kept his part of the treaty faithfully and piracy was actually
suppressed during the whole period in which he held the reins of
government. He revised the Sulu code of laws and system of justice. He
caused to be translated into Sulu parts of the Quran and several Arabic
texts on law and religion. He strongly urged the people to observe
faithfully their religion and the ordained five daily prayers. He even
went so far as to prescribe punishment for failure to observe this
rule. He wanted all pandita to learn Arabic and prepared Arabic-Sulu
vocabularies as a preliminary step to making the Arabic the official
language of the state. He coined money, organized a small army,
and tried to establish a navy. His name is foremost in the memory
of the Sulus, partly because of his able administration and partly
on account of the fact that he is the grandfather of all the present
principal datus of the Sulus.
In September, 1746, a special commission from Manila carried to
Alimud Din a letter written by King Philip V in 1744, requesting the
admission of Jesuit missionaries to Jolo with permission to preach
the Christian religion to the Sulus. The sultan entertained the
commission very hospitably and gave in their honor a royal reception
and a review of the troops. A council was held in which the sultan
conferred with the leading datus of Sulu and granted the request of
King Philip V. He further authorized the building of a church and
recommended the erection of a fort at some convenient locality for
the safe protection of the missionaries. In return for this favor he
requested that the Spanish Government give him, as an aid in building
a navy, the sum of P6,000, 12 piculs [185] of gunpowder, 12 piculs
of nails, and 1 picul of steel. This, he represented, was needed to
enable him to suppress piracy and to check the depredations of his
enemies in Borneo. This request the Spanish Government granted, and
Jesuit missionaries entered Jolo, translated the catechism into Sulu,
and distributed it freely among the people.
The liberties exercised by the Jesuits in their endeavor to proselyte
the Sulus and the strong friendship the sultan manifested toward them
created great dissatisfaction among the people, and an opposition party
was formed, under the leadership of Prince Bantilan, for the purpose of
expelling the missionaries and deposing Alimud Din. Bantilan was the
son of Sultan Shahabud Din and had as much right to the sultanate of
Sulu as any son of Sultan Badarud Din. After the death of the latter
the sultanate should have reverted to the line of Shahabud Din; but it
happens very often that the sons of the last sultan are either older
than those of the former or meet with more favor and are, as a rule,
supported by the majority of the council of datus; thus the regular
order of descent changes in favor of the stronger person. Probably
Bantilan was preceded by both Nasarud Din and Alimud Din for some
such reason as the above. This he resented at heart, but suppressed
his resentment until this favorable opportunity offered itself. He
then headed the opposition to the sultan and the missionaries and won
the majority of the datus and panditas to his side. Hostilities soon
increased and civil war was imminent. In an effort to assassinate
the sultan, Bantilan thrust a spear at Alimud Din and inflicted
a severe wound in his side or thigh. During the disturbances and
confusion which followed it became dangerous for the missionaries
to remain at Jolo. One of the ministers of the sultan provided them
with a salisipan in which they escaped without harm and withdrew to
Zamboanga. This occurred late in 1748. Overpowered, disheartened,
and grieved, Alimud Din left Jolo with his family and numerous escort
and came to Zamboanga, seeking the aid of Spain against Bantilan. The
latter proclaimed himself sultan with the title of Mu`izzud Din,
[186] strengthened the defenses of his capital, and waged war on all
the datus who had supported Alimud Din. His power soon became supreme,
and he reigned with a strong hand.
At Zamboanga Alimud Din is said to have given the officers many
presents and offered the Governor Zacharias 40 male Papuan slaves, who
were well dressed. Zacharias, unreasonably prejudiced and distrustful,
suspected some ill design and refused the present. Not receiving
sufficient attention and consideration at Zamboanga, Alimud Din asked
leave to go to Manila. This granted, he sailed and arrived at Cavite
January 2, 1749. At Manila "he was received with all the pomp and
honor due to a prince of high rank. A house for his entertainment
and his retinue of seventy persons was prepared in Binondo. A public
entrance was arranged which took place some fifteen days after he
reached the city. Triumphal arches were erected across the streets,
which were lined with more than 2,000 native militia under arms. The
sultan was publicly received in the hall of the Audiencia, where
the governor promised to lay his case before the King of Spain. The
sultan was showered with presents, which included chains of gold,
fine garments, precious gems, and gold canes, while the Government
sustained the expense of his household." [187]
Following this reception, steps were taken for his conversion. His
spiritual advisers cited to him the example of the Emperor Constantine
whose conversion enabled him to effect triumphant conquests over
his enemies. Under these representations Alimud Din expressed his
desire for baptism. The governor-general, who at this time was a
priest, the bishop of Nueva Segovia, was very anxious that the rite
should take place; but this was opposed by his spiritual superior,
the archbishop of Manila, who, with some others, entertained doubts
as to the sincerity of the Sultan's profession.
"In order to accomplish his baptism, the governor sent him to his own
diocese, where at Paniki, on the 29th of April, 1750, the ceremony
took place with great solemnity. On the return of the party to Manila,
the sultan was received with great pomp, and in his honor were held
games, theatrical representations, fireworks, and bull fights. This
was the high-water mark of the sultan's popularity. [188]
At his baptism the sultan received the name of Ferdinand, and Spanish
authors often referred to him as "Don Fernando de Alimud Din I,
Catholic Sultan of Joló." It is further stated that two datus and
five of his principal followers were baptized. The crown prince,
Raja Muda Mohammed Israel and his sister Fatimah attended school in
Manila and learned Spanish manners and customs.
A year and a half passed and no action was taken by the authorities
to restore Alimud Din. In the meantime Bantilan's fleets were busy
ravaging and pillaging the Bisayas. In July, 1750, a new governor, the
marquis of Obando (Francisco José de Obando) arrived in Manila. After
some deliberation he resolved to reinstate Alimud Din and punish
Bantilan and his pirates. [189] Accordingly, on May 19, 1751, the
sultan and his retinue were sent on board the Spanish frigate San
Fernando and were convoyed by a squadron composed of seven war vessels
under the command of Field Marshal Ramon de Abad. Falling in with
bad weather off the shore of Mindoro, the San Fernando was disabled
and made for Kalapan. The squadron, however, continued its voyage
uninterrupted to Jolo, arriving there on the 26th of June. After some
desultory fighting, Abad arrived at an understanding with the Sulus
and arranged for Datu Asin to come to Zamboanga with sufficient boats
to escort the sultan back to Jolo.
The sultan in the meantime stopped at Iloilo where he changed
boats. Meeting with contrary winds he was carried off his course to
Dapitan, and from there he set sail again for Zamboanga, which he
reached on July 12.
Before Ferdinand I left Manila, he had addressed a letter
to the sultan of Mindanao, at the instance of the Spanish
Governor-General. The original was written by Ferdinand I in Moro;
a version in Spanish was dictated by him, and both were signed by
him. These documents reached the governor of Zamboanga, but he
had the original in Moro retranslated and found that it did not
at all agree with the sultan's Spanish rendering. The translation
of the Moro text runs thus:
"I shall be glad to know that the Sultan Mohammed Amirud Din
and all his chiefs, male and female, are well. I do not write
a lengthy letter, as I intended, because I simply wish to give
you to understand, in case the sultan or his chiefs and others
should feel aggrieved at my writing this letter in this manner,
that I do so under pressure, being under foreign dominion, and
I am compelled to obey whatever they tell me to do, and I have
to say what they tell me to say. Thus the governor has ordered
me to write to you in our style and language; therefore, do not
understand that I am writing you on my own behalf, but because
I am ordered to do so, and I have nothing more to add. Written
in the year 1164 in the month Rabi`-ul Akir. Ferdinand I, King
of Sulu, who seals with his own seal."
