmere to Lodiana. The conduct of Shooja while at
Shikarpoor was ill calculated to support his falling fortunes. He
forgot the dignity of a monarch in low intrigues with his subjects,
in which he tarnished their honour as well as his own. The fitness of
Shooja ool Moolk for the station of sovereign seems ever to have been
doubtful. His manners and address are highly polished; but his judgment
does not rise above mediocrity. Had the case been otherwise, we should
not now see him an exile from his country and his throne, without a
hope of regaining them, after an absence of twenty years; and before he
has attained the fiftieth year of his age.
~Capture of Cashmere by the Seiks, and their progress on conquest.~
The death of Futteh Khan, which had drawn his brother, with the greater
part of his troops, from Cashmere, left that rich province without
protection. The Seiks availed themselves of the critical moment;
routed the Afghans, and captured the valley, which they have ever
since retained. The civil wars which followed in Afghanistan exhausted
the power of the state; nor was it to be supposed that an active
soldier, like Runjeet Sing, would fail to improve his opportunities
of aggrandisement. The provinces of Cabool fell one by one into his
hands; Mooltan, Cashmere, Leia, and Dera Ghazee Khan, with the whole
country on the banks of the Indus and its eastern tributaries, owned
him as conqueror. In 1823, he crossed the Indus, and fought the battle
of Noushero, on the northern side of the river of Cabool, where he
was opposed by a numerous population. They appeared in the field as
“Ghazee” or champions of the Mahommedan religion. The conflict was
most obstinate, and at last decided by the personal valour of Runjeet
himself, who brought up his guards to a height from which his troops
had been three times driven. Azeem Khan and all his brothers witnessed
the action from the southern side of the river, and were unable to
cross and assist their countrymen, since it is not fordable, and they
had no boats.
This defeat was so much at variance with the hopes of the Dooranees,
that their chief fled in the night, and left his guns and tents in the
hands of the Seiks, who advanced on Peshawar, and burned its palace.
As the battle with Futteh Khan on the plains of Chuch decided the
supremacy of the Seiks eastward of the Indus, this campaign established
their power between that river and Peshawur. That city has since paid
an annual tribute to Runjeet Sing. It is said that Azeem Khan was urged
to his precipitate retreat by apprehensions which he entertained for
his treasure that had been left at Muchnee, higher up the river than
the field of battle. It is also said that he was not satisfied of the
fidelity of his brothers; and, besides, feared the increasing army of
the Seiks. The disgrace of having submitted to infidels without firing
a shot preyed upon his mind, and he did not survive it: he sickened on
the road to Cabool, and died immediately on his arrival at that city.
On his death-bed he summoned his wives to his presence, dispossessed
them of their jewels, which he delivered with the whole of his property
to Hubeeb Oollah Khan, his eldest son. He then charged him to wipe off
the disgrace from a father’s name; and carry fire and sword into the
Seik territories. A treasury which fell little short of three millions
sterling might have furnished ample means to gratify the request of a
dying parent; but since the capture of Cashmere, the Seiks were equally
well supplied with the sinews of war. They had also been victorious
in the field; and now, aware of their own strength, had become most
formidable rivals. Even yet a confederacy of the Dooranee chiefs might
have broken their rising power; but a season of discord and anarchy
followed the death of Mahommed Azeem Khan. Since that period, Peshawur
has been reduced to a state of vassalage; and Runjeet Sing is now
confirmed in all the conquests which he had previously made.
~Total dismemberment of the Dooranee government.~
Azeem Khan’s death became the signal for a scene of family strife.
