CHAPTER XII.

GRANADA CONTINUED--THE ZACATIN--MARKET

PLACE--BAZAAR--POPULATION--THE GRANADINOS--THEIR PREDILECTION FOR

THE FRENCH COSTUME--LOVE OF MASKED BALLS--MADAME MARTINEZ DE LA

ROSA'S TERTULIA--AN ENGLISH COUNTRY DANCE METAMORPHOSED--SPECIMEN

OF SPANISH TASTE IN FITTING UP COUNTRY HOUSES--THE MARQUES DE

MONTIJO--ANECDOTE OF THE LATE KING AND THE CONDE DE

TEBA--CONSTITUTIONAL ENTHUSIASM OF GRANADA--ENDS IN SMOKE--MILITARY

SCHOOLS--OBSERVATIONS ON THE SPANISH ARMY--DEPARTURE FOR

CORDOBA--PINOS DE LA PUENTE--PUERTO DE LOPE--MOCLIN--ALCALA LA

REAL--SPANISH PEASANTS--MANNER OF COMPUTING DISTANCE--BAENA--NOT

THE ROMAN TOWN OF ULIA--CASTRO EL RIO--OCCUPIED BY A CAVALRY

REGIMENT--VALUABLE FRIEND--CURIOSITY OF THE SPANISH OFFICERS--DITTO

OF OUR NEW ACQUAINTANCE--INFLUENCE OF "SHERRIS SACK"--HE RELATES

HIS HISTORY--CONTINUATION OF OUR JOURNEY TO CORDOBA--FIRST VIEW OF

THAT CITY.

Granada is the see of an archbishop, and the seat of one of the two high

courts of Chancery of Spain. It is not a place of much trade, its

inhabitants being chiefly employed in horticultural pursuits; but it

contains manufactories of gunpowder, of silk and woollen goods on a

small scale, and numerous tanneries.

The busiest part of the city is a narrow crooked street, which still

retains its corrupted Moorish name, _El Zacatin_,[145] the little

market. But the square where the market is now held (likewise a relique

of the Moors,) presents also, at certain times, a scene of considerable

bustle. The houses encompassing it are very lofty, and, at each

successive story, have wide projecting galleries, wherein dwell the

lowest classes of Granada's inhabitants. The arches of these galleries

are patched up with old pieces of board, canvas, and other materials, of

all sizes and shapes, between the chinks, and crevices, and rents of

which, smoke issues in every direction.

Towards the centre of the city is a _bazaar_, constructed, not like our

London toy fairs so called, but on the oriental plan, each little gloomy

stall being boarded off from the rest. The goods, also, as in the east,

are offered for sale by smoking men, instead of being, as with us,

handed to you by smiling houries. The modern merchants, however, enter

their shops by a door, instead of clambering over the counter; and they

occupy chairs instead of sitting in the cross-legged fashion of the

founders of this remnant of Mohammedanism. At a certain hour in the

evening the bazaar is closed, and given over to the care of three or

four large dogs, which, shut into the building for the night, will not

suffer any one to enter but him whose office it is to feed them, and to

unlock the gates.

The population of Granada may be reckoned at 60,000 souls; and I think

the female portion of it the _least good looking_, not to speak harshly,

of all the dark complexioned natives of southern Spain. The _Granadinas_

have not the carriage of either the _Sevillanas_, or _Gaditanas_, nor

even of the _Malagueñas_, who are celebrated rather for beauty than

_gracia_; and, consequently, the lovely _Alameda_, on the banks of the

Genil, has no attraction for strangers beyond that of its own intrinsic

beauty.

The ladies of Granada lose somewhat, perhaps, in the comparison with the

fair of other places, from having adopted, in a greater degree, a

harlequin French costume, that but ill becomes them,--or, more correctly

speaking, perhaps, that they do not become. Thus, the admirable _set_ of

their well poised heads is lost under a huge silk _chapeau_ and groves

of _Roses de Meaux_, clematis, and woodbine; their lustrous eyes no

longer range, _en barbette_, as it were, over three quarters of a

circle, but, pointed through a narrow embrasure, can only carry

destruction in one direction. Their fans, too,--telegraphs of their

slightest wishes or commands,--can no longer be flirted with the wonted

effect; and their stately, though somewhat peculiar gait, does not

receive its just tribute of admiration, unless set off by the black silk

_basquiña_, under whose graceful folds their well tutored limbs have

been accustomed to move.