This letter was pronounced treasonable. Impressed with, or feigning
this idea, Governor Zacharias saw real or imaginary indications
of a design on the part of the sultan to throw off the foreign
yoke at the first opportunity. [190]
After the landing of Datu Asin and his followers at Zamboanga, the
governor found out by his spies that they had many arms and quantities
of ammunition in their boats which lay in the roadstead opposite
the town and fort. Suspicious and distrustful from the beginning,
Zacharias interpreted these facts as positive proof of an intention
on the part of the sultan and Datu Asin treacherously to attack the
town when an opportunity offered itself. He then at once confiscated
part of the arms, ordered the boats to leave the port, imprisoned
the sultan and Datu Asin and all their retinue, and communicated his
suspicions and the action taken to Manila. Among the prisoners were
the sons and daughters of the sultan, several datus and dignitaries
and panditas, and many male and female followers and servants. In
all 217 persons entered the prisons of the fort, most of whom were
later transferred to Manila and confined in Fort Santiago.
Zacharias's interpretation of the action of the sultan and Datu Asin
was simply absurd and his behavior reflected considerable discredit
on his ability as an officer and administrator. It was further most
regrettable that his views were accepted as true by higher authority
in Manila where no clemency or redress was extended to the unfortunate
sultan and datus.
By a degree of the Governor-General, the following accusations were
set forth against the sultan and Datu Asin, viz:
1. That Prince Asin had not surrendered captives; 2. That whilst
the sultan was in Manila, new captives were made by the party who
expelled him from the throne; 3. That the number of arms brought
to Zamboanga by Sulu chiefs was excessive; 4. That the letter to
Sultan Mohammed Amirud Din insinuated help wanted against the
Spaniards; 5. That several Mohammedan, but no Christian books,
were found in the sultan's baggage; 6. That during the journey to
Zamboanga he had refused to pray in Christian form; 7. That he had
only attended mass twice; 8. That he had celebrated Mohammedan
rites, sacrificing a goat, and had given evidence in a hundred
ways of being a Mohammedan; 9. That his conversation generally
denoted a want of attachment to the Spaniards, and a contempt for
their treatment of him in Manila, [191] and, 10. That he still
cohabited with his concubines.
The greatest stress was laid on the recovery of the captive
Christians, and the governor added, that although the mission
of the fleet was to restore the sultan to the throne (which,
by the way, he does not appear to have attempted), the principal
object was the rescue of Christian slaves. He therefore proposed
that the liberty of the imprisoned nobles and chiefs should be
bartered at the rate of 500 Christian slaves for each one of the
chiefs and nobles, and the balance of the captives for Prince
Asin and the clergy. [192]
It is not therefore surprising to hear of the extraordinarily
revengeful activity which the Sulus exhibited during the period of
humiliation to which their sultan and nobles were subjected in Manila.
Bantilan was a man of strong personality, a warrior, and a leader. The
expeditions which he organized against his enemies were unusually
strong and left havoc everywhere. The towns he pillaged and the
captives he carried away alarmed the Spanish Government to a high
degree. A high council of war was convened in Manila in 1752, which
declared for an unmerciful campaign and a war of extermination to
be conducted with the utmost conceivable cruelty. Volunteers and
Bisayan corsairs were called to aid the regular troops. Unlimited
authority was granted them to annihilate the foe, burn his villages,
destroy his crops, and desolate his lands. The corsairs were exempted
from all taxes. They were allowed to keep or sell all female captives
and all males under 12 and over 30 years of age. Old men and crippled
persons were to be killed. Male captives between 12 and 30 years of
age were to be turned in to the government; the captors to receive
in compensation from P4 to P6 per man. Nursing children were ordered
to be baptized. At first the corsairs were required to turn in to
the government one-fifth of all valuables looted, but this was soon
afterwards revoked and all corsairs who equipped themselves retained
all their booty.
As part of the general campaign, Field Marshal Abad made another attack
on Jolo with a force amounting to 1,900 men. The fleet cannonaded
the forts for seventy-two continuous hours. A division of the troops
landed and engaged the Sulus, but after suffering considerable loss
retreated disastrously.
The raids of the Spaniards and Bisayans helped to increase the
vigilance of the Sulus and excited them to extreme cruelty and an
abnormal degree of revenge. [193]
The year 1753 is stated to have been the bloodiest in the history
of Moro piracy. No part of the Bisayas escaped ravaging in this
year, while the Camarines, Batangas, and Albay suffered equally
with the rest. The conduct of the pirates was more than ordinarily
cruel. Priests were slain, towns wholly destroyed, and thousands
of captives carried south into Moro slavery. The condition of the
Islands at the end of this year was probably the most deplorable
in their history. [194]
In the meantime Prince Asin died of grief in his prison.
Early in 1753 Alimud Din petitioned the governor to allow Princess
Fatimah to go to Jolo for the purpose of arranging a peace with
Bantilan. This request was granted on condition that she deliver
50 slaves to the Spanish Government on her arrival at Jolo. This
she complied with faithfully, adding one Spanish captive to the 50
Christian slaves wanted. Her mission was apparently successful and she
returned to Manila with Datu Mohammed Ismael and Datu Maharaja-Layla,
a commission sent by Bantilan. They brought a letter from Bantilan,
which was transmitted to the governor by Alimud Din together with
a draft of a treaty for the restoration of peace between Spain and
Sulu. Bantilan expressed deep regret for Alimud Din and the existing
condition of hostility and gave strong assurance of his desire for
the return of the sultan and the reëstablishment of peace with Spain.
The governor acceded to the petition of the sultan and sent a letter
to Bantilan with the commission, requesting that all hostilities stop
for the period of one year pending the consideration and completion
of the new treaty. In 1754 Governor Arandia assumed command and
approved of the proposed treaty. To expedite matters he sent the
commanding officer of the southern forces to find out what had been
done by Bantilan toward the fulfilment of the conditions agreed
upon. Bantilan met the commanding officer in a most friendly manner
and discussed the questions frankly and ably. He explained in clear
and impressive manner the principal causes of hostility and strongly
blamed the governor of Zamboanga for his unjust imprisonment of the
sultan and Datu Asin and his unbearable treatment of the messengers
and representatives of the Sulu authorities. He declared his wish
and true desire for peace and delivered to the commanding officer 68
Christian captives and two Spanish sloops. The officer was strongly
impressed with the integrity of Bantilan and with the honesty of his
intentions, and gave to the governor a very favorable report of both
Alimud Din and Bantilan. He assured him that the sultan was not a
traitor at all, but a man of good intentions, who was simply unable
to carry out some of his plans and promises because of the determined
resistance of many of the principal datus.
A general council was held in Manila early in 1755, in which it was
resolved to set the sultan free and return him to Jolo if the Sulu
authorities carried out the terms of the following conditions:
1. That all captives within the sultanate of Sulu be delivered within
one year.
2. That all valuable property and ornaments looted from the churches
be returned within one year.
General Zacharias who had attended the council set out from Manila in
September to take charge of the government of Mindanao. He brought back
to Jolo 6 princes, 5 princesses, 20 women, and 130 men of the sultan's
retinue. He had letters from Alimud Din and the Governor-General to
Bantilan and was authorized to conduct the preliminaries of a peace
treaty. Other ambassadors who accompanied Zacharias were empowered
to ratify the same. The ships arrived at Jolo on October 4, and the
ambassadors were well received by Bantilan. The latter agreed to all
the conditions imposed in as far as it was in his power to carry them
out. But he stated that many captives were bought from Mindanao chiefs
and were owned by datus on Basilan and other inaccessible places, who
were unwilling to give them up unless they were justly compensated. He
added that many such datus were in alliance with datus in Mindanao
and were planning to attack Zamboanga, and that the time was very
inopportune for him to force them to deliver all captives.
The terms were actually impossible of execution and the endeavor to
make the treaty and ratify it proved fruitless.
