RISE AND PROSPERITY OF SULU
SULU BEFORE ISLAM
The Genealogy of Sulu is a succinct analysis of the tribes or elements
which constituted the bulk of the early inhabitants of the island and
is the most reliable record we have of the historical events which
antedated Islam.
The original inhabitants of the island are commonly referred to as
Buranun or Budanun, which means "mountaineers" or "hill people." This
term is occasionally used synonymously with Gimbahanun, which means
"people of the interior," and with Manubus in the sense of "savage
hill people" or "aborigines." Some of the old foreign residents of
Sulu maintain that they recognize considerable similarity between the
Buranun and the Dayaks of Borneo, and say that the home utensils and
clothes of the Sulus in the earlier days closely resembled those of
the Dayaks.
The capital of the Buranun was Maymbung. The earliest known ruler of
Maymbung was Raja Sipad the Older, of whom nothing is related except
that he was the ancestor of Raja Sipad the Younger. In the days of the
latter there appeared Tuan Masha'ika, about whose ancestry there seems
to be considerable ambiguity and difference of opinion. According to
the Genealogy of Sulu he was supposed to have issued out of a stalk
of bamboo, and was held by the people as a prophet. The traditions
state that Tuan Masha'ika was the son of Jamiyun Kulisa and Indira
Suga, who came to Sulu with Alexander the Great.
Jamiyun Kulisa and Indira Suga are mythological names [131] and in all
probability represent male and female gods related to the thunderbolt
and the sun, respectively. The former religion of the Sulus was of
Hindu origin. It deified the various phenomena of nature and assigned
the highest places in its pantheon to Indra, the sky; Agni, the fire;
Vayu, the wind; Surya, the sun. The ancient Sulus no doubt had many
myths relating to the marriages and heroic deeds of their gods by
which natural phenomena were explained, and it is not unlikely that
the above story of Jamiyun Kulisa was one of those myths. Taken in
this light, the above legend may express the belief of the ancient
Sulus that, by the marriage of the gods, Jamiyun Kulisa and Indira,
rain fell and life was so imparted to the soil that plants grew.
The word Masha'ika is so written in the Malay text as to suggest its
probable formation from two words Masha and ika. The Sanskrit word
Masha means "pulse" or "plant." Ika or eka means "one." On the other
hand masha-ika may represent the two parts of the Sanskrit mashika
which means "five mashas." It may not therefore be improbable that
masha-ika refers to the subordinate deity which assumes the form of
a plant or signifies the first man, whom the deity created from a
plant. It is not an uncommon feature of Malay legends to ascribe a
supernatural origin to the ancestor of the tribe, and Tuan Masha'ika
probably represents the admission into the Buranun stock of foreign
blood and the rise of a chief not descended from Rajah Sipad the
Older. The tarsila [132] adds that he married the daughter of Raja
Sipad the Younger, Iddha, [133] and became the forefather of the
principal people of Sulu.
The common belief among the Sulus that Alexander the Great invaded
their island is one of many indications which lead one to think that
most of their knowledge and traditions came by the way of Malacca or
Juhur, and possibly Tuan Masha'ika came from the same direction. It
does seem therefore as if the dynasty of Sipad was supplanted by a
foreign element represented by Tuan Masha'ika.
These two elements were later augmented by the Tagimaha who settled
at Bwansa and along the coast west of that point, and by the Baklaya
who settled on the same coast east of the present site of Jolo. The
four tribes thus brought so closely together mixed very intimately
and later lost their identity in the development of a single nation,
which reached its maturity under the guiding hand of a Mohammedan
master. In spite of later immigrations to the island and in spite of
conquest and defeat, the national character thus formed has remained
unchanged throughout history and the Sulu of to-day still maintains
that same individuality which he acquired in his earlier days.
The noted emigration of the Bajaws or Samals of Juhur must have begun
in the earlier parts of the fourteenth century, if not earlier. These
sea nomads came in such large numbers and in such quick succession as
to people the whole Tawi-tawi Group, the Pangutaran and Siasi Groups,
all available space on the coast of Sulu proper, the Balangingi Group,
and the coasts of Basilan and Zamboanga, before the close of the
century and before the arrival of the first Mohammedan pioneers.
The Samals exceeded the Sulus in number, and the effect of
such overwhelming immigration must have been considerable; but,
nevertheless, the Sulu maintained his nationality and rose to the
occasion in a most remarkable manner. The newcomers were taken into his
fold and were given his protection, for which they rendered noteworthy
service; but their relation was never allowed to exceed that of a
slave to his master or that of a subject to his ruler, and the Samals
thus remained like strangers or guests in the land until a late date.
Besides the Samals, some Bugis [134] and Ilanun emigrants gained
a foothold on the northern and northeastern coast of Sulu. The
Bugis appear to have lost their identity, but the Ilanun are still
recognizable in many localities, and some of the principal datus of
Sulu still trace their origin to Mindanao.
The numerous and extensive piratical expeditions undertaken by the
Sulus from time immemorial must have been a great source of further
influx of foreign blood. The earliest traditions say that, in the days
of the Timway, [135] Orangkaya Su'il, slaves or hostages were sent
by the raja of Manila to secure the friendship of the Sulus. These
slaves were, according to some accounts, of six colors, but the
written records give them as four--red-eyed, white-eyed, blue-eyed,
and black-eyed. The people do not entertain any doubt relative to the
truth of these statements, and the custom is current even among the
Samals of referring to the origin of some person as descended from
the red-eyed slave, in making distinction as to whether he comes from
a noble or is of low birth and as to the part of the country to which
he belongs. According to general opinion the red-eyed slaves lived at
Parang, the western section of the island; the white-eyed at Lati,
the northern section lying to the east of Jolo; the black-eyed at
Gi'tung, the middle and southern section; the blue-eyed at Lu'uk,
the eastern section.
This color distinction is difficult to explain, but it must have arisen
out of the established custom of dividing slaves and captives, after
returning from a piratical expedition, among the great chiefs of the
various parties which composed the expedition. These parties as a rule
belonged to four sections representing the four great districts of the
island, over each of which one chief formerly was in authority. [136]
The number of elements which have thus entered into the constitution of
the Sulu people must be great, for there was not a single island in the
Philippine Archipelago which was spared by these marauders. Indeed,
the nation owes its origin and its chief characters to piracy. As
pirates these people took refuge in this island and lived in it, and
as pirates they have stamped their reputation on the annals of history.
However, the Sulus do not differ in this particular point from
the Malays of other countries. All Malays were equally addicted to
piracy. "It is in the Malay's nature," says an intelligent Dutch
writer, "to rove on the seas in his prau, as it is in that of the
Arab to wander with his steed on the sands of the desert. It is as
impossible to limit the adventurous life of a Malay to fishing and
trading as to retain a Bedouin in a village or in a habitation. * * *
This is not merely their habit; it may be termed their instinct." [137]
"As surely as spiders abound where there are nooks and corners,"
says another, "so have pirates sprung up wherever there is a nest
of islands offering creeks and shallows, headlands, rocks, and
reefs--facilities, in short, for lurking, for surprise, for attack,
and for escape. The semibarbarous inhabitant of the Archipelago,
born and bred in this position, naturally becomes a pirate. It is as
natural to him to consider any well-freighted, ill-protected boat
his property as it is to the fishing eagle above his head to sweep
down upon the weaker but more hardworking bird and swallow what he
has not had the trouble of catching."
So we are told that before the days of Makdum and Raja Baginda,
Sulu had long been an emporium not only of regular traders from most
nations, but the headquarters of those piratical marauders who there
found a ready market for enslaved victims.