The _Granadinas_ of all classes are passionately fond of masked balls;

which circumstance may partly be accounted for by one of the above-named

disadvantages under which they labour-want of beauty; and all the

masquerades at which I "assisted" seemed expressly got up for carrying

on intrigues. No _character_, in any sense of the word, appeared to be

maintained; and the whole amusement seemed to consist in the ladies

going about to the gentlemen, who were almost all unmasked, and asking

in a screaming voice, "_mi conoces?_"[146]

Although every body went to these balls, which were held at the theatre,

yet, amongst the _elite_, it was deemed _fashionable_ (now quite a

Spanish word) for the ladies to have a box and receive masks. But the

temptation of the waltz was too strong to be resisted, and all, I

observed, descended occasionally, putting on a mask and domino, to join

in its fascinating circumgyrations.

A letter of introduction to Madame _Martinez de la Rosa_,[147] equally

noted for her accomplishments and her hospitality, gave us an

opportunity of seeing the best society of Granada. The same want of

beauty was observable amongst the _beau monde_ at her _Tertulia_, as on

the _paseo_ on the banks of the river; but, to make amends, the music

and waltzing were particularly good. The Spaniards may certainly be

reckoned the best waltzers in Europe, now that the Germans have

converted that graceful dance into a mere bear's hug.

I afforded some amusement in the course of the first evening passed at

Madame Martinez' house, by asking a Spanish gentleman the name of a most

laborious performance, which all appeared to be engaged in with great

delight, to the total sacrifice of the graces. He started back with

astonishment. "What description of dance? why it is an _English country

dance_!" He thought it too good a joke to keep to himself, and, the

performance concluded, went about telling all the ladies they had so

disguised an English country dance that one of its countrymen did not

recognise it. This information occasioned great dismay, _contra danzas

Inglesas_ being, at that particular juncture, "_muy facionables_;" and

all the _Señoritas_ crowded round with exclamatory "_Jesuses!_" to

gather the appalling truth from my own lips, and ask instructions as to

their future proceedings.

I explained, in the best manner I could, that, though the ladies and

gentlemen in our national dance were deployed in two long opposing

lines; in the same way that their sexes had respectively been drawn up,

yet that various preliminary evolutions were performed by us, ere the

parties began racing up and down the middle at full speed, in which

their imitation entirely consisted; and, moreover, that we did not hurry

the matter over, by beginning at _both ends_, as they did.

Before leaving Granada, a favourable opportunity presenting itself, I

will enable my readers to form some idea of the taste and style in which

the Spanish aristocracy fit up their country houses, taking as my

pattern that of the _Marques de Montijo_, which, combining the comforts

of the English with the classic taste of the French, I was assured I

should find a very choice specimen. It is situated on a slightly

elevated hill, rising from and commanding a lovely view over the wide

_vega_. For the selection of the site, small praise is due, however, to

the Marquis, as he would have had difficulty in fixing on any spot

within the same distance of the city, that did not afford equally as

fine a view. But the embellishments of the house and grounds are "all

his own;" to these, therefore, I shall confine my description.

The grounds are laid out in stiff parterres, intersected with twisting

footpaths, "_à la Inglesa_," as they call it; a portion being hedged off

as a labyrinth, which is thickly studded with rustic arbours, furnished

with modern sofas. On the summit of an artificial hillock is a shallow

fish-pond, from the centre of which rises a cave, or grotto (built, I

believe, in imitation of the Giant's Causeway), composed of fragments of

stalactites, brought at a great expense from a cavern in a distant

mountain.

A whirligig, with two horses and two _coches_--such as may be seen at

Bartholomew fair--weathercocks of all sizes and devices, sun-dials

innumerable, hedge-rows of zoophytes, &c. are scattered tastefully

about, and in fact nothing is wanting but "the sucking pig in lavender,"

and "Adam and Eve in juniper," of the inimitable Mr. Drugget, to

complete the long catalogue of absurdities.

The show-suite of apartments consists of a succession of small

carpetless rooms on the ground-floor, each furnished with a bed, a few

shabby gilt chairs, a sofa, some yet more Monmouth-street-looking chintz

window curtains, a profusion of miserly little mirrors, and two or three

old family pictures.

In the library, which contained some hundreds of ill-bound books,

chiefly French, sat the Marquis himself--the genius of the place--a

grandee of Spain of the first class, a reputed scholar, dilettante, and

patron of the fine arts; a distinguished statesman, and at one time a

pretender to the regency of Spain; now, alas! the victim of paralysis,

disappointed intrigues, inordinate vanity, and insane ambition.[148]

Whilst at Malaga I had become slightly acquainted with the Marquis's

brother, the _Conde de Teba_, who, by turns, a violent _Legitimista_,

_Afrancesado_, and _Exaltado_, was then, in the latter character, doing

duty as corporal in the _City Light Horse_, and bore about on his

crippled person the just reward of his treason to his country, having

received a wound which disfigured him for life, whilst serving in the

French ranks.