After a variety of cruelty and crime, his son, Hubeeb Oollah Khan,
was deprived of his power and fortune. His uncles formed a cabal; and
possessing themselves of his person, terrified his mother with the
threat of blowing him from a gun, if the whole treasures were not
surrendered. The youth had already squandered much of his wealth,
and the remainder was now delivered up. Shere Dil Khan carried away
with him about half a million sterling, and erected an independent
chiefship at Candahar; another was formed at Peshawur; and Cabool
itself, after having had several masters, ultimately fell into the
hands of Dost Mahommed Khan, another of the Vizier’s brothers. Such
dissension has sowed the seeds of everlasting discord among this
family. The puppet king, Shah Eyoob, lost his son in these scenes
of trouble, and fled into the Punjab, where he found an asylum at
the court of Lahore, in which he still continues. The royal house
of Cabool, which may be said to have disappeared before he acted
the part of king, now no longer existed as an ostensible part of
the government; and the different chiefs ruled independent of one
another:--the Sindians threw off the yoke in the absence of any power
to enforce their tribute; Herat was held by the exiled family of
Mahmood; Balkh was annexed to the dominions of the King of Bokhara;
but the richest share of the provinces had fallen into the hands of
the Seiks. It has been said with some truth, that Cabool could never
have existed as a kingdom without the possession of Cashmere. The
revenues and resources of most of the provinces were expended in them,
while the annual subsidy of that valley and Sinde enabled the Dooranee
monarchs to extend their power, maintain their honour, and terrify the
neighbouring nations. Thus fell the Dooranee monarchy, which existed
for a period of seventy-six years, from the time Ahmed Shah was crowned
at Candahar, A. D. 1747. We shall now proceed with an account of the
different chiefships into which the kingdom has been divided.
CHAP. III.
THE CHIEFSHIP OF PESHAWUR.
~Sketch of events in the history of Peshawur.~
The government of Peshawur has been held by a member of the Barukzye
family since Futteh Khan placed Shah Mahmood on the throne of Cabool.
Peshawur owed allegiance, and contributed to the support of the
kingdom, till the year 1818, when the Vizier was put to death. Azeem
Khan, his successor, exacted tribute from it during his lifetime,
in the name of Eyoob Shah. Since that time it has formed a separate
chiefship, like Cabool and Candahar, now subject, however, to the
payment of a yearly tribute to the Seiks. It is governed by Sirdar
Sooltan Mahommed Khan, who shares its revenues with two other brothers,
Peer, and Saeed Mahommed Khan. A large portion of the country is
alienated to different individuals, and the net revenue falls short of
nine lacs of rupees per annum. The younger brothers enjoy three lacs,
and the chief defrays from the remainder the entire expenses of the
country, the tribute to the Seiks, and likewise supports the numerous
families of two elder brothers, who fell in battle, and to whom he
succeeded.
~Extent of the chiefship.~
The power of the chief is confined to the plain of Peshawur, and the
hills of Cohat, which form its southern boundary. That plain is well
known as one of the richest portions of the Cabool dominions. It is of
a circular shape, about thirty-five miles broad, highly peopled and
cultivated, watered by nature and art. Within this limited space there
are numerous villages, which pay no taxes. The Khuttuks, a tribe of
Afghans, in the east, hold the country for twenty miles west of the
Indus, for the small sum of 12,000 rupees annually, which they render
to the chief of Peshawur. The villages on the west, under the Khyber
hills, do not pay any thing; and those north of the Cabool river, with
some few exceptions, enjoy a like immunity. The only places of note in
the chiefship are, Peshawur and Hushtnuggur, which are described by Mr.
Elphinstone. Peshawur has fallen into a state of decay with its change
of rulers, and it is doubtful if it boasts of a population of one half
the hundred thousand souls which occupied it in 1809. Hushtnuggur is
the seat of one of the younger brothers; Cohat is held by the other.
~Its military and political strength.~
The military strength of Peshawur is unimportant. Its contingent of
troops cannot be rated above 3,000, two thirds of whom may be cavalry.
The chief might rally round him a numerous body of irregulars, or, as
they are called, “ooloosee;” but they are badly armed, and not to be
relied on. Six pieces of artillery and 200 regular infantry complete
the power of the chief of Peshawur. With money, the services of the
Khyberees, and other hill tribes, may be purchased on an emergency;
but the chief has no treasury. In a religious war with the Seiks, an
infuriated population may be always raised, and has proved itself
formidable on a late occasion, when the Syud Ahmed preached his crusade
in this country; yet the whole of these, combined, form a diminutive
force, as compared with his neighbours on the east and west,--the
Seiks, and his brother of Cabool. The political influence of Peshawur
is as limited as its military power. The Seiks have exacted a tribute
from it since the death of the Vizier’s brother, Azeem Khan, and retain
a son of the chief as a hostage for its fulfilment. It now amounts to
sixty horses, with some rice, which is peculiar to Peshawur; and it is
annually enforced by an army which crosses the Indus, and lays waste
their territories, if not speedily paid. The amount of the tribute
depends on the caprice of Runjeet Sing, but the Seiks will not make a
conquest of this country. Without Mahommedan auxiliaries they could not
retain it.