INTRODUCTION OF ISLAM AND THE RISE OF A MOHAMMEDAN DYNASTY IN SULU,
1380-1450
To this period belongs the Mohammedan invasion of the Archipelago. If
the Buranun [138] were Dayaks in origin, they certainly did not
keep their Dayak characteristics very long. For in all probability
Tuan Masha'ika, the Tagimahas, and the Baklayas were Malays [139]
who came into Sulu from the west, and the dynasty established by
Masha'ika must have exercised due influence on the Buranun. Whatever
religion or customs these Malay conquerors had in their original land,
they no doubt continued to practise in their new home. It does not
appear that the Samals produced any change in this respect, and the
same worship and social organization which the Sulus had remained
unchanged until the Mohammedans reached the Archipelago.
The two prominent characters who mark this era are Makdum and Raja
Baginda. Makdum was a noted Arabian judge or scholar who arrived at
Malacca about the middle of the fourteenth century, converted Sultan
Mohammed Shah, the ruler, to Islam and established this religion
throughout the state of Malacca. He evidently practised magic and
medicine and exerted an unusually strong influence on the people
of Malacca. Continuing farther east, he reached Sulu and Mindanao
about the year 1380. [140] In Sulu, it is said, he visited almost
every island of the Archipelago and made converts to Islam in many
places. The Island of Sibutu claims his grave, but the places at
which he was most successful are Bwansa, the old capital of Sulu,
and the Island of Tapul. It is said that the people of Bwansa built
a mosque for him, and some of the chiefs of the town accepted his
teachings and faith. The Tapul people claim descent from him, and
some of them still regard him as a prophet.
Makdum's success in preaching a new faith to people as independent
in their individual views and as pertinacious in their religious
practices, beliefs, and customs as the Sulus must have been in his
time, is certainly remarkable and creditable to a high degree. The
results of his mission to Malacca and Sulu throw a new light on the
history of Islam in the Philippine Islands and modify the opinion
formerly held relative to its introduction by the sword. How much of
a lasting effect the teachings of Makdum could have had on Sulu is
very difficult of estimation, but in all probability the new sapling
planted in the soil of Sulu would have withered before long had it
not been for the future current of events which watered it and reared
it to maturity.
Some time after Makdum (the Genealogy of Sulu says ten years)
there came into Sulu a prince from Menangkabaw called Raja
Baginda. Menangkabaw [141] is a rich, high region in central Sumatra,
from which many Malayan dynasties seem to have come. Raja was the usual
title applied to all Malayan kings. Baginda is said to have touched at
Sambuwangan (Zamboanga) and Basilan before reaching Sulu. The nature
of such a move can not be explained unless he followed the northern
route leading from Borneo to Kagayan Sulu, Pangutaran, and Zamboanga,
which route seems to have been taken by all Mohammedan missionaries
and invaders mentioned in the tarsila.
The written records of Baginda's arrival and his later history are
exceedingly brief. When he arrived at Bwansa, the Sulus came out to
engage him in battle, as we would naturally expect; but, the tarsila
continues, on learning that he was a Mohammedan, they desisted from
fighting, invited him to stay with them, and seem to have entertained
him very hospitably. Such an account is absurd on the face of it. Raja
Baginda was not a trader nor a traveler touring the Archipelago. He
was accompanied by ministers and no doubt came to Bwansa to stay
and rule. His coming was an ordinary kind of invasion, which proved
successful. When Abu Bakr reached Bwansa, as we will learn later, he
was directed to Raja Baginda, who must have been the supreme ruler
of Bwansa. Accordingly we find all the chiefs of Sulu enumerated
in the tarsila at the day of Baginda's arrival subordinate in rank,
having no "rajas" among them.
The Genealogy of Sulu is as misleading as the tarsila of Magindanao
in that it pictures the arrival of Baginda as peaceful as that
of Kabungsuwan. Some of the chiefs who were Mohammedans possibly
intrigued against their former overlords, and, joining Baginda's
forces, defeated their opponents; but the dearth of information
relative to this early Philippine history renders it impracticable to
secure any more light on the subject. It may not, however, be out of
place to remind the reader that the fourteenth century was marked by
unusual activity in methods of warfare. Gunpowder, which was known and
used as an explosive long before that date, had not been made use of in
throwing projectiles in battle. The Arabs, we know, used firearms early
in the fourteenth century, and we may conjecture that they introduced
such weapons into Malacca and other parts of Malaysia as they moved
east. It is not improbable then that a prince coming from Sumatra
was provided with firearms which overawed the ignorant inhabitants of
Bwansa and subdued the valor and courage of the Sulu and Samal pirates
of those days. The statement made in the tarsila of Magindanao that,
after the people of Slangan came down the river to where Kabungsuwan
was anchored, "He beckoned (or pointed his finger) to them, but one
of them died on that account, and they were frightened and returned,"
is the only kind of evidence found which can possibly be interpreted to
indicate that a firearm was used. Lacking confirmation as this may be,
yet we positively know that when the Spaniards reached these Islands,
these people had an abundance of firearms, muskets, lantaka [142]
and other cannon, and we may be justified in saying that probably
firearms existed in the land in the century preceding the arrival of
the Spaniards. This brings us approximately down to Baginda's days.
In considering the etymology of the titles of the Sulu chiefs mentioned
in the time of Baginda, we observe that they are of three classes. The
first class were the datus. These had mantiri or ministers and probably
represented the descendants of Raja Sipad and Tuan Masha'ika. The
second class were the sayk. "Sayk" is probably derived from the Arabic
"Sheikh" meaning "chief." These were the Tagimaha chiefs, and their
rank was evidently subordinate to that of datu. The third class were
the orangkaya, the Baklaya chiefs. These are also subordinate in
grade and could not have been higher than the sayk. The words datu
and orangkaya it must be remembered are of Malay origin, while raja
and baginda are Sanskrit, baginda being the highest and being often
used as equivalent to emperor, while raja means only king.
Jawa is the Malay term for Java. The incident related in the tarsila
relative to the gift of two elephants sent by the raja of Java to the
raja of Sulu is interesting, in that it explains the existence in Jolo
of the elephants found there during the earlier Spanish invasions. It
further indicates that Raja Baginda was not an insignificant chief
and that he kept up some kind of communication with the rajas of
western Malaysia.
The elephants received by Baginda were let loose, the story says,
and they lived and multiplied on Mount Tumangtangis. On the declivity
of this mountain there is a place still called lubluban-gaja, which
means the "habitat or lying-place of the elephant." The people relate
several stories which make mention of the elephant, one of which
declares that the chief who killed the last wild elephant was given
the hand of the sultan's daughter in marriage, in admiration of his
strength and bravery.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE MOHAMMEDAN CHURCH IN SULU AND THE REIGN OF ABU
BAKR, 1450-1480
Brevity is without exception a marked characteristic of all Moro
writings. Their letters, unlike those of the Malays and Arabs, are
brief and devoid of compliment or detail.
It is very difficult to pick out a superfluous word or phrase from the
text of the Sulu tarsila. In fact, the narrative of events throughout
the manuscript is so curtailed as to be reduced to a mere synopsis of
headlines. It gives a very dim view of the general subject and leaves
out much that is desired. Thus, the whole question of establishing
Islam in Sulu and organizing its sultanate is dispensed with in one
short paragraph briefly enumerating the following facts: That Sayid
Abu Bakr came to Bwansa from Palembang by the way of Bruney; that he
lived with Raja Baginda and taught and established a new religion
for Sulu; that he was greatly respected by the people; and that he
married Paramisuli, the daughter of Baginda, and became sultan.
The traditions of the country, notwithstanding their brevity, add
some further but less reliable information. It is the common belief
that Abu Bakr was born in Mecca and that he lived some time at Juhur
(or Malacca). Others state that it was his father, Zaynul Abidin,
who came from Mecca and that Abu Bakr was born of the daughter of
the Sultan of Juhur at Malacca. He came to Pangutaran first, the
narrative continues, then to Zamboanga and Basilan. His younger
brother, who had accompanied him, continued eastward to Mindanao,
while he remained at Basilan for a short while. Having heard of Abu
Bakr, the people of Sulu sent Orangkaya Su'il to Basilan to invite
him to Bwansa to rule over them. This invitation was accepted and
Abu Bakr was inaugurated sultan over Sulu soon after his arrival there.