Alimud Din remained in prison until 1763, when the English, after their
conquest and occupation of Manila, reinstated him on the throne of
Sulu. During the period of his imprisonment he felt greatly humiliated,
but lived as a Christian and with one wife only. At the death of his
wife, in 1755, he was allowed to marry a Sulu woman who had been his
concubine, but who had professed Christianity and was living at the
College of Santa Potenciana.
The Sulus received their former sultan with a good heart and Alimud
Din resumed his former authority as Sultan of Sulu. The people had
evidently acquired strong sympathy for him and Bantilan had either
undergone a change of heart or felt convinced that it was of no avail
to go against such strong popular sentiment and fight the English
forces. Withdrawing from Jolo he moved to Kuta Gubang near Parang,
where, a few years later, he died.
In return for the favors which he received from the English, Alimud Din
ceded to them that part of North Borneo lying between Cape Inarstang
and the River Frimanis with the adjacent Island of Balambangan and
the Island of Tulayan. Balambangan was soon after that occupied and
garrisoned by English forces.
In the later days of his reign, Alimud Din was addressed as Amirul
Mu'minin (The Prince of the Faithful) by which name he is better known
to the Sulus. Moro incursions increased at that time and the Sulus
became so daring as to invade the Bay of Manila in 1769, carry away
captives from the wharves of the city, and appear at the Plaza del
Palacio at retreat before they were repulsed or even detected. Becoming
old and weak, Amirul Mu'minin abdicated the sultanate in favor of
his son Israel, in November, 1773.
REIGN OF SULTAN ISRAEL
Sultan Israel followed the same progressive policy which characterized
his father's administration. However, his succession was contested
by rivals, and the people were not unanimous in his support. In
his foreign relations with the English and Spaniards he was at the
beginning uncertain as to the side toward which to lean. Both powers
had an eye on Sulu and appeared interested in its affairs. However,
before long he refused the request of the English to be allowed to move
their factory from Balambangan to Tandu-dayang, in the neighborhood
of Jolo, and exchanged messages of friendship with King Carlos III,
who congratulated Israel on his succession to the sultanate and thanked
him for his action relative to the removal of the Balambangan factory
to Sulu Island. [195] The early education Israel received in Manila,
together with the consideration with which the Spanish authorities
treated him at that time, helped to win his sympathies to the Spanish
side and to form a sort of an alliance between Sulu and Spain against
Great Britain. Such an alliance was further needed to strengthen his
hand in Sulu, for the purpose of checking any insurrection that might
be fomented by rival datus or unfriendly chiefs. The Spaniards promised
to help him in his endeavors to organize an army and a navy; and, he on
his part, agreed to open the ports of Sulu for free commerce with the
Philippine Islands. He further asked the Spanish Government for capital
to work his mines, promising to pay back one-fifth of the output.
In 1774 and 1776, Jolo was visited by Captain Thomas Forrest, who in
his "Voyage to New Guinea" described the town and country as he saw
them. His account is so interesting and so clear that the following
extracts [196] are quoted therefrom:
They have a great variety of fine tropical fruits; the oranges
are fully as good as those of China. They have also a variety
of the fruit called jack, or nangka, durians, a kind of large
custard apple named madang, mangos, mangustines * * *. The Sulus
having great connection with China, and many Chineses being
settled amongst them, they have learned the art of ingrafting
and improving their fruits * * *.
The capital town is called Bawang, [197] situated by the seacoast,
on the northwest part of the island, and containing about 6,000
inhabitants. Many of them were Ilanun * * *.
This island * * * is well cultivated, affording a fine prospect
from the sea, on every side far superior to that of Malay countries
in general * * *.
Here are wild elephants, the offspring, doubtless, of those sent
in former days, from the continent of India [198] as presents to
the kings of Sulu. Those animals avoid meeting with horned cattle,
though they are not shy of horses. After harvest the Sulus hunt
the elephants and wild hog, endeavoring to destroy them * * *.
Sulu has spotted deer, abundance of goats, and black cattle.
The pearl fishery * * * proves also to the Sulus the cause of
their consequence amongst their neighbors, as being a nursery
for seamen, ready to man a fleet of praus upon an emergency * * *.
The praus [boats] of the Sulus are very neatly built, from 6 to
40 tons burden, sail well, and are all fitted with the tripod
mast. [199] * * *
The arts are in greater forwardness here than at Mindanao. * * *
In the common market is also a copper currency, a convenience much
wanted at Mindanao, where, as has been said, the market currency
is rice.
The Sulus have in their families many Bisayan, some Spanish
slaves, whom they purchase from the Ilanun and Magindanao
cruisers. Sometimes they purchase whole cargoes, which they carry
to Passir, on Borneo, where, if the females are handsome, they
are bought up for the Batavia market. The masters sometimes use
their slaves cruelly, assuming the power of life and death over
them. Many are put to death for trifling offenses, and their bodies
left above the ground. An attempt of elopement is here seldom
pardoned, or indeed at Magindanao. Yet, the distance being so
small from either Sulu or Slangan, [200] to the Spanish settlement,
I have wondered how any stay, as they are not closely confined.
The Bisayan slaves play often on the violin, and the Sulus are
fond of European music. [201] I have seen the Sultan Israel, who
was educated in Manila, and his niece, * * * dance a tolerable
minuet. I have also seen the datus go down a country dance,
but as they wore heavy slippers, they did it clumsily.
The Sulus are not only neat in their clothes, but dress gaily. The
men go generally in white waistcoats, buttoned down to the wrist;
with white breeches, sometimes strait, sometimes wide. * * *
Both sexes are fond of gaming. * * *
In the cool of the evening, I had the pleasure of seeing the
Sultan's niece and another princess. They wore waistcoats of
fine muslin close fitted to their bodies; their necks to the
upper part of the breasts being bare. From the waist downward
they wore a loose robe, girt with an embroidered zone or belt
about the middle, with a large clasp of gold, and a precious
stone. This loose robe like a petticoat came over their drawers,
and reached to the middle of the leg; the drawers of fine muslin
reaching to the ankle. They rode across with very short stirrups,
and wore their hair clubbed atop, Chinese fashion. They often
put sweet oils on their hair which give it a gloss. The ladies
sat their horses remarkably well; and this is an exercise women
of fashion indulge all over the island.
"The Island Sulu is far from being large; but its situation
between Mindanao and Borneo makes it the mart of all the Moorish
kingdoms. I do not find that the Portuguese ever pretended to
settle, much less to conquer these islands; but they visited them
frequently for the sake of trade; and in those days, there was
greater commerce in these parts than can well be imagined. For,
while the trade was open to Japan, there came from thence two or
three ships laden with silver, amber, silks, chests, cabinets,
and other curiosities made of sweet-scented woods, with vast
quantities of silks, quilts, and earthenware, from China. For
these the merchants of Golconda exchanged their diamonds, those
of Ceylon their rubies, topazes, and sapphires; from Java and
Sumatra came pepper, and spices from the Moluccas." (Harris'
History of the Portuguese Empire, p. 685.)
About fifteen datus * * * make the greater part of the
legislature. * * * They sit in council with the Sultan. The
sultan has two votes in this assembly, and each datu has one. The
heir apparent, * * * if he side with the sultan, has two votes;
but, if against him, only one. There are two representatives of
the people, called mantiris, like the military tribunes of the
Romans. The common people of Sulu * * * enjoy much real freedom,
owing to the above representation.