The _Conde_ married a Miss K----, "the beautiful and accomplished

daughter" (as the newspapers say) of one of the first British merchants

of Malaga. His union with this lady had been forbidden by the late king

of Spain, on the grounds that the pure blood of a Spanish grandee was

not to be contaminated by admixture with the grosser current flowing in

plebeian veins. To overcome this objection, reference was made to the

heraldic records of Scotland (the country of the lady's family), and a

genealogical tree was shipped off to Spain, which proved without flaw,

cross-bar, or blemish, that the family of K---- was an offset from the

great Fingal himself. Ferdinand, who, morose as he has usually been

represented, enjoyed a joke as much as most people, burst into a hearty

laugh on this document being placed before him, exclaiming at length,

"In God's name, let Teba marry the Scotch king's daughter!"

This speech, though made in perfect good humour, was not soon forgotten

by the lady, who, when I had the pleasure of meeting her, wore round her

king-hating person (forgetting her high descent) the terrific words,

_constitucion ò muerte_, embroidered on a green sash ribbon.

Granada, by the way, is reckoned a most constitutional city. I first

visited it a few months previous to the invasion of the Duc d'Angoulême,

when every one breathed the most deadly hate against the French, and

every thing promised a most sanguinary struggle. The streets of Granada,

if the vile _Gavachos_ ever got so far, were to be their burial place;

the city was to be another Zaragoza; the contest another "_guerra hasta

el cuchillo_."[149] I pictured to myself the beauteous groves of the

Generalife formed into abattis to defend the town; the pure streams of

the Darro and Genil reddened with the gore of its brave inhabitants; the

tottering towers of the elevated Alhambra pounded into dust; the

venerable deputy-governor[150] of the royal palace exposed to the

insults of a licentious soldiery! Happily, however, all my anticipated

fears were groundless. The French troops marched quietly into the city

long after the garrison had left it by an opposite gate, and the

invaders were received by the inhabitants with every outward mark of

neighbourly esteem and affection.

During the first days of the constitutional portion of the reign of

Ferdinand "the beloved," military schools were established in most of

the principal cities of the kingdom. That of Granada was on a scale

proportioned to the "_exaltacion_" of the place, 90 students being

maintained at it. A large monastery, which, ever since the expulsion of

the Moslems, had been under the protecting care of St. Jerome, was

handed over to the more bellicose _Santiago_,[151] for the purpose of

training up the youthful _Granadinos_ to deeds of arms; and if the

saint-militant attended to their studies as well as he did to their

feeding and clothing, no complaint could possibly be brought against

him.

The attempt to regenerate the national army by the infusion of a body of

_educated_ officers, whose advancement should depend entirely upon their

own conduct and acquirements, was a praiseworthy effort to break through

the barriers of presumption, ignorance, and vice, with which the

pampered nobles of Spain had, until then, closed the door of promotion

against every kind of merit; reserving for themselves all the most

influential and lucrative posts, and placing in the inferior, the

illegitimate branches of their houses, their numerous hangers-on and

menials, and, even yet worse, the debased panders to their vices.

But venality is so strictly entailed upon all public departments in

Spain, that the same gross corruption and glaring favouritism continued,

as before, to regulate the distribution of favour and promotion. The

patronage had passed into other hands, but the new hands were not more

delicate than the old; "_aunque vistan à la mona de seda, mona se

queda_."[152] Legitimists and liberals were both equally corrupt; their

object was the same, namely, to fill their pockets from the public

purse. The difference between them consisted merely in the means by

which they effected their purpose. The intrigues that had formerly been

employed to manage the _court_ were now directed to influence the

_political clubs_, and, under their dictation, the constitutional

ministers (to retain their places) were obliged to nominate the noisiest

braggarts to the command of their armies, and select for all the minor

posts such as were most vociferous in their cries of "constitution

or death." These, as might naturally have been expected, were,

for the most part, lawyers' clerks, tavern waiters, and barbers'

apprentices--self-imagined _Gracchi_ and _Bruti_, who thought they would

be doing a great public good by bettering their own particular

condition. The youths, who, under the _new system_, crowded the military

schools, were all chosen under the same influence, and mostly from the

same class. But whatever germs of future Cids and Gonzalvos these

seminaries may have cherished, not any were destined to reach maturity,

for, Santiago not being so quick in his operations as San Anton, the

French army cut up the tree of liberty, root and branch, ere these seeds

of military greatness had even sprung up.

The extraordinary deterioration that has taken place in the Spanish

army, since the days of Philip II., is only to be accounted for by the

demoralized state of the upper ranks of society, and the consequent

corruption that pervades every department of the state. The soldiers,

who now _run away_, are chosen from the same race of men, that fought so

gallantly under the Dukes of Alba and Parma; the religion they profess

is the same that it was then, nay is stript in some slight degree of its

bigotry and superstition. The last king to whom they swore obedience,

was not a whit more despotic than any of his predecessors; so that it is

futile to say, that tyranny or liberty had any weight in the matter.