From the annals of Malacca we know that Abu Bakr was a famous authority
on law and religion and that his mission to Malaysia was prompted by
enthusiasm for the promulgation of the doctrines of Abu Ishaq, which
were embodied in a book entitled "Darul-Mazlum, or The House of the
Oppressed or Ignorant." After preaching these doctrines in Malacca with
success, he evidently proceeded farther east, stopping at Palembang
and Bruney and reaching Sulu about 1450. The hospitality with which
he was received at Bwansa points to success in his mission to a degree
that enabled him later to marry the Princess Paramisuli, the daughter
of Raja Baginda. He established mosques there and taught religion and
law; and the people and chiefs actually abandoned their former gods
and practiced the new religion and observed its commandments. This
process of reformation and conversion was no doubt slow and gradual,
but it was real and sure.
There is no evidence to show that Abu Bakr had any military forces
by virtue of which he could assume military authority and rule after
Baginda's death. But it is perfectly credible that Raja Baginda,
being without a male heir, appointed Abu Bakr, his son-in-law and
chief judge and priest, as his heir, and delegated to him all the
authority he exercised over Bwansa and the Island of Sulu. This
it appears was acquiesced in by the native chiefs who accepted
Abu Bakr as their temporal overlord, as well as their spiritual
master. Claiming descent from Mohammed, he assumed the powers of a
caliph and entitled himself sultan. The Sulus as a rule refer to him
as As-Sultan ash-Sharif al-Hashimi, meaning the Sultan, the Hashimite
Sharif or noble. The words Mohammed and Abu Bakr are generally left
out when he is mentioned in prayer or in ordinary discourse.
Having established the church, his next aim, after ascending the throne
of Sulu, was the political reorganization of the government. This he
undertook to frame on the same principles as those of an Arabian
sultanate, giving himself all the power and prerogatives of a
caliph. In enforcing such claims of absolute sovereignty, Abu Bakr
declared to the people and their local chiefs that the widows, the
orphans, and the land were his by right. This the people hesitated
to submit to, and another measure was adopted which reconciled the
interests of all parties. They agreed that all the shores of the
island and all that territory within which the royal gong or drum
could be heard should be the sultan's personal property, and that
the rest of the island should be divided among the subordinate
chiefs and their people. The island was accordingly divided into
five administrative districts, over each one of which one panglima
exercised power subject to the supervision and superior authority of
the sultan. These districts were again divided into smaller divisions,
which were administered by subordinate officers or chiefs called
maharaja, orangkaya, laksamana, parukka, etc. The districts were
called Parang, Pansul, Lati, Gi'tung, and Lu'uk. The boundaries which
it seemed necessary at that time to define were marked by large trees,
none of which is living at present. Thus a sangay [143] tree separated
Parang from Pansul. The location of this tree was at a point near Bud
Agad and the stream Agahun, which runs down from Tumangtangis toward
Maymbung. A bawnu [143] tree separated Pansul from Lati. This tree was
located at a place called Indung, intermediate between Asturias and
the walled town of Jolo. A mampalam [143] tree called Tarak separated
Lati from Lu'uk. It was in the vicinity of the settlement of Su'. A
variety of durian tree named Siggal-saggal formed the boundary of
Lati and Gi'tung.
According to later usage, these districts are defined as follows:
Parang is the western district lying west of a line passing through a
point east of the summit of Tumangtangis and a point on the southern
coast 3 miles west of Maymbung. A line passing through Mount Pula
and a point a little east of Maymbung marks the boundary between
Pansul on the west and Lati and Gi'tung on the east. The watershed is
generally considered as the dividing line between Lati and Gi'tung. A
line joining Su' on the north and Lubuk on the south separates Lati
and Gi'tung from Lu'uk. A sixth district has lately been carved out
and termed Tandu, forming the easternmost part of the island. A line
joining Sukuban on the south and Limawa on the north divides Tandu
and Lu'uk.
The government thus organized was conducted in conformity with local
customs and laws modified to such an extent as not to be repugnant
and contrary to Mohammedan laws and the precepts of the Quran. To
preserve this consistency, a code of laws was made and promulgated
by Abu Bakr. This, once established, became the guide of all the
subordinate officers of the state, who, as a rule, observed it and
carried out its instructions. The general lines on which Abu Bakr
conducted his government seem to have been followed very closely by all
his successors. Such an adventurous and aggressive man as he was could
not have stopped within the limits of the island. In all probability
he pushed out in various directions, but no records have so far been
found which give any account of the conquests he made or the limits
of his empire. Abu Bakr lived thirty years in Sulu and died about 1480.
EARLY DAYS OF THE SULTANATE, 1480-1635
SUCCESSORS OF ABU BAKR
The dynasty founded by Abu Bakr ruled with a firmer hand and attained
considerable power and fame. The new organization establishing
law and order, consolidated the forces of the state and increased
its influence on the outside world. Islam added a new element of
strength and another stimulus to campaign and conquest. The Sulus never
exceeded 60,000 in number, yet we learn that, prior to the arrival of
Magellan, their power was felt all over Luzon and the Bisayan Islands,
the Celebes Sea, Palawan, North Borneo, and the China Sea, and their
trade extended from China and Japan, at the one extreme, to Malacca,
Sumatra, and Java at the other.
Abu Bakr was succeeded by his second son, Kamalud-Din. Alawad-Din,
the elder son, was weak-minded and was evidently not supported by
the ministers of the state. The next three sultans who followed
were Diraja, Upu, and Digunung. Their full names are, the Sultan
Amirul Umara [144] Maharaja Diraja, the Sultan Mu`izzul Mutawadi`in
[145] Maharaja Upu, the Sultan Nasirud-Din Awal [146] Digunung [147]
(or Habud [148]).
The sixth sultan was Mohammedul Halim [149] Pangiran Buddiman. During
his reign Governor Sandé equipped and directed large expeditions to
Borneo and Sulu. The armada sent to Sulu was commanded by Capt. Esteban
Rodriguez de Figueroa and reached the town of Jolo in June, 1578. It
is asserted that Rodriguez defeated Pangiran and exacted tribute from
the Sulus. Rodriguez, however, did not occupy Jolo, and no permanent
advantage was derived from his victory.
FIGUEROA'S EXPEDITION AGAINST SULU
This invasion marked the beginning of a state of war between Sulu
and Spain, which covered a period of three hundred years and caused
considerable devastation and loss of life. It cost Spain an immense
loss of men and money and finally brought on the decline of Sulu
and its end as an independent state. The magnitude of this strife,
its far-reaching effects, and its bearing on the Spanish and American
occupation of Sulu, invites special attention to the causes of the
war and the Sulu character which it depicts.
The expedition to Jolo formed part of and immediately followed the
expedition which was directed by Governor Sandé against Borneo. There
is no doubt that, besides the reasons Sandé gave for the expedition
to Borneo, he was really actuated by jealousy of the Portuguese,
whose influence had reached Bruney and the Moluccas, and by a strong
desire to conquer Borneo, Sulu, Mindanao, and the Moluccas. His
reasons for sending the expedition against Sulu are best given in
his letter of instructions to Capt. Rodriguez de Figueroa, which is
extremely interesting and is herein quoted in full: [150]
That which you, Capt. Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, shall
observe on the expedition which you are about to make, God our
Lord helping, is as follows:
From this city and Island of Borneo, God willing, you shall go
to the Islands of Sulu, where you shall endeavor to reduce that
chief and his people to the obedience of his Majesty. You shall
bargain with them as to what tribute they shall pay, which shall
be in pearls, as they are wont to give to the King of Bruney. You
shall exercise great care and, if possible, much mildness; for it
is of importance that those islands should not become depopulated;
therefore, in case they receive you peaceably, you shall treat
them well. And, in addition to the above, you must order that,
besides the tribute that they are to pay in pearls, they shall
obtain as many of them as possible, so that we, the Spaniards or
Castilians, may buy them; that they must trade with us from now on;
that every year Castilians will go to their lands with cloths and
merchandise from China, of whatever they shall declare that they
may need. You shall inform yourself of their needs; and if they
wish to come to our settlements you shall give them permission to
go freely to Manila and to come to Borneo, although not to steal.