The state of Sulu is small, * * * containing scarce above 60,000
inhabitants; yet are these powerful, and have under them, not only
most of the islands that compose that Archipelago, but a great part
of Borneo, some of which they have granted to the English. They
have the character of being treacherous, and of endeavoring always
to supply by fraud what they can not effect by force. * * *
Only seven years have elapsed since the Sultan of Kulan * *
* on the northeast of Borneo, was at war with the Sultan of
Buru, on the same coast. One of them applied to the Sulus for
assistance. The datus Alimud Din and Nukila went; and watching
their opportunity, attacked both the sultans, plundered them,
and carried them with their wives, children, and many of their
headmen to Sulu. They were sometime after sent back, on condition
that they should become tributary, which they are at this day.
The intentions of the East India Company in fortifying Balambangan
were regarded with suspicion by the Spaniards, who employed every
method possible to incite hostilities between the Sulus and the
English. The English agents at Jolo won the sympathy of a party
headed by the strong datus in chief command of the Sulu forces. The
Spaniards had the sultan and his party on their side. This question
of national policy was a matter of serious and important concern to
the people. It stirred up the whole Sulu community, and party issues
were ardently and publicly discussed.
The jealousy which the English and Spaniards exhibited toward
each other and the methods they used to secure alliance with Sulu,
had the effect of exciting the suspicion of the Sulus toward both
nations. Besides that, the Spanish officials at Zamboanga showed
exceedingly poor judgment, and their action aroused the indignation
of all parties in Sulu, and led to the renewal of hostilities.
In 1773 a majority of the leading datus favored an alliance with
England against Spain. In 1775 the English party weakened and the
garrison of Balambangan was treacherously attacked and destroyed
by Sulu agents and forces secretly sent there by Sultan Israel and
his council. The conduct of the Sulus in this incident depicts very
clearly a marked trait of the Sulu character. A full description
of this incident is given herewith in the words of Captain Forrest,
who had an intimate knowledge of the conditions at Balambangan and
the causes leading to the massacre.
When John Herbert, esq. went to Balambangan early in the preceding
year [1774], he found great want of buildings to accommodate the
company's servants, civil and military; those gentlemen who had
just been saved from the shipwreck of the Royal Captain on the
shoals of Palawan, as well as the crew of that ship. About this
time, one Tating, a Sulu datu, and first cousin to Sultan Israel,
came with many of his vassals to Balambangan, offered his service
as a builder, was employed by Mr. Herbert, and, in the whole of his
behavior, gave satisfaction. The datu, falling sick, went home to
Sulu for the recovery of his health. This blessing soon obtained,
he returned to the prosecution of his task at Balambangan.
He now brought from the sultan and council letters recommending
him as a trustworthy person, to erect whatever warehouses or
buildings might be wanted. With him came two other datus, Muluk
and Nukila. But Datu Tating took care to show only part of his
numerous followers, concealing the rest in the Island of Banguey,
and even in some recesses of Balambangan, which, being covered
with wood, as those islands generally are, there was no great
fear of discovery.
Surmises, however, had some days begun to spread reports of a
plot, while Tating proceeded with such address, that the chief
and council, who were not without their suspicions, apprehended
no danger very nigh.
During the night strict watch was kept all over the settlement. At
dawn, the gun, as usual, announced the morning, and for a few
moments tranquillity reigned. A house at some small distance
suddenly fired proved the signal to the Sulus. They rushed into
the fort, killed the sentries, and turned the guns against the
Bugis guard. The few settlers, lately rendered fewer by death, were
fain to make their escape in what vessels they could find. [202]
The governor and five others escaped on board a vessel, leaving behind
a great quantity of arms and wealth. The English factors who were
at Jolo fled in a Chinese junk. In the same year Tating attempted a
similar attack on Zamboanga, but failed. During 1776 and 1777 he and
other Sulus harassed the Bisayas and ravaged the coast of Cebu.
MORO PIRATES
Sultan Israel was poisoned in 1778 by his cousin Alimud Din II,
the son of Bantilan. During the reign of Sultan Alimud Din II,
hostilities between Sulus and Spaniards increased, and for the period
of ten years or more traffic between Luzon and the southern islands
was paralyzed. About 500 Spanish and native Christians were every
year carried into captivity by the Moros. The government was greatly
exercised over this grave situation, and in 1789 the Captain-General
Mariquina reported to the King that "war with the Moros was an evil
without remedy."
In the latter part of 1789 Sharapud Din, the son of Alimud Din I,
ascended the throne of Sulu. While a youth he was imprisoned with
his father in Zamboanga and accompanied the latter to Manila. Very
little is known of his reign except that he was animated by the same
spirit and principles which characterized his father's reign and that
of his brother Israel. He coined money, and one of his coins which
was obtained from Jolo bears the date 1204 A. H., which was probably
the date of his succession. Sultan Sharapud Din was followed by his
sons Alimud Din III and Aliyud Din I.
The continued presence of the Moros in Mindoro, where they haunted
the bays and rivers of both east and west coasts for months at a
time, stealing out from this island for attack in every direction,
was specially noted by Padre Zuñiga, and indicated how feebly
the Spaniards repulsed these pirates a hundred years ago.
It was the last severe phase of Malay piracy, when even the
strong merchant ships of England and America dreaded the Straits
of Borneo and passed with caution through the China Sea. Northern
Borneo, the Sulu Archipelago, and the southern coasts of Mindanao
were the centers from which came these fierce sea wolves, whose
cruel exploits have left their many traditions in the American
and British merchant navies, just as they periodically appear in
the chronicles of the Philippines.
Five hundred captives annually seem to have been the spoils taken
by these Moros in the Philippine Islands, and as far south as
Batavia and Macassar captive Filipinos were sold in the slave
marts of the Malays. The aged and infirm were inhumanly bartered
to the savage tribes of Borneo, who offered them up in their
ceremonial sacrifices. The measures of the Spanish Government,
though constant and expensive, were ineffective. Between 1778 and
1793 a million and a half of pesos were expended on the fleets
and expeditions to drive back or punish the Moros, but at the
end of the century a veritable climax of piracy was attained.
Pirates swarmed continually about the coasts of Mindoro,
Burias, and Masbate, and even frequented the esteros [203] of
Manila Bay. Some sort of peace seems to have been established
with Jolo and a friendly commerce was engaged in toward the
end of the century, but the Moros of Mindanao and Borneo were
increasing enemies. In 1798 a fleet of 25 Moro bancas passed up
the Pacific coast of Luzon and fell upon the isolated towns of
Baler, Kasiguran, and Palanan, destroying the pueblos and taking
450 captives. The cura of Kasiguran was ransomed in Binangonan
for the sum of 2,500 pesos. For four years this pirate fleet had
its rendezvous on Burias, whence it raided the adjacent coasts
and Katanduan Island. [204]
Governor Aguilar assumed command in 1793 and made every effort to
remedy this condition of affairs. He divided the Archipelago into six
divisions, each of which was provided with a fleet of six gunboats. He
repaired the forts of the Bisayas, Mindoro, Tayabas, Batangas, and
Zamboanga. While preparing for defence, he negotiated with the Sulu
and Mindanao Moros for peace and partially succeeded in establishing
a condition of truce with Sulu.
In 1798 he convened a council to consider further measures for the
suppression of piracy. All records pertaining to Moro affairs were
submitted to Rufino Suarez, "Asesor del Gobierno," who was directed
to report on this subject. The report was rendered in April, 1800,
and contained full information and recommendations as to the best
measures and methods that the government could undertake for that
purpose. Aguilar, however, did not act on the recommendations of
Suarez, but continued his negotiations with the Moros who became
peaceful and remained so until 1803. In this year the English attacked
Zamboanga unsuccessfully, instigated hostility between Sulu and Spain,
and reoccupied the Island of Balambangan, which they held for three
years only.
In 1805 a treaty was made between Sulu and Spain whereby it was agreed
that no foreign resident would be permitted in Sulu without the
consent of the Spanish Government, and that in case of war between
Spain and any foreign country, the Sultan's ports would be closed
against Spain's enemies. Between 1805 and 1815 detailed accounts of
piratical raids are infrequent.