Could any sway be more absolute than that of the Spanish sovereigns of

the House of Hapsburg? and yet under them the Spaniards behaved most

nobly. Would it be possible to frame a more liberal constitution than

that of 1820? and yet no troops ever conducted themselves more

shamefully than those ranged under its standard.

Nor can this marked change be attributed to any inferiority of

theoretical military knowledge on the part of the Spanish nation; for

their schools of artillery and engineers are indisputably good, and

their military writers by no means behind the age. Indeed, the

"_reflexiones militares_" of the _Marques de Santa Cruz_ may be traced

throughout the scientific pages of Jomini and Dumas, and are, in fact,

the groundwork of some tactical compilations of recent date in our own

language.

The experience of the _War of Independence_ proved, however, that very

few officers of superior rank in the Spanish army were qualified to

command;[153] and, at the same time, one cannot but be struck at the

very small number amongst the inferior grades, who rose to distinction

during the long period of its continuance.

The civil war that followed brought forward no new men of military

talent; and the invasion of the French, in 1823, proved the utter

incapacity of all the leaders who had been transformed into generals

under the constitutional government.

The bombast of these latter worthies rendered their imbecility the more

ridiculous. I heard one say to the late Sir George Don, just before the

entry of the Duc d'Angoulême into Spain, "If _we Spaniards_ drove the

French across the Pyrenees, like a flock of sheep (!) when commanded by

Napoleon's best generals, with how much greater ease shall we now do so,

being led only by a despotic Bourbon!"

Not very long after, I witnessed an act of imbecility yet more

laughable. In ascending the staircase of the government house at

Gibraltar one morning, I saw, on the landing place, a Spanish general

officer (then, as _at this moment_, holding a most important command)

explaining to an officer of the governor's staff how, by "_una grande

combinacion_," he, Riego, and other "_inclitos heroes_," proposed

cutting off Marshal Molitor's division of the French army, then marching

on Granada. As the success of their combined operations depended

entirely upon the _secrecy_ and celerity with which they were to be

conducted, it could not but be extremely amusing to hear the gallant

general explain the "whole progress" of the affair, before a host of

orderly serjeants, messengers, and servants; who, attracted to the spot

by his loquacity and gesticulations, were listening with open-mouthed

astonishment, to the elucidation of his cunningly devised plan. Ere I

passed on, I too was fortunate enough to witness the hypothetical

termination of "his marchings and counter-marchings," in the most

complete success; as, suiting the action to the word, he described a

wide circle with his outstretched arms and gold-headed cane, and

enclosed the outmanoeuvered French marshal and his entire _corps

d'armée_.

The result of this "_grande combinacion_" turned out, however, to be

that the Marshal effected the passage of the mountains between Guadiz

and Granada, ere the Spanish captain general had yet fully explained the

impossibility of his escaping from the strategical toils _about to be_

spread for him.

Return we now to Granada--from which city, having announced at Madame

Martinez' tertulia that it was our intention to depart on the following

morning, taking the road to Cordoba, certain symptoms of uneasy

curiosity were manifested, attended with sundry mysterious hints, that

led us to fancy some extraordinary perils were to be encountered on that

particular road. Less communicative than the Spanish captain general,

however, the utmost we could elicit from our various acquaintances was,

that the country round about the city whither we were about to proceed,

was in a very _volcanic_ state, and that a political explosion might be

daily expected.

As none of our party had professed an over-boiling admiration of the

existing state of things, I believe we were set down as aiders and

abettors in the revolt of the troops which shortly afterwards took

place--though not until we had safely returned to the shelter of the

British fortress.

We left Granada as proposed, taking the direct road to Cordoba, by

Alcalà la real. As far as that town, the road, at the period of which I

write, was the only carriage route leading from Granada towards Madrid.

Another by way of Jaen has been opened within the last few years. If

ocular demonstration of this first-named road being practicable for

carriages had not, however, been afforded us, we should certainly have

doubted the possibility of any thing less fragile than a bullock's cart

getting over some parts of it; but as far as Piños de la Puente, that

is, for the first twelve miles, it is tolerably good, traversing the

north-eastern portion of the _Vega_, and leaving the Sierra de Elvira at

some little distance on the right. The village of Piños stands on the

right bank of the river Cubillas, and inscriptions, which have been

found and are preserved there, prove it to have been the town of Ilurco,

mentioned by Pliny. It is celebrated, in more recent times, as a spot

where many a fierce struggle took place between the Moors and

Christians; for, in their forays into each other's country, the bridge

of Piños was generally the point chosen for effecting a passage across

the impracticable little stream that, in this direction, bounds the

_Vega_.