Item: You shall find out from them the whereabouts of the artillery
and anchors of a ship lost there some three years ago; and you
shall seek it and see that it be brought you with all haste. You
shall keep close watch over the artillery, ammunition, vessels,
sails, and other like things pertaining to the armed fleet; and
you shall deprive them of those supplies, for it is notorious
that those people are common marauders.
And because of my information that the chief who calls himself
lord of Sulu is a Bornean, and owns houses in this city of Bruney;
that he fought against us in the naval battle, and that he fled
to Sulu, where he is now; and since I am told that he took two
galleys and three small vessels, artillery and ammunition, you
shall exercise the utmost despatch to obtain the said galleys,
vessels, artillery, and ammunition. If he acquiesce, you shall
give him a passport. You shall see whether he has any children;
and if so, you shall take one, and tell him that he must come to
see me in Bruney in February.
And, as I have said, this must be done if possible gently,
in order that no people may be killed. You shall tell him that
it will be to their advantage to be vassals of his Majesty and
our allies. If they do not act respectfully, and it shall be
necessary to punish them in another manner, you shall do so. And
inasmuch as the Sulus, as is well known, are open pirates, whose
only ambition is to steal, and to assault men in order to sell
them elsewhere--especially as they go annually for plunder among
all the Pintados [151] Islands, which are under his Majesty's
dominion--you shall try to ascertain the Pintados slaves among
them, in order to return such to their homes, especially those
who are Christians. And, as I have said, you shall deprive them
of such vessels as seem to be used for raids, leaving them their
fishing vessels, so that if the said lord of Sulu so desire, he
can come to confer reasonably with me. Thus you shall ascertain
who has vessels, and who can inflict injuries; and you shall
command them expressly to settle down on their land, to cultivate,
sow, and harvest, develop the pearl industry, and cease to be
pirates. You shall order them to raise fowls and cattle. You shall
try to ascertain their number, and bring it to me in writing, in
order that I may see it, together with the distance from these
islands to the Sulu Islands, information regarding the food,
water, and healthfulness of that land, and other things that may
occur to you. And you shall tell the people in my name that they
shall tame for me a couple of elephants, and that I shall send
for those animals and pay for them.
After having finished affairs in Sulu, if time permits, you shall,
God willing, go to the Island of Mindanao. There you shall try,
by the most convenient methods and with friendliness, to reduce
the chief of the river of Mindanao, and the other chiefs of that
island, and of those near by, to the obedience of his Majesty,
giving him to understand what they will gain in becoming his
Majesty's vassals and our allies, and in having trade with us.
And, in order that the tribute may not prevent them from making
peace with us, you shall not ask them for any tribute; but you
shall take what they give freely, and nothing more, and in such
form as they are willing to give. Thus you shall suit their
convenience in everything pertaining to them, and cause them to
understand the great expenses of his Majesty in this land. You
shall also tell them that the gain therefrom affects them chiefly,
since we come to teach them our civilization, and most of all
the service of God, our Lord, who created and redeemed them, and
of whom they are ignorant; and how to live in accord with natural
law, as is their obligation. For this purpose you shall tell them
that you are going to their land for two principal reasons:
The first is that they should cease to be pirates, who rob and
harry the weak, and enslave wherever and whomsoever they can,
selling their captives outside of their own island, and separating
them from their wives and children; and that they must cease to
commit other like cruelties and thefts, and must become good and
virtuous men, who shall grow to merit the second and principal
reason for going to their lands. You shall give them to understand
that they are ignorant of God, our Lord, who created and redeemed
them, so that when they know him they may serve him and become
good. It is quite evident that they will gain very much in these
things, and therefore it is right that they aid us and give us
something. This shall be at their own will, as above said.
Item: You shall order them not to admit any more preachers of
the doctrine of Mohammed, since it is evil and false, and that
of the Christians alone is good. And because we have been in
these regions so short a time, the lord of Mindanao has been
deceived by the preachers of Bruney, and the people have become
Moros. You shall tell them that our object is that he be converted
to Christianity; and that he must allow us freely to preach the
law of the Christians, and the natives must be allowed to go to
hear the preaching and to be converted, without receiving any
harm from the chiefs.
And you shall try to ascertain who are the preachers of the sect
of Mohammed, and shall seize and bring them before me and you
shall burn or destroy the house where that accursed doctrine has
been preached, and you shall order that it be not rebuilt.
Item: You shall order that the Indians [152] shall not go outside
of their island to trade; and you shall seize those vessels used
for plundering excursions, leaving them those which, in your
judgment, are used for trade and fishing. You shall take also
what artillery and ammunition they have.
You shall ascertain the harvest seasons and products of the land;
the gold mines and the places where they wash gold; the number
of inhabitants and their settlements; and their customs. You
must especially secure information regarding cinnamon, in order
to ascertain if it is found along the river, or if one must go
to Cavite for it, and why it is not as good as that which the
Portuguese take to Castilla. You shall ascertain how they cut
and strip it from the tree, and if it be of importance that it
dry on the tree, or in what other manner it should be treated,
for I have been told that that obtained from these districts in
the past has not been good and has not a good sale in Spain.
And, since it might happen that the people will not make peace,
and may offer fight, and show disrespect, then you shall punish
them as you deem best, taking special care not to trust them;
for it is evident that before all else they will, if possible,
commit some treachery. You must not await such an occasion,
for we know already their treachery against his Majesty's fleet
commanded by Villalobos, certain of whose men they killed under
assurances of safety; and they seized a boat. In that treachery
all the inhabitants of the islands were participants; for four
or five thousand of the said natives attacked one small boat,
which contained four or five Spaniards. Likewise many people
took part in the killing of the said Villalobos's master-of-camp,
and other soldiers, in that same year. You shall remind them of
these things, and warn them; for, from now on, we shall destroy
them and their generation.
And, since it might happen that, without any occasion of war
or peace, the said natives flee to the mountains, you shall
order that certain of the said natives summon them; and, when
they have come, you shall discuss the matter with them. If they
refuse to come, you shall, in conformity with your orders, remain
there a given time. And if they continue to refuse to come down,
you shall leave them, and shall return, without permitting their
houses to be burned or their palm trees to be cut down. Neither
shall anything be stolen from them; but you shall take only what
is absolutely necessary for food and the food and other things
necessary to provision your vessels for the return trip.
You shall try to secure information of the Island of Linboton,
as well as of Batachina and Celebes, so as to advise me thereof;
and you shall do this in accord with the time limit I have set
for you to make this exploration, and you shall observe the same
rule as in that of Mindanao.
In order that we may allot in encomiendas [153] whatever people
are found in these districts, you shall bring me a signed
notarial writ. Thus, as those lands have no other owner, the
natives thereof may be reduced to the obedience of his Majesty,
according to his will--and by war, if the natives begin it, so
that war on our part may be just, and that the same justice may
continue, so that we can compel them to obey, and impose tributes
upon them. You shall exercise much diligence in this and see to
it that these orders be carried out carefully and intelligently.
God willing, I shall be in Bruney by the end of the month of
January next--or, at the latest, by the eighth of February--with
the fleet and all the necessaries that must be brought from Manila,
and that which is here. And at that time your grace shall come to
Bruney with the fleet that you have, and with all the people that
you have or shall have in the Pintados, so that we may do here
whatever is proper for the service of his Majesty, to which we are
bound. These instructions must not be disregarded in any point,
unless I advise you to the contrary by letter. And to this end
you shall see that all who live and dwell there be commissioned
for the above, in addition to their own duties. Given at Bruney,
May twenty-three, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight.
If the natives of Mindanao or of any other place shall give
tribute according to the above, you shall act according to the
usual custom in these islands--namely, you shall take one-half
and place it to the account of his Majesty, while the other half
shall be distributed among the soldiers. Given ut supra.