Sultan Aliyud Din died in 1808 and was succeeded by his pious brother
Shakirul Lah. It is related that Shakirul Lah slept on boards and
covered himself with sarongs only. He used to leave his home at night,
search for the poor and needy and feed them.
In 1815, the raiders took 1,000 native prisoners and captured several
Spanish, British, and Dutch vessels. In October, 1818, a Spanish fleet
under Pedro Esteban encountered 25 Moro vessels in the vicinity of
Albay, seized nine of them and sank the rest.
Sultan Shakirul Lah was succeeded in 1823 by Sultan Jamalul Kiram
I, the son of Alimud Din III. In the same year, Governor Antonio
Martinez, impressed by the superior policy and success of Corcuera,
organized an expedition under Alonso Morgado and attacked the pirates
in their home lairs, at Basilan, Pilas, Sulu, and Mindanao. The Spanish
fleet consisted of 2 schooners, 4 gunboats, 6 tenders, 2 junks, and
1 transport schooner. The expedition reached Pilas in March, 1825,
took the fort by assault and killed 50 Moros. At Jolo it cannonaded
the town for ten hours and then left for Mindanao, where it inflicted
considerable damage. It destroyed Moro boats at Illana Bay, Pollok,
and Dumankilis Bay.
General Ricafort sent another expedition, in 1827, to Jolo, consisting
of 20 vessels and 500 troops; but Jolo was so well fortified and the
Moro forces so numerous that the Spanish soldiers could not disembark,
and the expedition returned without accomplishing any results.
The seal of Sultan Jamalul Kiram I bears the date 1239 A. H., or
about 1823 A. D., which in all probability indicates the year of his
succession. He issued regular appointment forms for his subordinate
officers of state and dated his communications, using the current
Malay and Mohammedan dates combined. In the estimation of the Sulus
he was a strong and very prosperous sultan.
On the 23d of September, 1836 A. D. or 1252 A. H., he signed a
commercial treaty with Capt. José M. Halcon as the representative of
Captain-General Salazar. [205] The principal part of the treaty was
an agreement regulating boat licenses and the duties to be paid by
Sulu boats in Manila and Zamboanga and by Spanish vessels in Jolo. In
another document bearing the same date and signed by the same parties,
an alliance was declared guaranteeing general peace and safety to
Sulu boats in Philippine waters and to Spanish and Filipino craft in
the Sulu Sea. The sultan further consented to have a Spanish trading
house constructed at Jolo for the safe storage of merchandise under
the charge of a Spanish resident agent.
TREATY OF 1836 WITH THE SULTAN OF SULU
TEXT OF THE TREATY
Articles of agreement arranging the duties to be paid by Sulu craft
in Manila and Zamboanga, and by Spanish craft in Jolo, which schedule
can not be changed except by a new agreement.
Article 1. Sulu craft which, with proper license, go to Manila, may
import products of the Islands subject to the Sultan, by paying a
consumption duty of 2 1/2%.
Article 2. Wax and cacao may be deposited in the Manila Custom-House
by paying 1%; but if these articles are imported the established 14%
will be paid.
Article 3. Sulu craft that trade in Zamboanga will pay a duty of 1%
on products of the islands subject to the Sultan.
Article 4. All these duties will be paid in silver to the Protecting
Spanish Government on the basis of one-half the appraised value.
Article 5. Spanish craft in Jolo will pay the following duties in kind:
Pesos
Ships of three masts from Manila, with Chinese passengers 2,000
The same, without passengers 1,800
Brigantine from Manila, with Chinese passengers 1,500
The same, without passengers 1,300
Schooner from Manila, with Chinese passengers 1,400
The same, without passengers 1,200
Pontin (small trading boat) from Manila, with Chinese
passengers 1,400
The same, without passengers 1,200
Galley from Manila or other ports of the Philippines, with
cargo of rice (palay), sugar and saguranes [206] 300
The same for the Philippine Islands with cargo of merchandise 500
Article 6. These duties fixed for Spanish craft will be paid in kind
in accordance with the values laid down in the following schedule,
one-half of which will be selected by the Sultan's government officials
from the cargo and the other half shall consist of such articles as
the captain of the boat may select, valuation to be in accordance
with the schedule. Articles not in the schedule can not be exacted
from the captain, nor will he give such payment:
=================================================================
| Articles | Quantity | Value |
| | | (pesos) |
|======================================+==============+=========|
| Rice | One laga | 2.00 |
| Sugar | One pilon | 5.00 |
| Coconut oil | One tinaja | 6.50 |
| Chapas (plates) | Per thousand | 1.00 |
| Cambayas ordinarias (cloth) | Per thousand | 9.00 |
| Carancali (cloth) | Per piece | 11.00 |
| Coco, black and blue, (cloth) | 11 yards | 4.50 |
| Coquillo blanco, (cloth), 6 brazas | | |
| (12 yards) | 1 piece | 6.50 |
| Coco blanco, (cloth), 22 brazas | | |
| (44 yards) | 1 piece | 16.50 |
| Javal de caranclan (cloth) | 1 piece | 26.00 |
| Cacha (cloth) | 1 piece | 4.00 |
| Manta coleta (shirting) | 1 piece | 1.00 |
| Plain muslin, 12 varas | 1 piece | 10.00 |
| Fancy muslin | 1 piece | 5.00 |
| Colored muslin, 12 varas | 1 piece | 15.00 |
| Unhusked rice | One laga | 1.00 |
| Paños de Costa (cloth) | 1 piece | 11.00 |
| Ordinary cambric kerchiefs | 1 kerchief | .50 |
| Ordinary stamped kerchiefs | Per dozen | 3.00 |
| Woolens | 1 piece | 6.00 |
| Common woolens | 1 piece | 5.00 |
| Printed cotton with flowers | 1 piece | 9.00 |
=================================================================
Article 7. Sulu ships found trading in ports without a license or
passing contraband will be treated as smugglers in accordance with the
Spanish laws laid down for such. Spanish schooners and small trading
craft (galeras) that show by manifest in Jolo that they carry a cargo
of Philippine produce, and are afterward discovered to have, in place
thereof, a cargo of merchandise (géneros), and to have discharged
such cargo in the port to be sold therein, will be fined 500 pesos as
per values in Jolo, two-thirds of said sum to go to the Sultan, and
one-third to the Royal Treasury of the Protecting Spanish Government.
Article 8. Should the import duties on any articles of commerce
produced in the Sulu Islands be reduced in Manila or Zamboanga to
a lower rate than that now established, the Spanish Government will
also make a reduction so that Sulu ships may always pay less, as has
been agreed.
Should the Sultan of Sulu collect smaller duties from any foreign
ship than those established for Spaniards, either as a tax or by
a reduction of the valuation of the dutiable articles, he will be
obliged to make such a reduction in duties for Spanish craft as will
give the advantage to the flag of His Catholic Majesty as stipulated.
Last Article. Should the text of these articles of agreement differ
in the two languages, the Spanish text will be literally adhered to.
Palace of Jolo, September 23, 1836, which is the 14th of the moon
Jamadul Akir, 1252.--José M. Harun,--Rubric,--Sultan Mohammed
Jamalul Kiram,--Datu Mohammed Harun,--Datu Mohammed Buyuk,--Datu
Bandahala,--Datu Muluk,--Datu Sabalmar,--Datu Mamancha,--Datu
Juhan,--Datu Maharaja-Layla,--Datu Sabuwayan,--Datu Muluk Kahar,--Datu
Nay.
I, Don José María Halcon y Mendoza, Frigate Captain of the Royal Navy,
etc., Special Commissioner appointed by the Captain General of the
Philippines to establish these articles of agreement (capitulaciones),
Certify that when I received from the hands of the Sultan of Sulu the
copy herewith, in the act of the exchange, by which I handed him the
duplicate with the ratification of the Governor General, I remarked
at the end of the present a writing in Malay, on the page following
that of the seals and signatures which is the reverse of folio six,
on which it can be seen.