The hilly country begins immediately on leaving Piños de la puente, and

a fine view is obtained from the heights above the village: Granada, and

the line of mountains beyond, are seen to great advantage, and to the

right lies the rich _vega_, stretching westward as far as Loja. The

_Soto de Roma_[154] occupies the very heart of the fruitful plain;

appearing from hence to be thickly wooded. Such, however, is not the

case, although some well grown timber is upon one part of it.

Proceeding onwards, over a very hilly country, and crossing the little

river Moclin, in an hour and a half we reached the _Venta del puerto

Lope_, (pass of Lopez) distant six miles from _Piños de la puente_.

About three miles beyond the _Venta_, a view of the most romantic kind

presents itself. The _Sierra Nevada_, and part of the plain of Granada,

are seen through a tremendous rent that intersects the lofty mountains

which now encircle the traveller; the entrance of the rugged defile

being defended by two towers, standing on bold, and almost inaccessible,

rocks.

Some miles up this impracticable _tajo_, is situated the crag-based

fortress of Moclin, which, from the command it possessed of the

principal pass through this mountain range, was called by the Moors,

"the Shield of Granada." The celebrated _Conde de Cabra_ experienced a

signal defeat in attempting to surprise this fortress; which, a few

years after, (A.D. 1487) fell into the hands of Ferdinand the Catholic,

by the accidental explosion of its powder-magazine.

About a league from the _Puerto de Lope_, the town of Illora,

erroneously placed _on_ the road in most maps, is seen two miles off, on

the left. It stands on a rocky eminence, crowned by an old castle, and

overlooking a fertile plain. The ancient name of the place is lost; but

it was one of the strongholds of the Moors, and fell to the Christian

arms only a few weeks prior to the capture of Moclin, when the renowned

_Gonzalvo_ was appointed its _Alcaide_.

The country henceforth becomes more open and cultivated, but the soil

looks cold and ungrateful after that of the plain of Granada. The hills

bordering the road are studded with towers at the distance of about a

league asunder, which, in the days of the Moslems, must have formed a

very perfect line of telegraphic communication between the capital and

the northern frontier towns of the kingdom of Granada.

The old castle of _Alcalà la real_, situated on an eminence, is seen at

a considerable distance, and, on a near approach, some modern works

thrown up by the French give it rather an imposing appearance. The town

is so pent in by hills as not to be seen until one has passed under the

triumphal arch by which it is entered. It was called by the Moors

_Alcalà Abenzaide_, the Castle (_Al Kala_) of Abenzaide, and received

its present distinguished name on falling to the victorious arms of

Alfonzo XI. A.D. 1340. From this date it became the principal bulwark of

the Christian frontier, and the base of most of the offensive operations

undertaken against Granada. A remarkable brick tower, built by the

_Conde de Tendilla_ as a night beacon, to assist the erring footsteps of

the Christians in escaping from captivity, still stands on an elevated

knoll, clear of all the other hills, on the opposite side of the town to

the castle.

Antiquaries are at issue as to what Roman town stood in this important

position. Some imagine it to be the situation of the _Agla menor_ of

Pliny; whilst others--as it appears to me with more reason, considering

the order in which that methodical writer enumerated the cities of note

lying between Boetis and the Sea--are of opinion that it is the site

of _Ebura Cerealis_.

Alcalà la real has always been considered a military post of importance,

and many a desperate conflict has been witnessed from its walls. The

last (not a very desperate one, however) was in January, 1810, between a

division of the French army, commanded by General Sebastiani, and a

disorganized mob of Spaniards, under Areizaga,--by turns the most rash,

and most desponding, and always the least successful, of all the Spanish

generals. By the defeat of the Spanish host, the road to Granada was

thrown open to the invaders.

The Old Castle, called _La Mota_, is a Moorish work, which the French

strengthened by some interior retrenchments. The city, though sunk in a

deep hollow, stands high as compared with the surrounding country; the

springs on the opposite sides of the chain on which it is situated

falling to the Guadalquivir and Genil respectively. The streets are

tolerably wide and well paved, but steep; the _plaza_ is spacious, and

rather handsome; the Alameda is shady, and abounding in fountains; and

the _Posada_ vile, and overrun with vermin. The population may be

estimated at 4000 _vecinos escasos_,[155] or 20,000 souls, including the

inmates of six large convents.