Doctor Francisco de Sandé.
Before me:
Alonso Beltran,
His Majesty's notary.
REASONS FOR HOSTILITIES
The above shows clearly that Governor Sandé intended, first, to reduce
Sulu to a vassal state; second, to exact tribute in pearls; third,
to secure the trade of Sulu for the Spaniards; fourth, to punish the
Sultan of Sulu for the help he rendered the Sultan of Bruney against
the Spanish forces; fifth, to rescue the Christian slaves in Sulu;
sixth, to deprive the Sulus of their artillery and ammunition and of
all vessels except fishing vessels, in order to stop their piracy;
seventh, to compel the Sulus to become peaceful agriculturists;
eighth, to uproot the "accursed doctrine" of Mohammed and to convert
the Sulus to the Christian religion.
The leader of the expedition was directed to carry out these
instructions as carefully and as gently as possible; and there is
no reason to think that he failed to comply with his orders to the
letter. But no matter how careful and faithful Captain Rodriguez could
have been, it was not difficult for the Sulus to understand the purpose
of the expedition and the motives of the Spanish Government, and it
does not stand to reason that such people would yield to vassalage
and receive a direct insult to their religion without resentment
and without a struggle. Governor Sandé knew the reputation of the
Sulus, but he must have underestimated their strength and failed to
provide garrisons for the occupation of the conquered territory and
the protection of peaceful natives.
In January, 1579, Governor Sandé sent an expedition to Mindanao,
commanded by Capt. Gabriel de Ribera, under instructions similar to
those given to Captain Rodriguez. Ribera had additional orders to
visit Jolo and collect the tribute for that year, and special stress
was laid on procuring from the Sultan of Sulu "two or three tame
elephants." Ribera accomplished nothing in Mindanao; the natives
abandoned their villages and fled to the interior. On his return
to Kawite or Caldera, he met a deputation from Jolo, which brought
insignificant tribute and informed him of the existence of famine in
Sulu and the extreme distress of the people. He returned their tribute,
receiving in its place a cannon, which the Sulus had obtained from
a wrecked Portuguese galley. Ribera then returned to Cebu, without
producing any significant effect on conditions in Sulu.
In April, 1580, Governor Sandé was relieved by Governor Gonzalo
Ronquillo, who did not take the same interest in Borneo and
Sulu. In the same year the kingdom of Portugal and its rich eastern
colonies were annexed to the Spanish domain. No danger could then be
expected from the direction of Borneo and Sulu, and the ambitious
new Governor-General turned his attention to more desirable fields
of conquest.
Piracy was not the primary cause of this invasion of Sulu. Public
sentiment was not so strong against slavery in those days as it
is now; for the Spaniards and other leading civilized nations were
then diligently pursuing a profitable trade in it between the west
coast of Africa and the West Indies and America. Piracy is always a
crime among nations, but it can not be urged as the principal and
leading cause of this war or as sufficient reason in itself for
the early precipitation of such a deadly conflict between Sulu and
Spain. Religion, on the other hand, was declared by Governor Sandé
to be the "principal reason for going to their lands." He ordered
the Sulus not to admit any more preachers of Islam, but to allow
the Spanish priests to preach Christianity to them. The Mohammedan
preachers he directed to be arrested and brought to him, and the
mosques to be burned or destroyed and not to be rebuilt.
Part of the instructions the Adelantado [154] Miguel Lopez de Legaspi
received before embarking on his expedition to the Philippines read
as follows:
And you shall have especial care that, in all your negotiations
with the natives of those regions some of the religious
accompanying you be present, both in order to avail yourself of
their good counsel and advice, and so that the natives may see and
understand your high estimation of them; for seeing this, and the
great reverence of the soldiers toward them, they themselves will
hold the religious in great respect. This will be of great moment,
so that, when the religious shall understand their language,
or have interpreters through whom they may make them understand
our holy Catholic faith, the Indians shall put entire faith in
them; since you are aware that the chief thing sought after by
his Majesty is the increase of our holy Catholic faith, and the
salvation of the souls of those infidels. [155]
In 1566, a petition was sent from Cebu to the King of Spain, bearing
the signatures of Martin de Goiti, Guido de Labezari, and the other
leading officers under Legaspi, setting forth, among other requests,
the following:
That the Moros, "because they try to prevent our trade with the
natives and preach to them the religion of Mohammed," may be
enslaved and lose their property. That slave traffic be allowed,
"that the Spaniards may make use of them, as do the chiefs and
natives of those regions, both in mines and other works that
offer themselves." [156]
In a letter addressed to Legaspi King Philip II said:
We have also been petitioned in your behalf concerning the Moro
Islands in that land, and how those men come to trade and carry on
commerce, hindering the preaching of the holy gospel and disturbing
you. We give you permission to make such Moros slaves and to seize
their property. You are warned that you can make them slaves only
if the said Moros are such by birth and choice, and if they come
to preach their Mohammedan doctrine or to make war against you or
against the Indians, who are our subjects and in our royal service.
In a letter addressed to King Philip II Bishop Salazar writes, June
27, 1588, as follows:
The second point is that, in the Island of Mindanao, which is
subject to your Majesty, and for many years has paid you tribute,
the law of Mohammed has been publicly proclaimed, for somewhat more
than three years, by preachers from Bruney and Ternate who have
come there--some of them even, it is believed, having come from
Mecca. They have erected and are now building mosques, and the
boys are being circumcised, and there is a school where they are
taught the Quran. I was promptly informed of this, and urged the
president to supply a remedy therefor at once, in order that that
pestilential fire should not spread in these islands. I could not
persuade them to go, and thus the hatred of Christianity is there;
and we are striving no more to remedy this than if the matter did
not concern us. Such are the calamities and miseries to which we
have come, and the punishments which God inflicts upon us. [157]
In drawing a contract with Capt. Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, in
1591, for the pacification and conquest of Mindanao, the Governor
and Captain-General Gomez Perez Dasmariñas makes the following
declarations:
His Majesty orders and charges me, by his royal instructions and
decrees, as the most worthy and important thing in these islands,
to strive for the propagation of our holy faith among the natives
herein, their conversion to the knowledge of the true God, and
their reduction to the obedience of His holy church and of the
king, our sovereign. * * *
Moreover, the Island of Mindanao is so fertile and well inhabited,
and teeming with Indian settlements, wherein to plant the faith, *
* * and is rich in gold mines and placers, and in wax, cinnamon,
and other valuable drugs. And although the said island has been
seen, discussed, and explored, * * * no effort has been made
to enter and reduce it, nor has it been pacified or furnished
with instruction or justice--quite to the contrary being, at
the present time, hostile and refusing obedience to his Majesty;
and no tribute, or very little, is being collected. * * *
Besides the above facts, by delaying the pacification of the said
island greater wrongs, to the offense and displeasure of God and
of his Majesty, are resulting daily; for I am informed that the
king of that island has made all who were paying tribute to his
Majesty tributary to himself by force of arms, and after putting
many of them to death while doing it; so that now each Indian pays
him one tae [158] of gold. I am also told that he destroyed and
broke into pieces, with many insults, a cross that he found, when
told that it was adored by the Christians; and that in Magindanao,
the capital and residence of the said king, are Bornean Indians
who teach and preach publicly the false doctrine of Mohammed,
and have mosques; besides these, there are also people from
Ternate--gunners, armorers, and powder-makers, all engaged in
their trades--who at divers times have killed many Spaniards when
the latter were going to collect the tribute, * * * without our
being able to mete out punishment, because of lack of troops. By
reason of the facts above recited, and because all of the said
wrongs and troubles will cease with the said pacification; and,
when it is made, we are sure that the surrounding kingdoms of
Bruney, Sulu, Java, and other provinces, will become obedient
to his Majesty: therefore, in order that the said island may be
pacified, subdued, and settled, and the gospel preached to the
natives; and that justice may be established among them, and they
be taught to live in a civilized manner, and to recognize God and
His holy law, I have tried to entrust the said pacification to
a person of such character that he may be entrusted with it. [159]
It is plain, therefore, that the sentiment of the times justified war
on the Moros for the cause of religion alone, and that, though the
primary object was conquest, no doubt the religious motives of the
Spaniards were stronger than their desire to check piracy. But, of all
the Christian nations, the Spaniards should have been most aware of the
tenacity, determination, and courage with which the Mohammedans defend
their faith, and the Sulus were no exception to the rule, for they had
been born and reared in that religion for more than four generations.