I also certify that having examined the contents of said improper
addition which, although unauthorized, appears in writing in the
present document, it was found to be the text of the circular of the
Sultan to his people, in four articles, whose translation, made by
the Datu Muluk-Bandarasa, and verified separately by several persons,
reads as follows:
Article 1. The people of Sulu who wish to go to Zamboanga or Mindanao
shall ask the Sultan of Sulu for a passport so that they may suffer
no harm if they meet ships belonging to the Navy.
Article 2. Passports shall be issued stating the number of people on
board and the cargo when requested.
Article 3. I give this order for the safety of those who travel by
sea, as instead of being pursued by the ships of the Navy, they shall
be helped.
Article 4. I give you the present patent so that when you meet the
ships of the Navy of the King of Spain, my brother, they may not harm,
but help you.
And in proof thereof, I make out the present certificate, written
of my hand and attached to the Articles of Agreement, of which it is
impossible to make a new copy, on account of the absence of some of
the Datus who were present when they were agreed to, and approved them.
Given on board her Majesty's schooner "Tirol" in the roadstead of
Jolo on the 29th of March 1837.
José Ma. Halcon, (His flourish).
RATIFICATION OF THE TREATY OF 1836 BY THE QUEEN REGENT OF SPAIN
Isabel II, Queen of Spain, by the Grace of God and the Constitution of
the Spanish Monarchy, and in her Royal name and during her minority,
the Queen Dowager her mother, Doña María Cristina of Bourbon, Regent
of the Kingdom:
Whereas on the twenty-third of September of last year, at the palace
of Jolo, a treaty of peace, protection and commerce having been drawn
up, concluded and signed by the frigate-captain of the national fleet,
Don José María Halcon, commander in chief of the naval forces anchored
in the roadstead of Jolo, representing the Captain General of the
Philippine Islands, and the Sultan Jamalul Kiram and Datus; which
said treaty, composed of six articles, word by word, is as follows:
Capitulations of Peace, Protection and Commerce, executed to the
most Excellent Sultan and Datus of Sulu, by his high Excellency the
Captain-General, Governor of the Philippine Islands, in the name of
the high and powerful Sovereignty of her Catholic Majesty, being drawn
up and agreed to by both parties, to wit: representing the Spanish
Government as plenipotentiary of his high Excellency the Captain
General, Don Pedro Antonio Salazar, Governor of the Philippines, the
frigate-captain of the royal fleet, Don José María Halcon, commander
in chief of the naval forces anchored in the roadstead of Jolo; and
upon the other part, the Sultan Jamalul Kiram, Raja of Sulu and Datus
who subscribe, which parties enacted as follows:
Article 1
His high Excellency the Captain-General, Governor, for her Catholic
Majesty, of the Philippine Islands, assures the most excellent
Sultan and Datus of Sulu, for the present and forever, of the most
stable peace between the Spaniards and natives of all the islands
subject to the Crown of Spain and the tributaries of the lands
governed by the Sultan and Datus. He offers the protection of his
Government and the aid of fleets and soldiers for the wars which
the Sultan shall find necessary to wage against enemies who shall
attack him, or in order to accomplish the subjection of the peoples
who rebel in all the confines of the islands which are found
within Spanish jurisdiction, and which extend from the western
point of Mindanao as far as Borneo and Palawan, except Sandakan
and the other lands tributary to the Sultan on the coast of Borneo.
The Sultan of Sulu, upon his part, accepting the friendship of
the Spanish Government, binds himself to keep peace with all the
vassals of her Catholic Majesty, and further binds himself to
consider as his enemies those who hereafter may be such to the
Spanish nation, the Sulus proceeding with armed men to the wars
which may arise, in the same manner as if they were Spaniards; in
case of his furnishing such aid, the provisions for the support
of the Sulus shall be supplied by the Royal exchequer of her
Catholic Majesty, as they are for the other soldiers and people
of her army and navy.
The sense of the second clause of the Capitulations of one thousand
seven hundred and thirty-seven, that they are not bound to furnish
assistance for wars against European nations, is hereby renewed
and affirmed.
Article 2
In accordance with the friendship and protection which unite
Sulu with the Spanish provinces of the Philippines, the Sulu
boats shall navigate and trade freely with the open ports of
Manila and Zamboanga, and the Spanish vessels with Jolo, where
not only will both be well received, but shall find protection
and the same treatment as the natives.
In a separate Capitulation are determined the duties which the
Spanish vessels shall pay in Jolo, and those which the Sulus
shall pay in Manila and Zamboanga; but by these Capitulations it
is agreed that whenever the Sulus convey cargoes of products of
the islands, they shall pay in Manila and Zamboanga less than
foreign vessels, and the Spanish vessels shall not pay in Jolo
as much as is charged the ships of other nations.
Article 3
In order that the traffic of Spanish vessels in Jolo shall not
suffer the injuries and delays occasioned by the difficulties of
their market, the Sultan and Datus consent to the construction of a
factory or trading house, with safe warehouses, where merchandise
may be stored without risk: and the Sultan and Datus agree always
to respect this place, in which there will be a resident Spanish
agent, who shall assume charge of all the business entrusted
to him. If the Sulus should desire to do likewise in Manila,
they shall be permitted; but the Spanish Government receives
for storage merchandise from the Custom-house of that city upon
payment of fees of but one per centum.
The Sultan shall designate the proper place for the location
of the warehouses, which shall be convenient for loading and
unloading and the Government shall request the Sultan to furnish,
and shall pay for, the materials and workmen that may be necessary.
Article 4
In order that the Spanish and Sulu vessels may navigate and trade
with safety, free from the piracies of the Hanuns and Samals
the Spanish Government will strengthen its fleets in Mindanao
waters, which same will protect equally those of both nations;
and in order that good may not be confused with evil persons,
the following rules shall be observed:
1st. All Spanish vessels arriving at Jolo shall show to the Sultan
their permit upon anchoring, and the same shall be sealed upon
sailing; without which the captain shall be punished at Manila.
2d. All Sulu vessels which proceed to Manila or Zamboanga, shall
carry the permit of the Sultan, and in possession of the same
shall be free and unmolested.
3d. All Spanish or Sulu vessels which shall proceed for trading
to Mindanao, shall go first to Zamboanga to notify the Governor,
who shall sign their permit without cost.
4th. Every Spanish or Sulu vessel which shall be found by the
fleets of Illana or Sindangan bays, without permit of the Governor
and Sultan as aforesaid, shall be seized and shall lose all her
merchandise, of which two-thirds shall be awarded to those making
the capture and one-third to the Sultan of Sulu, if the vessel
is Sulu, and to the Spanish Government if the vessel is Spanish.
5th. The Governor of Zamboanga shall determine the procedure in
the case of vintas [small sail boats] of the towns of Pilas and
Basilan Islands friendly to said Plaza [Zamboanga].
6th. Sulu merchant vessels proceeding outside the islands of the
Sultan or to Mindanao with a permit, should not flee from the
fleets which they encounter, because the latter are intended to
defend them and run down evil-doers. Commanders of the fleets
shall be ordered to receive and aid the advice-boats of the Sultan.
Article 5
The Sultan and Datus of Sulu pledge themselves to prevent the
piracies of the Ilanuns and Samals in the Philippines, and if they
are unable, the Sultan shall so report in order that the Spanish
Government may afford assistance or undertake the task alone.
Last Article
If the sense of these Capitulations is not conformable in both
languages, the same shall agree with the literal Spanish text.