On our next day's journey, to _Castrò el Rio_, we were most disagreeably

convinced of the little dependence that can be placed on the information

of the peasantry respecting distance. They invariably compute space by

_time_; an hour's ride being reckoned one league. As, however, the rate

at which their animals travel is by no means the same, their computation

of distance varies accordingly; so that a man possessed of a good mule

reckons that distance seven leagues, which the owner of the more tardy

_burro_ estimates at nine. To exemplify this by our own case--we set out

from Alcalà under the impression, received overnight from information

obtained from a party of _arrieros_--that the distance to _Baena_ was

seven leagues. After riding _an hour_ we overtook two peasants, mounted

on sorry animals, who told us it was still seven leagues. Ten minutes

after, (fancying we must have taken a wrong road) we questioned a

priest, bestriding a sleek mule, and learnt that it was four leagues to

Baena, _or five_ from a knoll some _hundred yards_ behind us. In another

hour the distance had increased to four leagues and three quarters; but

for the next hour and a half, we proceeded in the proper descending

progression, until we had reduced the distance to three leagues, and a

shrug of the shoulders, implying good measure.

With this radius, and Baena as a centre, we were doomed to describe the

arc of a circle for two tedious hours; and at length, by a figure which

it would be difficult to explain geometrically, found ourselves suddenly

within a league and a half of our destination. From this stage, our

journey diminished pretty regularly to its end, excepting that we were a

quarter of a league from that desideratum before we were half of one!

I think the real distance may be reckoned twenty-four English miles; for

it occupied us seven hours to accomplish. The country is rough and

intricately broken, without being elevated; and it is devoid of much

interest. The road is a mere mule track, (for from Alcalà the Madrid

road proceeds to Alcaudete) and must be almost impassable in winter, as

well from the stiff, clayey nature of the soil, as from the depth of the

mountain rivulets which have to be forded, and which are very numerous.

The plains, which here and there present themselves, are well, that is

generally, cultivated; producing corn chiefly. The line of beacon-towers

is continued along the points of the distant hills.

The town of _Alcaudete_ (distant three leagues from Alcalà) lies about

six miles off the road on the right; and _Luque_ (some little distance

farther on) stands on a slight eminence, about a mile and a half off, on

the left.

On drawing near _Baena_, the country becomes wooded with olives, and the

hills lose somewhat of their asperity. It is a large town, containing

1000 _Vecinos_, and stands on the side of a rugged mound, overhanging

the right bank of the little river _Marbella_. The summit of the crag,

in the usual Moorish fashion, is crowned by an old castle, the enceinte

of which is rather extensive. The walls of the town are also standing,

and, within the last few years, have been plastered up and loop-holed,

to enable them to resist a _coup de main_, or an attack of cholera.

Baena is another town to which antiquaries are puzzled to affix a Roman

name. By some it is imagined to be _Ulia_; but this I do not think at

all likely, for, in the first place, the Itinerary of Antoninus makes

_Ulia_ distant but eighteen Roman miles from Cordoba, whereas Baena is,

at least, thirty two; and, in the next, because Cæsar, who, on his

second coming to Spain, found his own army assembled at _Obulco_,

(Porcuna) and that of his adversaries besieging _Ulia_,[156] would

scarcely have ventured to make a flank movement on _Cordoba_, to draw

Cneus Pompey from the siege of _Ulia_, leaving his own magazines exposed

to the enemy within half a day's march of that place. Had he been strong

enough to act in the bold manner this would imply, it seems more

probable that he would have marched at once with his whole army to the

relief of the beleaguered fortress. It strikes me, as being more

probable, that _Baena_ is the _Baebro_ of Pliny, enumerated by that

author (amongst the towns of note on the left bank of the Guadalquivir)

next in order to _Castra Vinaria_, now _Castrò el Rio_.

The last Moslem King of Granada, the "luckless" _Boabdil_, made prisoner

at the battle of Lucena, (A.D. 1483), was confined for some time in the

castle of _Baena_; in which also the banners and other trophies, taken

on the field of battle, were deposited by the victor, the enterprising

_Conde de Cabra_.

The accommodation of the Posada we found very _hard_; so, after

exploring the place, and attempting to take a _Siesta_, we proceeded on

to _Castrò El Rio_. The distance from _Baena_ to this place is two very

short leagues--scarcely more than six miles. The road, during the

greater part of the way, is along the confined valley of the _Marbella_;

but, on approaching Castrò, the bounding hills gradually lose themselves

in an extensive plain, that stretches along the winding course of the

River _Badajocillo_.

_Castrò El Rio_ has all the appearance of a very ancient place, and

almost all accounts agree in placing at this spot the Roman city of

_Castra Vinaria_, called, in some authors, _Castra Postumii_.[157] It is

now an insignificant and thinly populated place, having little or no

trade; and most of the land in its vicinity is laid out in pasture. The

River _Badajocillo_, or _Guadajoz_, washes its walls, and, by many, is

supposed to be the _Salsus_, so frequently mentioned in the "Spanish

war" of Hirtius; but without any reason, that I have been able to

discover, if we are to place reliance in that author's description of

the river and adjacent country.