A wiser policy on the part of Governor Sandé would have either let the
Moros of Sulu and Mindanao alone, or effected a complete reduction of
the state of Sulu and immediate occupation of the coasts of Mindanao
with strong forces; for it appears from all accounts that neither
the Sulus nor the Magindanaos were as strongly organized then as they
were a generation later, and either alliance or war should have been
easier then than afterwards.
The Spaniards at that time were excellent warriors. Their conquests
of the Bisayan Islands and Luzon were rapid and brilliant, but it
appears that the system of government which they inaugurated there
met with distinct failure the minute it was extended to the more
organized communities and the greater forces they encountered in the
south. The Sulus, on the other hand, fought in the defense of their
national independence and religion, and never found life too dear
to sacrifice in that cause. They resented the treatment of Spain,
and in their rage and desire for revenge built stronger forts and
fleets and became fiercer pirates.
RULE OF BATARA SHAH TANGAH
Pangiran must have died about 1579 and was followed by Sultan
Batara Shah Tangah, who is in all probability the Paquian or Paguian
Tindig of the Spanish writers. Tangah's claim to the sultanate was
strongly contested by his cousin, Abdasaolan [160] who ruled over
Basilan. The latter attacked Jolo with a strong force, but failed
to reduce its forts. Tangah, however, felt insecure and went to
Manila to request Governor Sandé's aid and returned to Sulu with
two Spanish armed boats (caracoas). [161] Abdasaolan, whose power
had in the meantime increased, prepared for defense and watched for
the advance of the Sultan's boat. Finding that the caracoas were at
a considerable distance from the Sultan's boat he manned two light
salisipans [162] with a strong force and dispatched them, with speed
to intercept Tangah. The Sultan's party was completely surprised,
and in the fight that resulted Tangah was killed. On reaching Jolo
the Spanish forces attacked the town. The Sulus fought valiantly,
but their fort was reduced. The officers in command of the caracoas
assembled the people and had Raja Bungsu, who was wounded in the fight,
elected sultan to succeed Tangah. The full title of Bungsu was "The
Sultan Muwallil Wasit Bungsu." [163]
FIGUEROA'S EXPEDITION AGAINST MINDANAO
In 1596 Capt. Esteban Rodriguez led an expedition into Mindanao,
for its conquest and pacification.
It is maintained that he proceeded up the Mindanao River as far as
Bwayan, the capital of the upper Mindanao Valley.
Don Esteban Rodriguez prepared men and ships, and what else was
necessary for the enterprise, and with some galleys, galleots,
frigates, vireys, [164] barangays, [164] and lapis, [165] set out
with two hundred and fourteen Spaniards for the Island of Mindanao,
in February of the same year, of 1596. He took Capt. Juan de la
Xara as his master-of-camp, and some religious of the Society
of Jesus to give instruction, as well as many natives for the
service of the camp and fleet.
He reached Mindanao River after a good voyage, where the first
settlements, named Tampakan and Lumakan, both hostile to the
people of Bwayan, received him peacefully and in a friendly
manner, and joined his fleet. They were altogether about six
thousand men. Without delay they advanced about 8 leagues
farther up the river against Bwayan, the principal settlement
of the island, where its greatest chief had fortified himself
on many sides. Arrived at the settlement, the fleet cast anchor
and immediately landed a large proportion of the troops with
their arms. But before reaching the houses and fort, and while
going through some thickets [cacatal] [166] near the shore, they
encountered some of the men of Bwayan, who were coming to meet
them with their kampilan, [167] carazas [168] and other weapons,
and who attacked them on various sides. The latter [i.e., the
Spaniards and their allies], on account of the swampiness of the
place and the denseness of the thickets [cacatal], could not act
unitedly as the occasion demanded, although the master-of-camp and
the captains that led them exerted themselves to keep the troops
together and to encourage them to face the natives. Meanwhile
Governor Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa was watching events from
his flagship, but not being able to endure the confusion of his
men, seized his weapons and hastened ashore with three or four
companions and a servant who carried his helmet in order that he
might be less impeded in his movements. But as he was crossing
a part of the thickets [cacatal] where the fight was waging,
a hostile Indian stepped out unseen from one side and dealt the
governor a blow on the head with his kampilan that stretched
him on the ground badly wounded. [169] The governor's followers
cut the Mindanao to pieces and carried the governor back to the
camp. Shortly after the master-of-camp, Juan de la Xara, withdrew
his troops to the fleet, leaving behind several Spaniards who had
fallen in the encounter. The governor did not regain consciousness,
for the wound was very severe, and died next day. The fleet after
that loss and failure left that place, and descended the river
to Tampakan, where it anchored among the friendly inhabitants
and their settlements.
The master-of-camp, Juan de la Xara, had himself chosen by the
fleet as successor in the government and enterprise. He built a
fort with arigues [170] and palms near Tampakan, and founded a
Spanish settlement to which he gave the name of Murcia. He began
to make what arrangements he deemed best, in order to establish
himself and run things independently of, and without acknowledging
the governor of Manila, without whose intervention and assistance
this enterprise could not be continued. [171]
Bwayan was 30 miles up the river and 25 miles above Magindanao
or Kotabato where Bwisan, the Sultan of Magindanao, was strongly
fortified. It is difficult to believe that Rodriguez could advance so
far even with a small scouting party. A careful review of the Spanish
reports referring to these early campaigns in Mindanao indicates that
Bwayan has been erroneously used in place of Magindanao, the ancient
capital of the sultanate of Magindanao.
Bent on the conquest of Mindanao, Governor Tello prepared another
expedition under Gen. Juan Ronquillo [172] and dispatched it by the
way of Cebu. At Caldera, it was joined by the fleet of Mindanao and
the whole force proceeded east in the direction of the Mindanao River,
on the 6th of February, 1597. Captain Chaves arrived with his frigates
at the river on the 8th of January. In a battle fought at Simway
to capture Moro vessels going to seek aid from Ternate he had a leg
cut off and received a shot in the helmet above the ear. Ronquillo
arrived at the mouth of the river on February 21, and on the 17th of
April he engaged a Moro fleet with 40 arquebusiers and defeated them,
killing a number of their brave men and some Ternatans without losing
any of his men except 5 Bisayans. Leaving a guard of 34 men under
Chaves at the fort of Tampakan he advanced up the river with a force
of 230 sailors and gunners. The enemy retired behind some parapets as
soon as the artillery opened upon them, and brought some artillery
to bear on the flagship (one of the galleys), but could not retard
the Spanish advance.
"I answered their fire with so great readiness," said Ronquillo in
his report, "that I forced them to withdraw their artillery. But,
as if they were goblins, they remained here behind a bush or a
tree, firing at us without being seen." Reinforced by the chief
of the hill tribes, Lumakan, with 500 natives, Ronquillo resumed
the fighting after the delay of a few days. "Finally," continued
Ronquillo, "I planted my battery of eight pieces somewhat over
100 paces from the fort. Although I battered the fort hotly, I
could not effect a breach through which to make an assault. All
the damage that I did them by day, they repaired by night. * * *
"I was very short of ammunition, for I had only 3,000 arquebus
bullets left, and very few cannon balls; and both would be spent
in one day's fighting, during which, should we not gain the fort,
we would be lost--and with no power to defend ourselves while
withdrawing our artillery and camp. * * *
"I reconnoitered the fort and its situation, for it is located
at the entrance of a lagoon, thus having only water at the back,
and swampy and marshy ground at the sides. It has a frontage of
more than 1,000 paces, is furnished with very good transversals,
and is well supplied with artillery and arquebuses. Moreover it
has a ditch of water more than 4 brazas [173] wide and 2 deep,
and thus there was a space of dry ground of only 15 paces where it
was possible to attack; and this space was bravely defended, and
with the greatest force of the enemy. The inner parts were water,
where they sailed in vessels, while we had no footing at all."