Palace of Jolo, September 23, 1836, which is the fourteenth of the
moon Jamadul Akir of one thousand two hundred and fifty-two. The
seals.--Sultan Mohammed Jamalul Kiram.--Seal--signed.--José
María Halcon.--Datu Mohammed Harun.--Seal.--Datu Mohammed
Buyuk.--Seal--Datu Bandahala.--Seal--Datu Amilbahar.--Datu
Muluk.--Datu Sabalmar.--Datu Mamancha.--Datu Juhan.--Datu
Maharajah-Layla.--Datu Sabuwayan.--Datu Muluk Kahar.--Datu Nay.
Therefore, the Government of our August Daughter, having been duly
authorized by the decree of the Cortes of the thirteenth of the
present month, for the ratification of the inclosed treaty, and
the same having been seen and examined by Us, we have approved and
ratified and by these presents do hereby approve and ratify the
contents thereof as a whole, in the best and most complete form
possible, promising on the faith and the word of Queen Regent,
in the name of our August Daughter, to comply with and observe
the same, and compel wholly the compliance with and observance
of the same. In witness whereof, we command the disposition of
the same, signed with our hand, and sealed with our own private
seal by the First Secretary of State. Done at Madrid, this October
twenty-ninth, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven.
I the Queen Regent.
[A shield in wax.]
Eusebio de Bandaxi y Azara.
EXPEDITION OF GOVERNOR CLAVERIA
In 1842 the Spanish Government built the stone fort at Isabela de
Basilan. The Balangingi and Basilan Moros appear about this time to
have become a menace to the peace and to the commerce of nations. To
punish Datu Usak of Malusu for depredations committed against French
vessels, Basilan was blockaded by a French fleet in 1843. Aspiring
for Chinese trade and for the possession of a port in the neighboring
seas the French in 1844 concluded a treaty with the Sultan of Sulu
for the cession of the Island of Basilan for a considerable sum of
money. The terms of this treaty do not appear to have been carried
out, but this act and the frequent appearance of English, Dutch,
and French vessels in Sulu waters aroused the Spaniards to active
measures for the subjugation of the Sulu Archipelago.
This year Jamalul Kiram I died, and his son Mohammed Pulalun succeeded
to the sultanate. The "Luntar" or "Sulu Annals" begin January, 1844,
and appear to have been started by Sultan Pulalun.
In 1845 a frigate attacked the Island of Balangingi, but it was
repulsed and gained no advantage except that of ascertaining the
strength of the enemy. The shores of Basilan and the principal
islands lying between it and the Island of Sulu had numerous forts,
the strongest of which were on the island of Balangingi, the chief
stronghold and headquarters of the Samal pirates. Realizing the
seriousness of the situation Governor Claveria took the matter in
hand and with energy and enthusiasm made every effort to strengthen
the fleet and increase its efficiency.
In 1848 he secured three steam war vessels called Elcano, Magallanes,
and Reina de Castilla which were built by the English and were the
first steam gunboats the Philippine Government ever employed. Steam
was certainly destined to mark a new epoch, one which saw the beginning
of the end of Moro piracy.
With two additional pilot boats and three transport brigs the
expedition, headed by Governor Claveria in person, left Manila in
January and, coming by the way of Dapitan, reunited at Caldera Bay,
where it received additional troops from Zamboanga.
The Island of Balangingi is scarcely 6 square miles in area,
low, flat, surrounded by shoals, and covered to a great extent by
mangrove swamps. Most of its settlements had their houses built over
the water and little dry land could be seen in the vicinity. Part
of this land was covered with coconut trees. A labyrinth of small,
narrow channels led to the various settlements and divided the island
into four distinct parts. Four strong forts were built by the Moros
at points difficult of access and surrounded by swamps. These forts
were constructed of thick trunks of trees driven into the soil as
piles and set close to each other and in 3 rows of varying heights,
to afford suitable positions for the artillery, part of which was set
in covered inclosures commanding the channel leading to the fort. The
walls of these forts were 20 feet high and could not be scaled without
ladders. The immediate vicinity of the fort was set with sharpened
bamboo sticks and pits to hinder and trap the attacking forces. The
fort of Sipak, the strongest of the four, was provided with redoubts
and towers and showed considerable skill in its construction.
The Spanish troops consisted of three regular companies of infantry,
two of volunteers, and detachments of artillery, pikemen, engineers,
and laborers. They experienced some difficulty in landing and attacked
the most accessible fort first. The fighting was heroic and desperate
on both sides. The Moros, it is said, fought like fiends; but they were
completely overpowered in the end. In the fort of Sipak many women
and children were gathered and considerable property was stored. The
Moros had hoped to save all within its impregnable walls. When these
walls were entered, some of the defenders in their desperation thrust
their spears and krises into their wives and children, killed them
first, and then dashed themselves against sure death at the point of
Spanish bayonets. The Moros consider such action most valorous and
honorable and do it in order not to allow their wives and children
to fall into slavery or be killed by the hand of the enemy.
In the fight at the first fort 100 Moros perished and 14 pieces
of artillery were captured. The Spaniards lost 7 dead and 50
wounded. After the reduction of the second fort at Sipak 340 Moros were
burned in one pile and 150, mostly women and children, were taken as
prisoners; others, who sought refuge in the swamps or tried to swim
away, were killed by the fire of the fleet and their bodies were
washed ashore by the waves. The Spanish losses in this engagement
amounted to 17 dead, 4 officers and 13 men, and 155 wounded. Three
hundred slave captives were rescued and 66 pieces of artillery were
captured. Quantities of ammunition, silks, silver and gold vessels,
bracelets and other ornaments, jewels, utensils and arms of all sorts,
and books of prayer were found inside the fort.
The troops investing the third fortification at Sungap found the
fort evacuated, but the first Spaniard who scaled the wall fell dead
from a kampilan blow at the hand of the only Moro who refused to run
away and remained at his post to meet what he considered an honorable
death. Thirteen cannons of small caliber were found in this fort. The
Moros who had fled to the fourth fort at Bukutingal did not make any
determined stand, but soon fled leaving several cannons behind. The
Spaniards desolated the island, burned its forts and settlements,
and cut down more than 8,000 coconut trees.
The conquest of the Balangingi Samals was complete and the expedition
returned to Manila in triumph. Here great rejoicings, parades, and
festivities were held in honor of the event. Governor Claveria was
decorated and promoted by the Queen and many of the officers and men
were variously rewarded.
The Balangingi Samals rivaled the Sulus in power, bravery, and wealth,
but the signal victory of Claveria crushed them so completely that
they have never since had any considerable force. The Samals who were
carried away were transplanted to the Province of Kagayan in northern
Luzon, where they remained until a late date.