We found Castrò occupied by the head-quarters and greater part of one

of the royal regiments of Carbineers; and every stable in the place

being crowded with the troopers' horses, we had the greatest difficulty

in obtaining accommodation for our own wearied animals. Indeed, but for

the interference of a _Caballero_, muffled up in a capacious cloak (who

seemed to possess extraordinary influence over the Innkeeper), we should

have been obliged to proceed on, or bivouac outside the walls of the

town. His interference, however, caused a small shed, crowded with mules

and _borricos_, to be cleared for the reception of our horses, into

which, after some little trouble, they were all squeezed. A room for

ourselves we were assured was quite out of the question;--and, as for

beds, every mattress, bolster, _manta_, and blanket, that the _posada_

afforded, had been secured by the Spanish officers. The same civil and

influential personage again, however, befriended us, for, after a short

time, whilst we were consulting where we should spread our cloaks for

the night, the Innkeeper came to acquaint us that "_ese Caballero

Español_"[158] had resigned in our favour "_una pequeñissima

sala_,"[159] which had been reserved for his use; and that he had

further directed it to be furnished with four sacks of chopped straw for

our accommodation.

The Spanish officers, who had entered into conversation with us whilst

standing at the portal of the posada, evinced great curiosity to know

whence we had come, whither we were going, and what was the motive for

our travelling, and very civilly invited us to pass the evening with

them at some house where they were in the habit of assembling nightly.

But being both hungry and weary, we made the latter an excuse for

declining their invitation. They then plied us with questions touching

the state of Granada; asked our opinion of the political condition of

the kingdom in general; and, complaining of the difficulty experienced

in obtaining news of any kind that could be relied on, begged to be

informed if we had recently heard of any thing stirring at Madrid, and

whether we purposed visiting that capital. To all these queries we

replied that, our object being merely amusement, we had not troubled

ourselves much by inquiring into the state of parties--that every thing

seemed to be quiet wherever we had been--and that our future plans were

undetermined.

With numerous offers of service, they then wished us good night, and we

betook ourselves to the _Sala_, sending a message to the _Caballero_,

who had so kindly given it up, to request he would do us the pleasure of

joining his smoke with our's; an invitation that did not require

pressing.

Our visitor, whom we now had an opportunity of inspecting more closely

and critically, was a tall, powerful man, with marked but good features,

though the general expression of his countenance was decidedly bad. His

brows were dark and shaggy, his cheeks covered with a forest of whisker,

and his fierce, uneasy eyes intimated that he was one who had stopped

and would stop at nothing to effect his purpose.

His curiosity concerning the object of our travels was not less, though

more guardedly expressed, than that of the Spanish officers; and, by

degrees, a kind of distrust, with which at first he evidently regarded

us, wore off, and he expressed his unbounded love for and admiration of

the English nation, collectively and individually. "I have seen much of

your compatriots," he proceeded, filling himself a bumper of wine,

"though of late years my opportunities of mixing with them have been but

few. I have ever found them to be true lovers of liberty--ever ready to

lend a helping hand to neighbours in distress; yes, yes! whenever an

oppressed people stand up for their rights, _carajo!_[160] an Englishman

has a G--d--n in his mouth, and a musket on his shoulder in a

_credo_.--_Pardiez, Señores!_ but these are excellent cigars! They are

indeed _legitimos_,[161] and, entre nous, they are the only things being

_legitimas_ that I have any great taste for. To you Englishmen I may say

as much. You, like myself, are lovers of constitutional

liberty--detesters of absolutism, of a domineering aristocracy, of

religious bigotry, and priestly mummery. These things are all very well

for the ignorant; but we, who have read, and studied, and reflected,

know the just value to set upon them."

We gave a ready assent.

"This wine is sad trash," he continued, after a flask of execrable black

strap had been disposed of, "and I know that you English like a good

glass of _Xeres seco_. I will therefore take the liberty, _con

licencia_, of sending for some that I think will please your palate."

Upon which, calling the _mozo_ charged with the care of the stables, he

directed him to go to the house of a certain Don Hilario, and request

_su merced_ to send some bottles of wine.

"Say it is for _me_, Juan," added our guest, or rather our host, with a

marked emphasis on the personal pronoun; "say it is for _me_, and he

will be sure to give you the right sort; but _cuida'o_![162] Tell him I

have some friends with me--English _officers_; is it not so?" turning

interrogatively to us, "and that half a dozen bottles will not be too

many."

Juan took his departure with a knowing glance at our friend, and in less

than the "_fumar de un cigarro_,"[163] returned with the wine. It was

excellent--the real "Sherris sack." Bottle after bottle was drained, and

every draught of the "fertile" liquor seemed, in the words of

Shakspeare's droughty knight, to have a "two-fold operation" upon our

convivial entertainer; "drying him up the crudy vapours" that environed

his suspicious brain concerning us, and rendering him extremely

communicative respecting his own affairs: so that long before even the

second bottle was emptied, he had pronounced us to be _gente_ with whom

he saw he could converse "_con toda confianza_,"[164] and had awakened

much curiosity on our parts, with regard to himself.