"Again, I reflected that those who had awaited us so long, had
waited with the determination to die in defense of the fort; and
if they should see the contest ending unfavorably for them, no one
would prevent their flight. Further, if they awaited the assault
it would cost me the greater part of my remaining ammunition,
and my best men; while, if the enemy fled, nothing would be
accomplished, but on the contrary a long, tedious, and costly
war would be entered upon. Hence, with the opinion and advice of
the captains, I negotiated for peace, and told them that I would
admit them to friendship under the following conditions:
"First, that first and foremost they must offer homage to his
Majesty, and pay something as recognition" (a gold chain). Second,
"that all the natives who had been taken from the Pintados Islands
[Bisayan Islands] last year, must be restored." Third, "that they
must break the peace and confederation made with the people of
Ternate, and must not admit the latter into their country." Fourth,
"that they must be friends with Danganlibor and Lumakan, * * *
and must not make war on their vassals." Fifth, "that all the
chiefs must go to live in their old villages." [174]
Ronquillo later reported the place indefensible and was authorized
to retire to Caldera.
Ronquillo must have advanced as far as the settlement of Kalangnan
or possibly Magindanao (Kotabato), the capital of Sultan Bwisan. The
report he rendered relative to the country, its people and chiefs,
is very interesting and an excerpt of the same is herewith quoted
because of its bearing on conditions throughout Moroland:
The leading chiefs collect tribute from their vassals. * * * These
Indians are not like those in Luzon, but are accustomed to power
and sovereignty. Some collect five or six thousand tributes. * * *
Hitherto it has not been possible to tell your lordship anything
certain of this country except that it will be of but little
advantage to his Majesty, but a source of great expense. It has
far fewer inhabitants than was reported, and all are very poor,
so that their breakfast consists only in cleaning their arms,
and their work in using them, and not in cultivating the land,
which is low and swampy in this river. There is no chief who can
raise 20 taes of gold. Rice is very scarce; in the hills is found
a small amount, which is used for food by the chiefs only. There
are some swine, and a few fowls that are very cunning, and less
fruit. [175]
These early expeditions of the Spaniards against the Moros undoubtedly
aroused in the latter a great desire for vengeance. The forces the
Spaniards sent to conquer Mindanao and Sulu were very small. Such
forces would have been strong enough to reduce any island of the
Bisayan group, or even Luzon, but against the Moros they proved
insufficient and inadequate. They however succeeded in provoking
bitter hostilities and marked the beginning of a long period of terror
and bloodshed.
MORO RAIDS [176]
In 1599 combined Moro fleets invaded and plundered the coasts of the
Bisayan Islands, Cebu, Negros, and Panay.
Captain Paches, who was in command of the fort of Caldera, attacked
the northern coast of the Island of Sulu. After landing at some point,
it was observed by the Sulus that his fuses were wet and that his
guns could not fire well. They then rushed his position, killed him,
and dispersed his forces.
The following year saw the return of a larger and still more
dreadful expedition. The people of Panay abandoned their towns
and fled into the mountains under the belief that these terrible
attacks had been inspired by the Spaniards. To check these
pirates, Juan Gallinato, with a force of 200 Spaniards, was sent
against Sulu, but like so many expeditions that followed his,
he accomplished nothing. * * * "From this time until the present
day" (about the year 1800), wrote Zuñiga, "these Moros have not
ceased to infest our colonies; innumerable are the Indians they
have captured, the towns they have looted, the rancherias they
have destroyed, and the vessels they have taken. It seems as
if God has preserved them for vengeance on the Spaniards that
they have not been able to subject them in two hundred years,
in spite of the expeditions sent against them, the armaments
sent almost every year to pursue them. In a very little while
we conquered all the islands of the Philippines, but the little
Island of Sulu, a part of Mindanao, and the other islands nearby,
we have not been able to subjugate to this day." [177]
Gallinatos's expedition occurred in 1602. [178] After three months of
protracted fighting at Jolo, he was unable to reduce the fortifications
of the town and retired to Panay.
In 1616 a large Sulu fleet destroyed Pantao in the Camarines and the
shipyards of Cavite and exacted large sums for the ransom of Spanish
prisoners. Moro fleets in 1625 sacked Katbalogan in Samar.
In 1628 Governor Tavora sent an expedition to Sulu under Cristobol
de Lugo. Cristobol disembarked half of his infantry, sacked the town
of Jolo, set part of it on fire and sailed back to Cebu.
In 1629 the Moros raided Samar and Leyte. In 1630 an armada composed
of 70 vessels and having 350 Spanish and 2,000 native soldiers, under
Lorenzo de Olaso Ochotegui, arrived at Jolo. Olaso misdirected his
forces and, advancing too near to the wall of the fort, was wounded
in his side and fell. He was rescued by the officers who followed him,
but the troops were demoralized and retired. The expedition, however,
landed at various points on the coast and burned and pillaged small
settlements. [179]
In the same year P. Gutierrez came to Mindanao on a mission to
Corralat. [180] On his return he met Tuan Baluka, wife of Raja Bungsu,
at Zamboanga. Baluka urged P. Gutierrez to delay his departure from
Zamboanga and warned him of the danger of meeting the Sulu expedition
under Datu Ache. He, however, continued on his way and was overtaken by
Datu Ache's force, but on account of the message and flag he delivered
to Ache from Tuan Baluka, he was allowed to proceed safely.
For some time the Jesuits had been urging upon the Philippine
Government the occupation of the southern coast of Mindanao. This
meant an advance into the enemy's camp and a bloody struggle for
supremacy in the southern seas. The consequences of such a step
were foreseen by the Government and very few governors would have
dared undertake such a grave responsibility. In 1635, Governor Juan
Cerezo de Salamanca was petitioned by the Jesuits to establish an
advance post of the Spanish forces at Zamboanga for the protection of
missionaries and the Christians who had to navigate in the southern
seas. Salamanca granted their request and sent Capt. Juan de Chaves,
who disembarked at Zamboanga on the 6th of April, 1635. The force under
Captain Chaves consisted of 300 Spanish and 1,000 native soldiers. In
June they began the construction of a stone fort on a plan designed by
the Jesuit missionary P. Melchor de Vera, who was an expert engineer.
The advantages to be derived from the position of this garrison
were demonstrated before the year was over. As a piratical fleet
was returning from Cuyo, Mindoro, and the Kalamian Islands, the
favorable opportunity was watched for, and as the two divisions of
the fleet separated, the Spanish forces pursued Corralat's pirates
and dealt them a deadly blow in the neighborhood of Point Flechas,
killing about 300 Moros and saving 120 Christian captives. [181]
FIRST SPANISH CONQUEST AND OCCUPATION OF SULU, 1635-1646
Gen. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera relieved Salamanca before the end
of the year 1635 and continued the same policy with additional vigor
and great ability. He quickly resolved upon attacking the Moros in
their own strongholds, and thought that by crushing their power at
home he would be able to put an end to their piratical raids.
He arrived at Zamboanga February 22, 1636, proceeded first to Mindanao,
fought Corralat and destroyed some of his forts and sailed back to
Manila. [182] Corcuera returned to Zamboanga in December, 1637,
and prepared for an expedition against Sulu. On January 1, 1638,
he embarked for Sulu with 600 Spanish soldiers, 1,000 native troops,
and many volunteers and adventurers. He had 80 vessels all told and
arrived at Jolo on the 4th. [183]
Anticipating an invasion, Sultan Bungsu had strengthened his
garrisons and called for aid and reënforcements from Basilan, Tapul,
and Tawi-tawi. On his arrival Corcuera found the town well fortified
and the enemy strongly intrenched. The Moros were well disciplined
and had a well organized guard. The forts occupied strategic points
and were strongly defended; the trenches were well laid, and the
Moros shot well and fought fearlessly.