VISITS TO JOLO OF CAPTAIN HENRY KEPPEL AND SIR JAMES BROOKE
In December, 1848, Jolo was visited by Capt. Henry Keppel, in command
of the Maeander, and his description of the town contained in the
following extracts taken from his "Visit to the Indian Archipelago"
will be of unusual interest: [207]
The town is built partly on land and partly on the sea. That
part which is on the land, and which might almost be called the
citadel, was at the time of our visit, strongly stockaded and
flanked with batteries mounting heavy guns * * *. That portion
of the town which is not within the stockades is built in regular
Malay fashion, on piles. The houses run in rows, or streets; and
outside of them is a platform about 6 feet wide to walk upon. This
is supported underneath by a light scaffolding of bamboo. These
rows of birdcage-looking buildings extend into the sea for half a
mile over a shoal which is nearly dry at low water. The population
is numerous, composed principally of fishermen and Chinese
traders. The said platform runs the whole length of the rows:
and its planks were so carelessly thrown across that it seemed
wonderful how the children could escape, if they always did escape,
falling through the yawning spaces which invited them to a watery,
or a muddy grave; they were crawling about these rickety stages
in vast numbers; if the tide was out when they fell, they would
be received into 3 feet deep of soft mud, supposing always that
they did not break their little backs across the gunwales of the
canoes beneath, which were made fast to the scaffolding. * * *
What we saw of the country [in the neighborhood of Jolo]
was highly cultivated, consisting, with intervals of jungle,
of pasture grounds and gardens, very flourishing and pretty,
with abundance of cattle. * * *
The day after we had commenced [watering] was a market day. The
mountaineers came down in parties of from six to twelve, mounted
on well-formed little horses, or oxen, according to their
rank and means; on these they sat with graceful ease, spear in
hand--they were all well armed besides, with shield and kris;
in some instances also we observed the heavy two-handed Ilanun
sword [kampilan]. They had a wild and independent bearing;
and, when seen in groups, some standing, some squatting, the
women all chattering, under the wide spreading tree, they much
increased the interest of the already picturesque scene. They
seemed indifferent as to the sale of their stock, which was
conducted chiefly by the women, who freely accompanied them,
and were by no means ill favored. The townspeople, who met and
traded with these mountaineers, were dressed in gayer colors,
but not so well armed. * * * Though the market on this occasion
was well attended, the trade was slack; but I doubt not that,
in the palmy days of active piracy, a considerable amount of
business was transacted under this old banyan tree. * * *
December 30 was the day appointed for Sir James Brooke's
interview with the Sultan of Sulu. We landed in full costume at
10 o'clock. Having walked over the sea suburbs, and arrived at
the beach, we found a guard of honor and attendants waiting to
conduct Sir James to the Sultan's presence; they were a motley
group, but made themselves useful in clearing the way.
Passing within the outer stockade, we arrived, after a few minute's
walk, at the royal residence. It was walled in and fortified:
a large space was inclosed by double rows of heavy piles driven
into the earth, about 5 feet apart, and the space was filled up
with large stones and earth, making a very solid wall of about
15 feet in height, having embrasures, or rather portholes, in
convenient places for cannon, out of which we noticed the rusty
muzzles of some very heavy guns protruding. A great part of the
town was stockaded in a similar way; and the country houses of
the datus and mountain chiefs of any importance were also walled
in and had guns mounted.
Passing through a massive gateway, pretty well flanked with guns
and loopholes, we entered a large court, in which some 2,000
persons were assembled, armed and in their best apparel, but
observing no sort of order; it was a wild and novel sight. Malays
are always armed. The kris to them is what the sword was to
an English gentleman in the feudal times. Every person who, by
virtue of his rank or on any other pretext, could gain admittance
was in attendance on this occasion; for our Rajah had become a
justly celebrated man in the great Eastern Archipelago, and was
an object of curiosity.
We were conducted through the crowd to a corner of the courtyard,
where a building inferior to a small English barn, was pointed
out as the Sultan's palace. We entered it by a flight of broad
wooden steps (for the palace was raised on piles), through a
narrow passage thronged with guards * * * and we found ourselves
in the royal presence.
The audience chamber was not very large; a table, covered with
green cloth, ran across the center of it; above the table, and
around the upper end of the room sat a very brilliant semicircle of
personages, the Sultan occupying a raised seat in the middle. The
cortège consisted of his grand vizier, the members of the royal
family, and the great datus and officers of state. Behind these
stood the guards and attendants, dressed in silks, the colors
being according to the fancy of their respective masters.
The Sultan gave us a gracious reception, shaking hands with each
officer as he was presented. This ceremony over, chairs were
placed for Sir James and his suite; while those of our party,
who could not get seats, formed a semicircle on the other side
of the table. The scene was striking and gay.
The Sultan is a young-looking man, but with a dull and vacant
expression, produced by the too free use of opium: his lips
were red with the mixture of betel nut and cere leaf, [208]
which he chewed.
He was dressed in rich silks, red and green the predominant
colors. A large jewel sparkled in his turban, and he wore jewels
also profusely on his person.
The hilt of his kris, the great distinguishing ornament of all
Malays, was beautifully decorated with gold wire, curiously
twisted in. Immediately behind the Sultan, in closest attendance
on his person, stood the cupbearer, a fine young man dressed in
green silk, who held in his hand a purple finger glass, which
was constantly held to his royal master's mouth, to receive
the filthy-looking mixture which is in such favor with these
people--composed of the juice of the betel leaf, with the areca
nut and gambier. The other personages composing the circle were
dressed with equal gaudiness, in bright silks; in the selection,
however, of their colors they displayed considerable taste. Many
of the guards were dressed in very ancient chain armor, consisting
of skull caps and tunics, covering the arms and reaching from
the throat to the knee.
Those armed with sword, spear, and kris did not look amiss; but
two sentries, placed to guard the entrance to this ancient hall of
audience, each shouldering a very shabby-looking old Tower musket,
of which they looked very proud, had an absurd effect.
After a reasonable time passed by each party in admiration of
the other, the conversation was opened by Sir James Brooke, who,
as Her Majesty's commissioner in these regions, submitted to the
Sultan certain propositions on matters of business.
To these His Majesty expressed his willingness to accede; and
he graciously reminded Sir James that the royal family of Sulu
were under considerable obligations to the English; inasmuch as
his great-grandfather, Sultan Amir, [209] having been once upon
a time imprisoned by the Spaniards in the fortress of Manila,
was delivered from durance vile and reinstated on the throne of
his ancestors by Alexander Dalrymple----A. D. 1763. This was now
the more liberal on the part of His Majesty, because his royal
ancestor had not at the time allowed the service to be altogether
unrequited; for he ceded to the English Government a fine island
adjoining Sulu (of which, by the bye, no use appears to have been
made), together with the north end of Borneo and the south end
of Palawan, with the intervening islands.
At length we took leave of his Majesty, retiring in much the
same order as that in which we had entered. Although no actual
treaty was concluded with the Sultan, Sir James paved the way for
opening up commerce and for cultivating a better understanding
with the natives.
In the afternoon we visited one Datu Daniel, a powerful chief,
very friendly, and well disposed toward the English. His stronghold
was at a short distance in the country, at the foot of one of the
mountain slopes, fortified in much the same way as the Sultan's,
but on a smaller scale; his stockades were, however, quite as
strong, and his guns in better order. His inclosed court, being
likewise a farmyard with a good supply of live stock, looked as
if he was better prepared than his royal master to stand a long
siege; his wives looked happy, his children merry, and, on the
whole, his domestic life appeared tolerably comfortable. * * *
Considering that Sulu was the great commercial center of these
seas, we were surprised at not seeing more large praus; there
were none afloat, and very few hauled up; the number, however,
of building sheds and blacksmith's forges showed that they have
the means of starting into activity at short notice.
Who could have thought that, after such devastation and havoc as the
Spaniards wrought on Balangingi, another chief would have the courage
to settle on such a hateful spot again! Yet we learn that in spite
of the contrary advice of the Sultan and his council, Datu Tampang,
as early as December, 1848, stationed himself at Pa'at, Balangingi
Island, and constructed a fort with the intention of defying the
Spanish forces and fighting them again. An isolated case like this can
not be explained except on the ground of foolhardiness, for Tampang
was soon after that dislodged by the governor of Zamboanga. But it
appears that it was necessary again for the Spaniards to send another
squadron under Manuel Quesada, consisting of two steam gunboats and
other sloops and vessels, to clean up Balangingi once more and to
strike at the Moros of Basilan and Pilas. Nor was this sufficient, for
we learn that before the end of the same month of December, 3,000 Sulus
and Samals attacked the Spanish forces on Basilan, probably at Isabela,
and were repulsed. In 1849 the Spaniards retaliated and reduced to
ashes the settlements of Bwal, Samalang, and Gumbalang. Undaunted,
the Moros of Tonkil, together with others, in 1850 raided the Islands
of Samar and Kamigin and carried away more than 75 natives.