Although he had appeared to us to be on a friendly footing with the

officers of Carbineers, he now abused them in most unmeasured terms;

asking if they had not evinced very impertinent curiosity, (how much

sooner are the faults of others seen than our own!) to know all about

our movements. "Those _alacranes_,"[165] said he, "are all traitors to

their country, enemies to our glorious charter of liberty, and--whatever

professions they may make to the contrary--have as little liking for a

free-born Englishman as Sancho Panza had for unadulterated water."

"Indeed," we replied;--truly enough, though somewhat jesuitically

perhaps, wishing to draw him out;--truly, "from some observations they

let fall, it is evident they are no great admirers of the present

constitutional government." "Admirers!" he exclaimed; "no, indeed, it

brings them down to their proper level. But, _carajo!_ if I had my way I

would bring them down something lower; for I'd shoot every mother's son

of them, without the benefit of a dying confession. I'll tell you how

_I_ would set about establishing a constitutional government,

_caballeros_. I would first hang up the king; then give the _garrote_ to

all your dukes, marquisses, and _condes_; and lastly, to make things

sure, root every bishop, priest, _cura_, and _fraile_, out of their snug

hiding-places. That would be----" "But your religion?" interrupted we.

"_Qu ... e Religion! disparate!_[166] That would be the way to keep the

French on their own side the Pyrenees! But let them come! they will find

us ready to receive and able to beat them, in spite of the defection of

our dastardly nobles. As for these carbineer officers, they are a set of

_fanfarrones_, who are only fit to _pavonearse por las calles_.[167] I

have done more service to my country than the whole of them put

together. Look here," he added, removing the handkerchief bound across

his forehead,[168] and exhibiting a formidable scar; "this was not

obtained in a brothel brawl; nor this," showing a mutilated hand. "No,

no, caballeros, my skin would not serve to carry wine in."

"You have seen much service then," we observed.--"Wherever any was to be

seen," he replied. A fresh supply of cigars was brought, another cork

drawn, and before the bottle was finished, we had persuaded our visitor

to give us his whole history.

The narration occupied the best part of the night, and will consequently

require a proportionate space in these pages. Not therefore to detain my

readers in a miserable country venta, and break the thread of my

journey, I will reserve it for future chapters, concluding this with a

brief description of the remaining portion of the road between Granada

and Cordoba.

We left Castrò at dawn, (minus the curb chains, valise straps, and

divers other little detachable articles of our equipment, which are

serviceable to cavalry soldiers); taking leave of our new acquaintance,

who, though he had impressed us with no great feeling of admiration for

his character or principles, had, nevertheless, greatly interested us by

the narration of his adventures.

The road to Cordoba is dreary in the extreme; being principally across

extensive plains of pasture, uninterrupted by a single tree, uncheered

by a solitary cottage, or even _rancha_, and after leaving the banks of

the _Guadajoz_, unrefreshed by a single drop of water. It does not,

however, leave the river immediately on quitting Castrò; on the

contrary, so eccentrically does the stream wind, that it is twice

crossed (by fords) within a very short distance of the town, and then

continues for a considerable distance along its right bank. Indeed,

until arrived within a league and a half of Cordoba, the road does not

altogether lose sight of the winding river.

The quality of the route depends upon the season. In summer it is

_carriageable_;[169] in winter, knee-deep in mud, and liable to be

flooded. The distance between the two towns is reckoned six _leguas

regulares_, i. e. about 24 miles.

On reaching some high table land, about five miles from Cordoba, the

glorious capital of the western caliphs, and the splendid valley of the

Guadalquiver, first burst upon the sight. The view is less extensive,

perhaps, but far more striking than that on approaching Granada from

Alhama; and when arrived at the edge of the range of hills bordering

the rich valley, it becomes perfectly enchanting. The bright city, with

its venerable cathedral, its Moorish bridge, its castle and royal

palace, is offered to the spectator's close inspection. The gracefully

winding Guadalquiver, bathing its mouldering walls, may be traced for

miles along the spacious plain that stretches to the East; its flat and

fertile banks covered with the varied foliage of the olive, pomegranate,

and citron. Beyond the city, a range of wooded mountains, studded with

numerous _cortijos_, convents, and _quintas_, rises abruptly from the

plain; presenting a fine relief to the sun-lit edifices of the city; and

behind this, again, successive ranges of wild mountains show themselves,

terminating at length in the cloud-capped ridge of the _Sierra Morena_.

Excursions in the mountains of Ronda and Granada, with characteristic sketches of the inhabitants of southern Spain, vol. 1/2 · 第 12 / 17 章