~Political relations of Peshawur.~
The chiefs of Peshawur and Cabool, who are brothers, are at enmity. The
power of Cabool is far more consolidated than that of Peshawur, but
the latter has an ally in his brother of Candahar, who would resent any
attack, either on Peshawur or his own country. The Chiefs of Peshawur
and Candahar have been some time past concerting an attack on Cabool;
but it is not improbable that the territories of both may, ere long, be
threatened, and perhaps taken, by the Khan of Cabool. In such an event,
the chief of Peshawur would call in the aid of the Seiks. This would
probably be given, since Dost Mahommed of Cabool would never consent
to the annual tribute now paid to Lahore by his brother of Peshawur.
Sirdar Sooltan Mahommed Khan entertains hopes of being able to interest
the British Government in his cause, should it decline. He seems to
believe that he might hold one portion of the country, by surrendering
a part for the protection of the remainder. No chief in the kingdom
of Cabool entertains a higher respect for the British Government than
Sooltan Mahommed Khan. This has always been shown by his attention to
Europeans who have entered his country. If misfortunes fell upon him,
he might be a useful or dangerous partisan. He might espouse the cause
of the King Shah Shooja ool Moolk, though that monarch is no favourite
with his family; yet the inconsistency and inconstancy of the Afghan
chiefs are proverbial. In any difficulty, the chief of Peshawur would
be ably assisted by Peer Mahommed, but his other brother is destitute
of energy and enterprise. The whole of the Barukzye family entertain
a dread of Shah Shooja ool Moolk, and the Prince Kamran of Herat. The
one, if aided by the British, would drive them from their usurped
authority; and the other, if assisted by the Persians, might perhaps
fix himself on the throne of his ancestors.
~Chief and government of Peshawur.~
Sooltan Mahommed Khan bears a fair reputation, but his government is
most oppressive and vexatious. His agents and underlings practise
all manner of exactions; goods are taxed far above their value; and
the currency is constantly altered and depreciated. An enormous tax
is levied on the water mills, which grind the flour, and it falls
heaviest on the lower orders of the people. This chief is a man about
thirty-five; he is ambitious, and at one time held the government
of Cabool. He is well educated, and, with good talents, possesses
an engaging manner: he reads and writes, and transacts his business
in person. He has not the art of settling disputes, and his court
presents a scene of confusion, which is hardly to be described or
believed. The complainants intrude at all times and places, and state
their grievances in the most free and republican manner; yet nothing
is ever settled, and the population are heartily disaffected. Like
Afghans, the chief of Peshawur, and his relatives, live from hand to
mouth; they are liberal of what they possess, and have no wealth. I
have been informed that they could not retain their government without
this open-handed liberality. The chief of Peshawur has rallied round
him some of the most celebrated of the Dooranee nation, who share his
bounty. The sons of Akram Khan, and the Mookhtar o Doula, Shah Shooja’s
two ministers, as also of the celebrated Meer Waeez, are among the
number; the latter is an officer of the chief of Peshawur. The only son
of the Vizier Futteh Khan likewise resides with Sooltan Mahommed Khan.