Corcuera besieged the town with all his forces and attacked it
repeatedly and valiantly using powerful artillery, but he could not
reduce it. Several efforts to tunnel the walls or effect a breach in
them by mines were frustrated by the vigilance and intrepidity of
the Sulus. The siege lasted three months and a half, at the end of
which time the Sulus evacuated the town and retired to the neighboring
hills, where they intended to make the next stand. Corcuera, taking
possession of the town, reconstructed its forts and established three
posts, one on the hill, one at the river, and one on the sandbank in
front of the town. The garrison he established there consisted of 200
Spanish soldiers and an equal number of Pampangans, under the command
of Capt. Ginés Ros and Gaspar de Morales. In May Corcuera returned to
Manila with all the triumph of a conqueror, leaving Gen. Pedro Almonte,
the senior officer next to himself in command of the expedition, as
governor of Zamboanga and Ternate and chief of the forces in the south.
Soon after the establishment of the Jolo garrison, the Sulus under Datu
Ache attacked the soldiers in the quarry and killed a few Spaniards
and captured 40 Chinese and Negroes (galley slaves). This and other
depredations committed by the Sulus from time to time, some of which
were provoked by the ill behavior of the Spanish officers and troops,
forced Almonte in June, 1639, to come over to Sulu and take the field
a second time. With 3 captains and 1,200 Spanish and native soldiers,
he marched over the island, attacked the Sulus in their homes, burned
their houses and killed every man he could reach. It is said that he
hung 500 heads on the trees, liberated 112 Christian captives, and
captured quantities of arms. When he asked the Gimbaha Sulus (at one
of the settlements of Parang) to submit to the sovereignty of Spain,
they refused to recognize his authority, challenged his forces,
and fought him desperately. They wore helmets and armor and used
spears and swords. On one occasion, Captain Cepeda engaged them in
battle and returned with 300 captives, leaving on the field 400 dead,
a fearful lesson to those who survived. Cepeda lost 7 Spaniards and
20 natives only, but he had a large number wounded.
Not satisfied with the havoc he wrought on the Island of Sulu, and
desiring to follow and catch the fugitive sultan, Almonte invaded
the other large islands and followed the sultan and the datus all
over the Archipelago. At Tawi-tawi, however, he met with a reverse,
and the captain who led the expedition returned with considerable loss.
Soon after Almonte's departure, the Sulus who had fled returned
and lost no time or opportunity in harassing the garrison. Several
piratical excursions invaded the Bisayas and Camarines. Soon Dutch
vessels, invited by Sulu emissaries sent to Java, appeared in the
vicinity of Zamboanga and Jolo and threatened the Spanish garrison
and incited the Moros to resist the Spaniards and attack their
forces. Anticipating trouble with the Dutch, and foreseeing the
danger of maintaining a garrison at Jolo under the circumstances,
the Spaniards planned to evacuate the town. Accordingly on the 14th
of April, 1646, they left Jolo. Before withdrawing their troops,
they managed to make a treaty with the Sulus, which took the form of
an alliance both offensive and defensive. The purpose of the treaty
was declared to be the maintenance of peace between both parties and
mutual aid against foreign enemies. In case of assistance against a
foreign nation, the expenses of the war were to be defrayed by the
party requesting aid. The Spanish Government recognized the supreme
authority of the Sultan of Sulu from Tawi-tawi to Tutup and Pagahak,
reserving sovereignty rights for the King of Spain over Tapul, Siasi,
Balangingi, and Pangutaran only. In return for the evacuation of Jolo,
and as a sign of brotherhood, the Sultan of Sulu promised to send
yearly to Zamboanga three boats, 8 fathoms long, full of rice, and to
allow the Jesuit priests to come to Jolo unmolested. Other provisions
were inserted in the treaty for the exchange and redemption of slaves,
criminals, or others who happened to run away from Zamboanga to Sulu
and vice versa.
This treaty did not remain in force for any great length of time,
for we hear again in 1647 that the Sulus invaded the Bisayas and
harassed the vicinity of Zamboanga.
SULU SUPREMACY IN THE ARCHIPELAGO, 1647-1850
SUCCESSORS OF BUNGSU
Bungsu had a very long reign marked with reverses and misfortunes. He
died before 1640, and was succeeded by Sultan Nasirud Din II and Sultan
Salahud Din Karamat. The latter was known to the Spanish writers as
Baktial, which was his Sulu name before the sultanate. During the
reign of Karamat the Philippines were threatened by a Chinese invasion
from the north and by war with Holland, and the government, under the
circumstances, decided to abandon Zamboanga and the Moluccas. This
purpose they carried out in 1663. In the days of Karamat the Sulus
became very active and made many raids in various directions. The
decline of Spain's political power and her inactivity in the century
that followed the evacuation of Zamboanga caused obscurity in the
Spanish records of the history of Sulu and Mindanao. The events of
this century are, with few exceptions, lacking in significance and
interest. [184]
The sultans who followed Karamat are, in the order of their succession,
Shahabud Din, Mustafa Shafi`ud Din, Badarud Din I, Nasarud Din,
and Alimud Din I, better known as Amirul Mu'minin (Ferdinand I of
Sulu). The first three were brothers, the sons of Karamat, while the
last two were the sons of Badarud Din.
In 1718 Governor Bustamante reoccupied Zamboanga for the purpose
of waging war against piracy. "The citadel (Fuerza del Pilar) was
rebuilt on an elaborate plan under the direction of the engineer, Juan
Sicarra. Besides the usual barracks, storehouses, and arsenals, there
were, within the walls, a church, a hospital, and quarters for the
Pampangan soldiers. Sixty-one cannon were mounted upon the defenses."
In 1725, a Chinese named Ki Kuan was sent to Manila to arrange for
peace and returned with two Spanish commissioners, who made a treaty
with the sultan of Sulu providing for trade between Manila and Jolo,
the return or ransom of captives, and the ceding to Spain of the
Island of Basilan. Notwithstanding this treaty Moro raids continued
either by toleration of the sultan and datus or at their instigation.
In 1730 a brother of the sultan commanded an expedition of 31
vessels, which attacked the fort of Taytay and ravaged the coast of
Palawan. Another expedition spent nearly a whole year cruising and
destroying among the Bisayas.
In retaliation a large Spanish fleet united at Zamboanga and, under
Ignacio de Irebri and Manuel del Rosal, invaded the shores of Sulu and
ravaged and burned some settlements. At Bwal they found the settlement
well protected and extensively fortified, so they contented themselves
with destroying some plantations and burning outlying houses. At
Tapul considerable damage was inflicted. A force of 600 disembarked,
dispersed the Sulus, burned their settlements, destroyed many farms,
the salt works, and many boats, and returned to Zamboanga. In 1732
similar raids were made and hostilities continued until 1737.
REIGN OF SULTAN ALIMUD DIN I
One of the earliest events in the reign of Alimud Din I was his
ratification of the treaty of 1737. The sultan was represented
in Manila by Datu Mohammed Ismael and Datu Ja`far, who signed the
document. The treaty was drawn in January, 1737, by Governor-General
Fernando Valdés y Tamon and contained five articles.
The first article declared the determination of both parties to
preserve permanent peace between the two states, all differences or
grievances to be settled amicably, and hostilities between subjects
or vassals to be strictly prohibited and punished; the second provided
for alliance and mutual aid against any foreign foe. European nations
were, however, excluded from the provisions of this article; the third
provided for free trade between the two states, restricted by the use
of passports to be issued by superior authority; the fourth provided
that each state should be held responsible for all infractions of
the peace committed by its subjects and should be bound to punish the
same and make proper amends to the proper party; the fifth provided
for the exchange of captives and return of all church images and
ornaments in the possession of the Sulus.