~Provisions and productions.~
Provisions are cheap and plentiful in Peshawur, though their price
has risen with the decrease of population. Grain of every description
abounds, but is not exported; 65lbs. of wheat may be purchased for
a rupee, which is 10lbs. less than might be had for the same sum in
1809. Ninety-six lbs. of barley sell for a rupee. A sheep may be had
for two rupees; a bullock costs twelve or fourteen; and the rupee is a
quarter less in value than the common sonat of India. Fruit of almost
every kind is to be had in Peshawur, but it does not stand a journey,
like that of Cabool, on account of the great heat. One of the large
gardens, which used to let for 7000 rupees a year, now brings but
2000. The diminution is ascribed to the decrease of population; but
fruit sells for half the price, now that there is no court to purchase
it. The sugar cane thrives here, but the people are ignorant of the
mode of crystallising its juice. That which is candied is brought from
Hindostan, though the native sugar is excellent. The Afghans are very
fond of the fresh cane, which they cut in small pieces, and use as a
sweetmeat. The most remarkable production of the plain of Peshawur is
a kind of rice called “bara,” produced on the banks of a rivulet of
that name, which comes from Teera, in the Khyber country. The grains
of this rice are so long, that fourteen of them are said to make a
span. This rice is very superior, which is attributed to the excellence
of the water. So strong is this prejudice, that most of the wells of
Peshawur are filled from it during winter, and roofed in till the hot
weather. They believe this keeps the water cold. The “bara” rice sells
so high as 8lbs. for a rupee, and is exported as a rarity to Persia,
Tartary, and all the neighbouring countries, and composes a part of
Runjeet Sing’s tribute. The rice produced in other parts of the plain
of Peshawur does not differ from common rice.
~Feasible improvements.~
~Agriculture.~
~Sugar. Silk.~
It has been lately discovered in the low countries of Europe, that a
much greater population can be subsisted on a small space of ground,
by following the Flemish mode of agriculture. The soil is dug up by
the spade, and a succession of crops, chiefly of garden stuffs, is
the produce. If there be a country in the Eastern World where this
practice might be followed with advantage, it is the plain of Peshawur.
The soil is a rich mould, and its spacious plain is intersected with
water on all sides. The country, it is said, continues green during
the twelve months of the year. It yields a succession of three crops
annually; and if we reckon the barley (which is cut twice before it
ears, and given to horses,) we have no less than five returns a year.
The wheat and barley are off the ground by April. Vegetables abound,
and are produced in fields rather than gardens. Public spirit and
intelligence might render Peshawur a most productive region. We have
seen that it is favourable to the cane, and recent experiments have
proved, that the silk-worm may be reared with advantage. Mulberry trees
abound, and the insect is liable to no particular disease. Those which
I saw were brought from Cabool and Balkh. The eggs are hatched at the
vernal equinox, a few days before the mulberry is in leaf. Till then
the insects are fed on a kind of weed, with a yellow flower, called
“khoobikulan” by the Persians, and common to England. Their education
does not differ from that of Europe. The silk is boiled before it is
wound. The worms are brought forth by artificial heat, and generally by
being tied under the armpits. Exposure to the sun kills the insects,
and it likewise deprives the chrysalis of life when in the cocoon. By
the end of May the worms have finished their career, and lie dormant in
the egg till next spring. They are placed in cellars under ground, to
protect them from heat, and they are as carefully guarded against damp.
I do not doubt but successions of these worms might be brought forth
during the warm months.
~District of Cohat.~
~Minerals and coal.~
The district of Cohat, under Peshawur, deserves a minute description,
from the richness and variety of its productions, though it yields but
two lacs of rupees to the chief. The salt range lies within this tract,
and the mineral abounds. It is sold for one eighth of the price east
of the Indus. Gold, copper, iron, and antimony have been extracted
from ores found in these hills; and there are two kinds of sulphur.
There are also wells of naphtha, or petroleum, for the matter which
they eject is used in the neighbouring villages for oil. But the most
valuable production of Cohat is its coal, which we discovered during
our visit, and explained its utility, much to the astonishment of the
people. It occurs on the surface of one of the hills, and in great
abundance. The specimens which were procured for my satisfaction were
of a greyish hue, intermixed with much sulphur. It burns well, but
leaves much refuse. It has more the appearance of slate than coal;
but, as the specimens were from the surface, they are not to be taken
as a fair criterion of the mine. The coal is bituminous, and ignites
at the candle. The villagers now use it as fuel. The discovery of a
coal-mine at the head of the Indus may prove of the utmost importance
in these times, since the navigation of that river is open to Attok;
and the mineral is found about forty miles distant from that place,
with a level road intervening, and near a large city, where labour is
cheap. It is a singular circumstance, that deposits of coal should have
been discovered, both at the mouth and head of the Indus (in Cutch and
Cohat), within these few years, and since steam has been used in India.
It is seldom that discoveries are so opportune, and I trust that they
augur favourably for the opening of a new route to commerce by the
Indus.
CHAP. IV.
THE CHIEFSHIP OF CABOOL.
~Chiefship. Power and extent.~
The capital of Cabool now forms the residence of an independent chief,
who holds the surrounding districts and Ghuzni, without any control
over the kingdom of the Dooranees. The same circumstances which
separated Peshawur, have dismembered Cabool; and since the death of
Azeem Khan, the possession of it has been disputed by different members
of the Barukzye family. In the year 1826, it fell into the hands of
Dost Mahommed Khan, the present chief, and a brother of the Vizier,
Futteh Khan. Since then he has greatly extended and consolidated his
power. He intrusts the town and dependencies of Ghuzni to a brother,
and admits no one else to share his fortunes. The limits of the
chiefship extend north to Hindoo Koosh and Bameean. On the west it is
bounded by the hill country of the Huzaras. To the south is Ghuzni,
and to the east it stretches half way to Peshawur, terminating at the
garden of Neemla. Much of the country is mountainous; but it contains a
large portion of arable land, which is most productive. It lies along
the base of hills, and derives a richness from the soil washed from
them. The revenues of Cabool amount to eighteen lacs of rupees. Its
military force is greater than any among the Afghans, since the chief
retains a body of 9000 horse, who are well mounted and accoutred. He
has also 2000 infantry, with other auxiliaries, village troops, and a
park of fourteen guns, which are well served for a native state. This
country is by nature strong and mountainous, though it has good roads
through it.
~Character of the chief.~
The reputation of Dost Mahommed Khan is made known to a traveller
long before he enters his country, and no one better merits the high
character which he has obtained. He is unremitting in his attention
to business, and attends daily at the Court-house, with the Cazee and
Moollahs, to decide every cause according to the law. The Koran and its
commentaries may not be the standard of legislative excellence, but
this sort of decision is exceedingly popular with the people, since it
fixes a line, and relieves them from the “jus vagum aut incognitum” of
a despot. Trade has received the greatest encouragement from him, and
he has derived his own reward, since the receipts of the Custom-house
of the city have increased fifty thousand rupees, and now furnish
him with a net revenue of two lacs of rupees per annum. One in forty,
_i.e._ 2-1/2 per cent., is the only duty levied in his territory; and
the merchant may travel without guard or protection from one frontier
to another, an unheard of circumstance in the time of the kings. The
chief of Cabool, in his zeal for orthodox government, has deprived
his subjects of the luxury of wine and spirits, as being prohibited
by his creed. The enactment has driven the Jews and Armenians from
his country, since they had no other means to procure a subsistence.
A good Mahommedan ought not to regret the loss of such luxuries; but
with this single exception, I heard of no complaint against the rule
of Dost Mahommed Khan. That chief, in common with many of the Afghan
nation, was addicted in early life to wine and its concomitant vices.
His prohibition of them may be, therefore, capricious; but he, as well
as his court, hold out a bright example of sobriety to the community.
The justice of this chief affords a constant theme of praise to all
classes: the peasant rejoices at the absence of tyranny; the citizen at
the safety of his home and the strict municipal regulations regarding
weights and measures; the merchant at the equity of the decisions
and the protection of his property, and the soldiers at the regular
manner in which their arrears are discharged. A man in power can have
no higher praise. Dost Mahommed Khan has not attained his fortieth
year; his mother was a Persian, and he has been trained up with people
of that nation, which has sharpened his understanding, and given him
advantages over all his brothers. One is struck with the intelligence,
knowledge, and curiosity which he displays, as well as his accomplished
manners and address. He is doubtless the most powerful chief in
Afghanistan, and may yet raise himself by his abilities to a much
greater rank in his native country.
~Political relations of the chiefship.~
The differences which subsist between Dost Mahommed Khan and his
brothers lessen the influence of all parties, and would lay open the
state to intrigue and faction, if invaded. The family of Barukzye have
nothing to fear from any other Afghan tribe, since they surpass all in
numbers as much as in power. The chiefs of Peshawur and Candahar do
not want the wish to injure their brother of Cabool, but they cannot
accomplish their purpose. Both of them have had a footing in Cabool,
and look with envy on the prosperity of Dost Mahommed Khan. Both have
emissaries at his court, who excite disturbance; and both cherish
hopes of rooting out one whom they consider a usurper. The task will
be found difficult; for the chief of Cabool, besides the moderation
and justice which secure him so many friends, enjoys an advantage in
his Persian descent, which will prove of material service to him in
adversity. He holds the warlike clan of Juwansheer in his interests,
and takes every occasion to conciliate this tribe, which has so often
turned the scale in favour of different pretenders to the throne. He
has acquired their language (the Turkish), and promoted their interests
and well-being. The Persians of Cabool amount to about 12,000 families;
they reside in a separate quarter of the city, which keeps up an
_esprit de corps_ among them. It also gives them a knowledge of their
power, which may prove salutary or prejudicial to the factions that
divide the country, according to circumstances. The state of fear which
an enemy on both sides must inspire has a bad effect on Dost Mahommed
Khan’s administration. With his own house as an object of care, he is
not likely to pursue conquests abroad, or retrieve the fallen state of
Cabool. This alone deters him from attacking Herat, and making some
endeavours to wrest Mooltan and Dera Ghazee Khan from the Seiks. He
last year made a demonstration against Julalabad, a district between
Cabool and Peshawur, worth about seven lacs of rupees a year. He will
probably annex it to his power; but, until able to coerce or subdue
either Peshawur or Candahar, Dost Mahommed Khan cannot rise above the
rank of a chief, or be aught than one among many in Afghanistan. In the
present state of politics in the country, he is, nevertheless, the most
rising man in the Cabool dominions.
~Supplies of Cabool.~
Cabool is a country of great strength, but small resource. It
abounds in fruit, but grain grows scantily. The Emperor Baber, on
his conquering it, imposed a tax of 30,000 khurwars[36] of grain on
Cabool and Ghuzni, but found in after-years, when better acquainted
with the country, that the levy was exorbitant. The territory has
no doubt improved in a lapse of three hundred years; but provisions
are dear in Cabool. In summer, the necessaries of life are rather
moderate; fruit and vegetables abound, and the city receives supplies
from the surrounding country. In winter, the roads are shut, wood is
scarce, grain is dear, and the severity of the climate demands warm
clothing. The mills which grind the flour are also frozen up, and the
poorest people must purchase animal food. The presence of a force in
Cabool has the effect of doubling the price of provisions, which is
a sure indication of their scarcity. A large army might still find
a comfortable quarter in the city of Cabool, and draw the supplies
which it required, additional to the resources of the country, from
Peshawur and the valley of the Cabool river, near Julalabad. Forage
for cattle is most plentiful; artificial grasses are cultivated to a
great extent, and prove a most nutritious food to horses. There are
likewise most extensive meadows both at Cabool and Ghuzni. One, called
Nawur, in particular, near the latter place, would supply a force of
20,000 cavalry. The city of Cabool has been described elsewhere. It has
a population of about 60,000 souls, and a bazar of nearly 2000 shops.
Each trade has a separate division of the town. Cabool furnishes a
supply of articles far beyond what its size would indicate, for it is a
mart, and the entrepôt of a great trade.
~Strength.~
It increases daily under the fostering care of its present ruler. As a
place of defence, it is contemptible; the city-wall, which has never
been good, has fallen down; the summits of the hills that environ the
town are crowned with walls, but they are a useless ornament. The Bala
Hissar, or citadel, which stands on the eastern side, is a place of no
strength, and the other Bala Hissar below it is even more defenceless.
The former building, which stands on an eminence, commands a noble view
of the surrounding country, and might be made to command the city,
which lies at its base.
CHAP. V.
ON THE AFFAIRS OF WESTERN AFGHANISTAN.
~Western Afghanistan.~